Polski system medialny na rozdrożu: media w polityce, polityka w mediach
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Wrocław
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego
2011
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis
3298 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | PST: Polish media system at a crossroads Includes bibliographical references (pages 190-211) and indexes |
| Beschreibung: | 224 pages Ill., graph. Darst. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788322931837 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | Polish Media System at a Crossroads
Media in Politics, Politics in Media
Summary
De-professionalization of journalism in Poland
In Poland the level of journalistic professionalism is definitely lower than in the Democratic
Corporatist
and Liberal Models. As far as autonomy, public interest service and instrumentalization
are concerned, it is much closer to the Polarized Pluralist Model. As for media accountability and
transparency, the key stakeholders, such as political parties, politicians, political leaders and media
owners, treat the media as a means of achieving their goals. However, Poland is not a copy of Spain,
Italy, Portugal or Greece. The biggest media conglomerates based on industry (e.g. construction in¬
dustry in Italy
—
Berlusconi, telecommunication industry in Spain, naval, tourist and oil industries in
Greece) have never been set up here or adapted from abroad. If they do not exist here, one cannot talk
about the integration or connection of the media and journalists with big business. On the other hand,
in Southern Europe this might be observed by the operations of national media organizations and
industrial companies. In Poland, like in many countries in Central and Eastern Europe, the examples
might be seen in the case of foreign media groups (both on the press and radio market).
The autonomy of Polish journalists, despite the existence of developed societies, watchdog
agencies, ethical and moral codes, is seriously limited by instrumentalization and a weak consensus
of journalistic standards. Media regulation at different levels is another problem. Self-regulation
and co-regulation mechanisms have been widely discussed in Poland after the country joined the
European Union. Media self-regulation is a process that has lasted in Poland for years and which
was significantly accelerated by Poland s accession to the European Union. An external factor should
be taken into consideration
—
the influence of the European and international organizations, such
as the European Union, the Council of Europe, UNESCO, etc., which encourages or demands that
new member states adjust their laws and regulations to the standards and resolutions in force there.
Through legal resolutions and state intervention in the media system co-regulation mechanisms hap¬
pen in Poland too, but still too slowly. The most significant are the solutions in the area of the ethics
of journalists, the standards of publishers and broadcasters. As a member of the European Union,
Poland is obliged to respect the Union s standards on the level of national laws and self-regulation
but there is a visible gap between the desired and existing journalistic norms and practices.
The analysis of journalistic professionalism in Poland suggests that at the legal level as well as
the level of accepted regulations it has a lot of features typical of the Democratic
Corporatist
Model
or the Liberal Model, but it is a misleading assumption. As K. Jakubowicz argues, despite economic
reforms, democratization, demonopolization, autonomization and decentralization, professionalism
is still essential for maintaining the free media (Jakubowicz,
2002).
The author claims that despite
the fact that some elements of professionalization have already appeared, the tradition of politicized
journalism is still deeply rooted in Poland. The majority of journalists have been far from objectiv¬
ism and represented biased political stance. Paradoxically, they have been convinced that their civic
responsibility demands their personal involvement in the political course of events.
186
Summary
There is no clear answer to the question about the level of professionalism represented by the
Polish journalists. It is advisable to agree with K. Hadamik
(2005)
who claims that it is a kind of
combination of the old and the new elements of journalistic professionalism. She believes that, on
the one hand, a lot of values of the journalistic culture still exist but, on the other hand, this culture
evolves and modernizes itself under the influence of global development trends. Polish journalism,
which is not an isolated island on the world map, is affected by all global problems, such as de-pro-
fessionalization, the lowering of the journalistic standards due to commercialization
—
a tendency
towards tabloidization of the political content, sensationalization, exposure of conflicts and the
horse-race pattern coverage.
Global trends are reflected in the culture of Polish journalists, who, despite the ongoing pro¬
cess of structure flattening, described by W.
Donsbach (2010),
are still considerably different as far
as institutional roles within the range of the extent of intervention of political actors, the distance
towards the authorities and the adaptation of the market model are concerned. Significant distinc¬
tions are noticeable in the area of journalistic skills and the application of professional rules such as
objectivism, neutrality, truth, factuality, reliability, honesty, or source balancing (McQuail,
2007).
The discrepancy is also noticeable in the third component of the journalistic culture
—
the ethics and
the values professed by its representatives.
Media logic in attack
Twenty years is not enough to talk about the development of permanent systemic features.
On the other hand, the period of two decades is long enough to gather sufficient empirical data to
underline some general tendencies and directions of changes by now.
Political parallelism has several dimensions which allow the researcher to determine whether
or not it is present in a given media system. In addition, it is also possible to define the level and
form it takes. Dimensions of political parallelism include political bias, the degree of mass media
partisanship, the degree of media-political elite integration, and the dominant model of relations
between political actors and mass media. In order to diagnose the presence of parallelism, one needs
to confirm the presence of all its determinants. Our analysis showed that all political parties ruling
after
1989
followed the party logic and aimed at the colonization of the media. However, the devel¬
opment of commercial media with their strongly articulated logic turned out to be a serious obstacle
to achieving the goal. Political instrumentalization concentrated in the area of the mainstream media
in case of public service radio, public service television, and after
2006
has also been observed in
daily newspaper
Rzeczpospolita.
Political parallelism has its roots in a developed party system, where political parties are strong
and can count on both the loyal electorate as well as faithful media organizations that do not change
their preferences each time elections take place. Polish political parties have a short history, and
hence relationships or close connections as in the case of some Spanish and Greek dailies (not to
mention Italy and Berlusconi s
Mediaset)
have not been created. In countries classified by D.
Hallin
and P.
Mancini
as belonging to the Polarized Pluralist Model, the consolidation of the party system
and the party rooting in society is higher. However, private media do not change their preferences
each time elections take place, and public service media support the party that wields power or the
one that controls them at a given moment.
Polish media are very diverse in their relations with political actors. Some of them are very
unstable in their sympathies, or economically or politically instrumentalized. They gave conditional
and economic support to parties whose existence was sometimes shorter than the media presence in
the market. Commercial nation-wide media have managed to achieve political autonomy but they
did not manage to avoid economic pressure from the owners and advertisers. The market model
Summary
187
has displaced the public sphere model and media logic is dominant in this segment. Public service
broadcasting turned out to be weak and lost the battle for independence. This has been caused by
the lack of strong professional ethics of the journalists who often joined the post-electoral purges
and thus eliminated the colleagues that sympathized with the party that had just lost the elections.
Nowadays the journalistic bias is an obvious element and it does not raise any objections among the
representatives of the profession, who consider their political involvement as advantage. A similar
attitude can be noticed among political elites, which do not regard their control over public broad¬
casting service as something they should be blamed for. Quite the contrary
—
they sometimes think
this is something that the winner is entitled to.
After the fall of communism in
1989
no political parallelism with all its features and qualities
typical of Southern European countries, like Italy or Spain, was created. The media are partisan,
while the other indicators of political parallelism do not exist at all or are very weakly developed.
In this context, it is definitely better to talk about political instrumentalization of the media instead
of political parallelism. Media are used by political actors if the circumstances are favorable, e.g.
public service broadcasting, supporting the process of politicization. On the other hand, media are
used by media owners, which leads to commercialization and tabloidization. Maybe we should agree
with P.
Mancini,
who claims that politically neutral media are a part of history. Technology fosters
fragmentation and it in turn stimulates the development of committed journalism which is closer to
political parties
{Polska śródziemnomorska,
2011).
In this context, the changes and development
tendencies of the Polish media system are typical as for the other countries and should not come as
a surprise.
Political bias vs. structural bias
On the one hand, we do not observe the phenomenon of political parallelism at the level of na¬
tion-wide commercial TV and radio stations or in case of
Gazeta Wyborcza,
tabloids and opinion
weekly magazines. On the other hand, public service broadcasting and
Rzeczpospolita
after
2006
do not fit into this scheme. In this case the notions of systemic parallelism (Jakubowicz, 2007c) and
political instrumentalization seem to emphasize the features of the Polish system today.
Commercial radio and TV stations are autonomous in creating the contents of political and
journalistic programs. They follow their own logic. Their reactions are definitely more similar to
the media in the Liberal Model. Support for political parties in those cases is rare, unpredictable,
temporary or it does not take place at all. A critical attitude to political actors defined as negativism
prevails (Farnsworth,
Lichter,
2008).
In their case it is proper to talk about structural bias
—
the
criticism of all political actors. This criticism, sometimes very strong, e.g. TVN
ví.
Law and Justice
(PiS) or RMF
FM
ví.
Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Law and Justice (PiS), and often devoid of
objectivism, can be treated as a kind of market strategy. Opinion polls show that public trust in cer¬
tain politicians is low (B. Komorowski, R. Sikorski, D. Tusk) or very low (J. Kaczynski, J. Palikot)
(Zaufanie
do
polityków,
2010).
In the
2006
polls only
5
percent of respondents indicated politicians
as the group that serves public interest. At the same time
40
percent indicated that journalists serve
the public interest and over
57
percent defined them as honest, reliable and trustworthy. Such a high
estimation for journalists and such a low one for politicians distinguishes Poland from many Western
countries. It might affect the way the journalists themselves perceive the political elites. Maintaining
public support, they feel entitled to strong criticism of the whole political class. Negativism and me¬
dia criticism are to help attract or hold viewers disappointed with politics. The difference consists in
who gets criticized more strongly and more often and who gets criticized less strongly and less often.
This kind of partisanship based on criticism of all political actors, and of those who exercise
power in particular, is present in many countries classified by D.
Hallin
and P.
Mancini
as the
De-
188
Summary
mocratic
Corporatist
Model, e.g. in Germany and Sweden. It is defined as structural bias, which is
more clearly seen in the horse-race pattern coverage than in the issues coverage.
Trying to maintain internal pluralism, commercial media have for long invited representatives
of different political parties to comment on the current affairs. However, their selection has been
guided by interviewers popularity and attractiveness, so they chose the same politicians and experts.
Generally, they emphasized the background, interpretation and opinion, but the interpretation and
commentary dominated the information and report. In this context Polish journalism is closer to
French and Italian journalism than to Anglo-Saxon or German, which is based on information, even
though in the last decades there has been a decrease in the amount of hard news and an increase in
soft news, interpretation and opinion. On the other hand, Polish journalists working for private media
are not as politically involved as Greek or Spanish journalists and media logic makes their behavior
and media coverage closer to the tendencies observed in the USA.
A high exposition of aggression in the political discourse is typical of the structural bias and
the horse-race pattern coverage, especially in case of PiS. A content analysis showed that from
November
2009
to November
2010
more than
25
percent of the news dedicated to this party was
characterized by aggressive tone of coverage.
It is important to emphasize that the media themselves are different when it comes to media
coverage. Despite progressive tabloidization,
TVN pays a
lot of attention to political news, and tries
to maintain high standards of journalism. TVN is not moving away from politics, and makes attempts
towards the development of honest and fair news coverage. TV Polsat and RMF
FM
are typical
commercial media where the direction of the development is determined by profit and the standard
of news programs is rather low. In case of these media, one can talk about the strategy of escapism
and concentration on entertainment in their offer and about the marginalization of the news program.
Radio
Zet
has recently joined the group as well. Similar conclusions can be drawn from the analysis
of the tabloids.
Fakt
and Super Express cover politics using the same logic
—
economic results
and profit instead of the party logic
—
political actors best interests.
A specific place in the media system is occupied by two quality newspapers
—
Gazeta
Wybor¬
cza
and
Rzeczpospolita.
Although both newspapers have no formal relations with particular polit¬
ical party, the level of partisanship in both cases is very high. Since its launch
Gazeta Wyborcza
has
opted for liberal values and supported the left wing of the political scene.
Rzeczpospolita
has been
involved in politics since
2006
supporting one political party
—
PiS and its leaders. The editors of
these two newspapers have taken their place on the opposite sides of the political scene which have
resulted in deep conflict between them.
A decade after D.
Hallin
and P.
Mancini
presented their Three Models of the media systems,
the authors have recently admitted that fundamental changes have occurred inside them. Partisanship
and political involvement, embodied by news foxification, appeared in the Liberal Model in the
USA, the quality of news media was drastically lowered and so was journalistic professionalism.
Traditionally politicized and publicly active media, which represent a high standard of professional¬
ism in the Democratic
Corporatist
Model, are gradually supplanted by the red top tabloids, and con¬
centration of ownership and commercialization is proceeding. The Polarized Pluralist Model, where
political parallelism and the state s dominant role are still unchanged, has not changed dramatically.
Still, there is no space for tabloids in the market, and politicized media owners affiliated to political
parties stick to their views.
What is the situation like in Poland? The Polish media system is now at a crossroads between
the Liberal and the Polarized Pluralism tendencies. However, one can notice that when it comes to
media coverage it also shares some features relevant to the Democratic
Corporatist
Model.
It can be assumed that media digitalization and the development of newer technologies will
foster the process of fragmentation. On the one hand, politicians will probably lose domination over
Summary
189
public service media, which are not very certain to survive due to the number of offers, but if they do,
it is not clear what form they will take. It might soften the process of their politicization as politicians
will not be able to control the contents of the digital media. Commercial media will probably leave
the public sphere, escapism becoming their most convenient strategy. On the other hand, it is also
possible that the fragmentation will be observed. Even the smallest social groups might have their
own media which could be even more biased. Finally, what is the future of local media? Their future
is the biggest mystery. Maybe citizens will take matters into their own hands and will replace the
ossified media that are often loyal to the local authorities with their own teams open to the problems
of the community. At this stage all the options seem to be possible.
Spis
tresei
Wstęp
..................................................................
И
Rozdział
1.
Polscy dziennikarze i ich kultura zawodowa
.................. 23
1.1.
Profesjonalizm dziennikarski a kultura dziennikarska
—
rozważania wstępne
........ 25
1.2.
Charakter i struktura grupy zawodowej dziennikarzy
........................... 28
1.2.1.
Rozwój szkolnictwa zawodowego po
1989
r. i problem dostępu do zawodu
.... 29
1.2.2.
Charakterystyka zawodowa dziennikarzy
............................... 31
1.3.
Autonomia dziennikarska
................................................ 42
1.4.
Normy i etyka zawodowa
................................................ 46
1.4.1.
Kodeksy etyki dziennikarskiej i uregulowania normatywne
................. 46
1.4.2.
Praktyka stosowania norm etycznych
.................................. 49
1.5.
Dziennikarstwo jako służba interesowi publicznemu
........................... 52
1.6.
Instrumentalizacja a instytucjonalne role mediów
.............................. 54
1.7.
System odpowiedzialności mediów (Media
Accountability
System)
................ 58
Podsumowanie: Deprofesjonalizacja zawodu w Polsce
............................. 62
Rozdział
2.
Media masowe w logice aktorów politycznych
............... 64
2.1.
Logika partyjna a logika mediów
.......................................... 65
2.2.
Pojęcie i wymiary
paralelizmu
politycznego
.................................. 68
2.2.1.
Wyznaczniki stronniczości politycznej
.................................. 69
2.2.2.
Stopień upartyjnienia mediów
........................................ 78
2.2.3.
Stopień integracji personelu mediów i elit politycznych
.................... 81
2.2.4.
Modele relacji aktorów politycznych i mediów masowych
................. 83
2.3.
System partyjny a system medialny w Polsce
—
wzajemne zależności
............. 87
2.3.1.
Demokratyzacja systemu politycznego a paralelizm polityczny
.............. 88
2.3.2.
Polski system partyjny i jego odbicie w mediach w drugiej dekadzie demokra¬
tycznych zmian
................................................... 93
2.3.3.
Konsekwencje interwencji aktorów politycznych w system medialny
......... 97
2.4.
Logika polskich partii politycznych w ich relacjach z mediami
................... 103
2.4.1.
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość
............................................. 104
2.4.2.
Platforma Obywatelska
............................................. 108
2.4.3.
Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej
...................................... 109
2.4.4.
Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
......................................... 111
Podsumowanie: Brak
paralelizmu
politycznego, logika mediów w natarciu
............. 112
Rozdział
3.
Mediatyzacja polityki
—
dziennikarze i politycy w procesie
tworzenia zawartości mediów
........................................... 115
3.1.
Mediatyzacja i je} konsekwencje w nagłośnieniu polityki w mediach
.............. 116
3.1.1.
Pojęcie i wymiary mediatyzacjt polityki
................................ 116
3.1.2.
Wskaźniki mediatyzacjt polityki
...................................... 119
8
Spis
tresei
3.1.3.
Typy nagłośnienia medialnego
........................................ 123
3.1.4.
Formy i praktyki stronniczości mediów
................................ 129
3.2.
Nagłośnienie polityki w głównych mediach ogólnopolskich
..................... 131
3.2.1.
Zaangażowanie polityczne dzienników ogólnokrajowych
.................. 131
3.2.2.
Fenomen polskiego rynku czasopism opiniotwórczych
.................... 141
3.2.3.
Paralelizm systemowy nadawców publicznych
........................... 150
3.2.4.
Negatywizm prywatnych stacji radiowych i telewizyjnych
................. 157
Podsumowanie: Stronniczość polityczna
versus
stronniczość strukturalna
............. 166
Zakończenie
............................................................ 169
Aneksy
.................................................................. 174
Summary
................................................................. 185
Literatura
................................................................. 190
Indeks nazwisk
............................................................. 212
Indeks nazw i pojęć
......................................................... 217
Spis rysunków, tabel i ilustracji
............................................... 225
Contents
Introduction
............................................................ 11
Chapter
1.
Polish journalists and their professional culture
................ 23
1.1.
Journalistic professionalism and journalistic culture some conceptual remarks
.... 25
1.2.
Characteristic and structure of Polish journalists
............................... 28
1.2.1.
Development of journalistic education after
1989
and access to profession
.... 29
1.2.2.
Characteristic of Polish journalists
.................................... 31
1.3.
Journalistic autonomy
.................................................... 42
1.4.
Norms and professional ethic
.............................................. 46
1.4.1.
Codes of journalistic ethics and normative regulations
..................... 46
1.4.2.
Hthical norms in journalistic practice
.................................. 49
1.5.
Public service orientation of journalism
..................................... 52
1.6.
Instrumentalization and institutional roles of media
............................ 54
1.7.
Media Accountability System
.............................................. 58
Summary: De-profcssionalization of journalism in Poland
.......................... 62
Chapter
2.
Mass media in the party logic
................................. 64
2.1.
Party logic vs. media logic
................................................ 65
2.2.
Concept and indicators of political parallelism
................................ 68
2.2.1.
Dimensions of political partisanship
................................... 69
2.2.2.
Degree of media politicization
........................................ 78
2.2.3.
Integration s level of media personnel and political elites
................... 81
2.2.4.
The relationships models of political actors with media
................... 83
2.3.
Party system vs. media system in Poland
—
relationship
........................ 87
2.3.1.
Democratization of political system and political parallelism
................ 88
2.3.2.
Party system and its reflection in media in the second decade of democratic changes
93
2.3.3.
Consequences of political actors intervention in media
.................... 97
2.4.
Party logic of Polish parties in their relationship with media
.....................
1
03
2.4.1.
Law and Justice
(Prawo i Sprawiedliwość)
.............................. 104
2.4.2.
Civic Platform
(Platforma Obywatelska)
................................ 108
2.4.3.
Democratic Left Alliance
(Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej)
................ 109
2.4.4.
Polish Peasant Party
(Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe)
.......................
Ill
Summary: The lack of political parallelism, the media logic in attack
.................. 112
Chapter
3.
Mediatization and coverage of politics in media
............... 115
3.1.
Mediatization and its consequences for news media coverage
.................... 116
3.1.1.
Concept and dimensions of the mediatization of politics
................... 116
3.1.2.
Indicators of the mediatization of politics
............................... 119
10
Contents
3.1.3.
Models of news media coverage
...................................... 123
3.1.4.
Forms and practices of media bias
..................................... 129
3.2.
News media coverage in the Polish mainstream media
.......................... 131
3.2.1.
Political entrenched coverage of the dailies
.............................. 131
3.2.2.
Phenomenon of the weekly magazines
................................. 141
3.2.3.
Systemic parallelism of public broadcasters
............................. 150
3.2.4.
Negativism of commercial broadcasters
................................ 157
Summary: Political bias vs. structural bias
....................................... 166
Conclusion
............................................................. 169
Annex
................................................................... 174
Summary
................................................................. 185
Bibliography
.............................................................. 190
Index of names
............................................................ 212
Index of names and terms
.................................................... 217
List of charts, tables, and illustrations
.......................................... 225
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Dobek-Ostrowska, Bogusława 1955- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)173050212 |
| author_facet | Dobek-Ostrowska, Bogusława 1955- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Dobek-Ostrowska, Bogusława 1955- |
| author_variant | b d o bdo |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV039846278 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)772459538 (DE-599)BVBBV039846278 |
| era | Geschichte 1989-2011 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1989-2011 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Polen Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV039846278 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:12:34Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788322931837 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024706106 |
| oclc_num | 772459538 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 224 pages Ill., graph. Darst. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis |
| series2 | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis / Komunikowanie i Media |
| spelling | Dobek-Ostrowska, Bogusława 1955- Verfasser (DE-588)173050212 aut Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska Polish media system at a crossroads Wrocław Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego 2011 224 pages Ill., graph. Darst. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3298 Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis / Komunikowanie i Media PST: Polish media system at a crossroads Includes bibliographical references (pages 190-211) and indexes Geschichte 1989-2011 gnd rswk-swf Mass media / Poland Mass media / Political aspects / Poland Communication in politics / Poland Political campaigns / Poland Massenmedien Politik Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 gnd rswk-swf Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd rswk-swf Medienpolitik (DE-588)4074660-4 gnd rswk-swf Polen Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 s Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 s Geschichte 1989-2011 z DE-604 Medienpolitik (DE-588)4074660-4 s Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3298 (DE-604)BV004668106 3298 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024706106&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024706106&sequence=000006&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Dobek-Ostrowska, Bogusława 1955- Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis Mass media / Poland Mass media / Political aspects / Poland Communication in politics / Poland Political campaigns / Poland Massenmedien Politik Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Medienpolitik (DE-588)4074660-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4037877-9 (DE-588)4046514-7 (DE-588)4074660-4 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach |
| title_alt | Polish media system at a crossroads |
| title_auth | Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach |
| title_exact_search | Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach |
| title_full | Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska |
| title_fullStr | Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska |
| title_full_unstemmed | Polski system medialny na rozdrożu media w polityce, polityka w mediach Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska |
| title_short | Polski system medialny na rozdrożu |
| title_sort | polski system medialny na rozdrozu media w polityce polityka w mediach |
| title_sub | media w polityce, polityka w mediach |
| topic | Mass media / Poland Mass media / Political aspects / Poland Communication in politics / Poland Political campaigns / Poland Massenmedien Politik Massenmedien (DE-588)4037877-9 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Medienpolitik (DE-588)4074660-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Mass media / Poland Mass media / Political aspects / Poland Communication in politics / Poland Political campaigns / Poland Massenmedien Politik Medienpolitik Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024706106&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024706106&sequence=000006&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV004668106 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT dobekostrowskabogusława polskisystemmedialnynarozdrozumediawpolitycepolitykawmediach AT dobekostrowskabogusława polishmediasystematacrossroads |