Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Ukrainian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Chmelʹnycʹkyj
Inst. Ukraïnsʹkoï Archeohrafiï ta Džereloznavstva Imeni M. S. Hruševsʹkoho NAN Ukraïny
2011
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., ukrain. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 350 S., [8] Bl. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789661502276 |
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| 264 | 1 | |a Chmelʹnycʹkyj |b Inst. Ukraïnsʹkoï Archeohrafiï ta Džereloznavstva Imeni M. S. Hruševsʹkoho NAN Ukraïny |c 2011 | |
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| adam_text | SUMMARY
The consequences of the Crimean War of
1853-56
created an extraordinary
social and political atmosphere in the Russian Empire, where autocracy lost for
some time the ability to pursue traditional policy of forceful pressure on their
citizens. This reality had particularly undesirable consequences for the authorities
in the western outskirts of the empire, particularly in the Right Bank Ukraine. Here
the local Polish gentry started consistent struggle to meet its national interests, with
the goal of rebuilding their country. Moreover, national and cultural efforts of
Polish found support among the Russian educated public for a long time. Thus, a
situation was created where autocracy could rely neither on the Polish gentry, nor
on the Russian nobility as a social resistance to their own government. And
therefore, there was a need to find another, new mechanism of administration in
the Right Bank Ukraine.
This new mechanism was the policy of nationalization of the common
consciousness (i.e., formation of mass consciousness beliefs about personal
involvement in everything that makes the concept of the fatherland). Actually, the
policy of nationalization is regarded here as peculiar way (and sometimes
technology) of purposeful mobilization of mass spirit. In particular, the authority
of the empire sought to apply the technology of the nationalization to form from
the silent masses of humble individuals
-
subjects
-
a united community of
ideologically (similar to the nation) committed to themselves (i.e. to the throne and
the empire-homeland) supporters.
However, in the mid-nineteenth century the Empire faced the opposition of
three different national and cultural views, three separate political traditions, each
of them differently designed the future of the Right Bank Ukraine
-
Polish,
Russian and Ukrainian national elites clashed in a competitive rivalry between
three different projects of the nation formation in the Right Bank Ukraine. In other
words, in the conditions of a weak public administration system of the Russian
Empire in the mid-nineteenth century there appeared the possibility of free
demonstration of civic activity for a certain period of time, and consequently
-
national elites of Poles, Russians and Ukrainians were apparently able to express
themselves openly. Each of them demonstrated their own level of maturity and
readiness to defend national interests, and in addition, there was revealed the
content of political ambitions and visions of the mentioned elites of the political
future, i.e. the future of Poles, Russians and Ukrainians, based on the realities of
their stay, at that time, under the scepter of the Russian Empire.
The study in the ethnic Polish-Russian-Ukrainian relations of the mid-
nineteenth century on the Ukrainian territory on the Right Bank leads to a number
of conclusions.
-
The processes that took place during
1856-1862
in the Russian Empire
caused a turning point in politics led by the imperial authorities in all areas of the
state, including the field of social regulation (relations with the sovereignty of
states and different social strata of their own nationals) and inter-ethnic relations.
In the conditions of forced retreat of authorities from the traditional, established
policy a unique atmosphere of openness, activity and courage in public statements
of representatives of different strata and different nationalities in their attitude to
power, i.e. in the presentation of the relationship between autocracy and subjects,
developed in the community.
-
The sources of the turning point and therefore the impetus for reforms in
the Russian Empire in the mid-nineteenth century became the results of the
Crimean War of
1853-56.
They revealed the inconsistency of the empire s
ambitious role as a superpower and a leader in the global geopolitical processes to
the realities of the economic, political, administrative and institutional
backwardness.
-
Disgraceful defeat of the Russian Empire in the Crimean War provoked a
real social explosion among the educated classes, that manifested itself in their
346
(civil
in its content) dissatisfaction with the affairs of all social and political life of
the empire, and in the discontent with the nature of the autocratic rule. The most
dispraised was the autocratic politics of suppression of any manifestation and
aspirations of people for political freedom, as well as the authority s ignore of all
social signals from the society (which manifested themselves in the activity of
various informal salons, clubs, societies, secret organizations, etc.) and showed a
desire to influence the power and to participate in making policy decisions.
-
Mass discontent of the educated people (and at most of the nobility which
was a social support for the autocracy) with the political life in the empire, and in
particular, with the mechanism of the government, caused the loss of the authority
of its autocratic power in the eyes of the most active socially and the most
influential subjects. The government was forced to take a number of measures and
decisions in order to avoid further intensification of the conflict and mitigate the
most critical basic discontent that generally created the atmosphere of liberalization
of the autocratic policy in the empire.
-
Social desire to get rid of political oppression directed against a person and
against all the subjects of the Empire gained national characteristics and went with
the willingness to release national identity. The Poles and Ukrainians were the first
to show their requirements to meet their needs.
-
The educated elite in the territory of the so-called western suburbs of the
Russian Empire in the conditions of the liberal policy in
1856-62
varied according
to national features, linking its own identity with the Polish, Russian or Ukrainian
people, and therefore they intensified with their actions the processes of Polish,
Russian and Ukrainian creation of the nation. In other words, realizing their own
nationality, the elite launched the activities to spread the same national awareness
of their own national identity among the Polish, Russian and Ukrainian peoples.
-
The processes of the Polish, Russian and Ukrainian creation of nation
clashed most acutely on the territory of the Right Bank Ukraine, as each of these
national elites had their vision of the political prospects of the land that formed the
respective antagonistic national projects of the political arrangement of the Right
Bank.
-The Polish national project involved the revival of the Rich Pospolyta at the
borders of
1772,
and therefore sought to include the entire territory of the Right
347
Bank Ukraine with the Russian folk as an integral part of the Polish political
people into the renewed state.
-
The content of the Russian national project meant the interpretation of the
Right Bank Ukraine as an integral part of initially
Rus
lands, and consequently, the
Ukrainians (Russian version in the naming is malorosy) were considered to be one
of the tribes (together with the great- and bilorosy) of the common
Russ
unity .
-
The Polish-Russian opposition with the reciprocal claims for the Right-Bank
Ukraine, where Russians for some time treated the Ukrainian national movement
as an allied force to counter with the polshchyzna , created favorable
circumstances for the public and legal performance of the representatives of the
Ukrainian national elite with the expression of the own Ukrainian national vision
of the future.
-
Representatives of the Ukrainian national elite, taking into account the
realities of the imperial socio-political life, in their public activities demanded only
the right of original cultural and educational development of the Ukrainian people.
However, not publicly, they expressed the hope that the above mentioned
development will foster the acquisition of the Ukrainian people of the awareness of
personal civil rights and ripening (in the perspective) in the Ukrainian public
consciousness the needs for political self-determination.
-
As the main means of awakening of the Ukrainian people to the public
consciousness and civic activity the creators of Ukrainian project named the
following: education and educational work among the common people, assistance
in getting full rights of free people by peasants (those who came out of bondage)
and assistance in facilitating their entry into the economic independence through
the ability of free personal household.
-
The events of the Polish-Russian opposition in the Right Bank Ukraine in
the mid-nineteenth century were directed by the representatives of the national elite
of these nations into the mainstream of the international modern conflict, for which
the leaders-organizers of the political events actively appealed to all strata of the
society with the hope to mobilize the greatest number of supporters for their
support. That is, the Polish and Russian patriot-nationalists on the territory of the
Right Bank Ukraine applied the technology of nationalization of mass
consciousness (first of all, the Ukrainian peasantry) in their favor, imposing on
348
common people the sense of the so-called indissolubility and organic
relationship with the Polish or Russian political body .
-
The technology of the Polish formation of the nation on the territory of the
Right Bank Ukraine
-
grouping all strata of the society under the slogan of the
Polish common interests (by means of propaganda campaign, various activities of
pragmatic encouragement on the everyday level, as well as by means of schooling
and education)
-
was ruthlessly pursued by the Russian authorities and therefore
had no desired distribution. Besides, the mentioned efforts extremely discorded
with usual everyday relationships of Ukrainian peasants with Polish landlords, and
as a result there was no estimated impact on peasants.
-
The technology of the Russian formation of the nation
-
grouping all strata
under the slogan of loyalty to the Russian autocratic throne
-
was more successful
among Ukrainian peasants, because in addition to administrative and repressive
punishment to all those who dared to think otherwise, it coincided with the
traditional and continual religious and social conflict for the Ukrainian-Polish
relations in the Right Bank Ukraine. Besides the moment of gratitude of peasants
to tsar for their liberation from bondage (due to the reform of
1861)
was
favourable, though it was combined with the dissatisfaction with the conditions of
freedom, for which (in fact, for the land) they had to pay money. Peasants blamed
local landlords, who as if concealed the true, given by the tsar freedom , for such
injustice.
-
The project of the Ukrainian formation of the nation, which was extremely
fast and successfully realized by the Ukrainian national elite in the conditions of
the implementation of liberalism elements in the politics of the empire at the turn
of the 50s and
60s
of the nineteenth century, was subdued in a destructive and
repressive way since the mid
1862
and during
1863
together with the awareness of
the Russian authorities of possible public and political consequences of this
movement.
-
The ruling Court of the Russian Empire successfully used the conflict with
the Polish elite for the Right Bank Ukraine, forming the identical perception of the
notions of homeland and empire in the mass consciousness of the Russians.
The autocracy gained the experience of use in their socially oriented policy of the
virtual image of the enemy that threatens the integrity of the borders of the
349
empire-homeland. As a result, patriotic feelings, which subsequently transformed
into nationalist and imperial ambitions, arose among the Russians of all strata.
-
The autocracy didn t ruin strata principles in the organization of relation
system with the subjects but still managed to move flexibly, purposefully and in
short term, due to the circumstances and on the limited space of the western
outskirts , from the strata and dynastic principles of legitimizing its power to
nationalistic ones. In other words, by the mid-nineteenth century the political
stability on the Right Bank Ukraine was provided by the relying of the ruling
dynasty on the ruling Polish gentry, which for the given class privileges performed
the role of the supervisor of the Ukrainian masses. However, since the mid-
nineteenth century the autocracy made the anti-Polish spirits of common people,
together with buying loyalty of masses by means of depriving them from
dependence (on that Polish gentry), its own support of the rale.
-
Using nationalism as a technology of mobilization of public spirits, the
ruling court of the Russian Empire was able to eliminate its own image of the
people s chief enemy (as the autocracy was perceived on the basis of the Crimean
War) in the eyes of the Russian public. However, among the Russians there was
formed the feeling of hostility to all who refused to be faithful to the throne and
homeland (which is identical
-
to the interests of the Empire) and who would not
obediently share the national cultural homogeneity of
russkisť ,
claiming the
right of showing their own (other than Russian) national identity.
The source base of the monograph is made first of all by the documents of the
official records of central and local authorities of the mid-nineteenth century in the
Right Bank Ukraine, as well as epistolary heritage, memoirs, diaries, publicist
speeches, etc. of the state (authority) and public figures and private persons
ofthat
period.
350
Зміст
ПЕРЕДМОВА
7
РОЗДІЛ
1.
Еволюція свідомості освічених верств
Російської імперії середини
XIX
ст.
1.1.
Суспільно-політичні передумови ліберального курсу
реформ в Російській імперії
29
1.2.
Проблема націй та національної політики
Російської імперії в Правобережній Україні
50
1.3.
Об єднання російської національної еліти
навколо імперських цінностей
80
РОЗДІЛ
2.
Польська еліта Правобережжя
та її національні проекти
2.1.
Структура польського суспільства
Правобережної України та процес його консолідації
109
2.2.
Польські концепції української проблеми:
від козакофільства до національної нетерпимості
139
2.3.
Правобережна Україна в проекті національного
самоствердження поляків
169
РОЗДІЛ
3.
Світоглядні пріоритети
української національної еліти
3.1.
Складові формування української
модерної національної еліти
XIX
ст.
198
3.2.
Польсько-російське протистояння в Правобережній
Україні як чинник націоналізації свідомості українців
234
3.3.
Український проект формування суспільства
громадянського типу
266
ВИСНОВКИ
292
БІБЛІОГРАФІЯ
296
ІНДЕКС
331
SUMMARY
345
ІЛЮСТРАЦІЇ
351
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER
1.
Evolution of consciousness of educated people
in the Russian Empire in the mid 19th century
1.1.
Socio-political preconditions of liberal reforms
in the Russian Empire
29
1.2.
Problem of nations and national policy of the
Russian Empire in the Right Bank Ukraine
50
1.3.
Consolidation of the Russian national elites
around imperialistic values
80
CHAPTER
2.
Polish national elite of the Right Bank Ukraine and its
national projects
2.1.
Structure of the Polish community in the Right Bank Ukraine
and problems of its consolidation
109
2.2.
Polish concepts of the Ukrainian problem:
from cossackophilia to national intolerance
139
2.3.
The Right Bank Ukraine in the project of national
self-assertion of the Polish
169
CHAPTER
3.
Political priorities of the Ukrainian national elite
3.1.
Components of forming Ukrainian modern national
elite in the
1
9th century
198
3.2.
Polish-Russian confrontation in the Right Bank Ukraine as a
factor of Ukrainians consciousness nationalization
234
3.3.
Ukrainian project of creating civic society
266
CONCLUSIONS
292
BIBLIOGRAPHY
296
INDEX
331
SUMMARY
345
ILLUSTRATIONS
351
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| geographic | Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd Rechtsufrige Ukraine (DE-588)4347593-0 gnd Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Russland Rechtsufrige Ukraine Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV039652289 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:08:18Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789661502276 |
| language | Ukrainian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024501931 |
| oclc_num | 760140650 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 350 S., [8] Bl. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Inst. Ukraïnsʹkoï Archeohrafiï ta Džereloznavstva Imeni M. S. Hruševsʹkoho NAN Ukraïny |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Zemsʹkyj, Jurij Serhijovyč Verfasser aut Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja Jurij Zemsʹkyj Chmelʹnycʹkyj Inst. Ukraïnsʹkoï Archeohrafiï ta Džereloznavstva Imeni M. S. Hruševsʹkoho NAN Ukraïny 2011 350 S., [8] Bl. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., ukrain. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Elite (DE-588)4014457-4 gnd rswk-swf Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd rswk-swf Rechtsufrige Ukraine (DE-588)4347593-0 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Rechtsufrige Ukraine (DE-588)4347593-0 g Elite (DE-588)4014457-4 s DE-604 Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 g Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024501931&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024501931&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Zemsʹkyj, Jurij Serhijovyč Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja Elite (DE-588)4014457-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4014457-4 (DE-588)4076899-5 (DE-588)4347593-0 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja |
| title_auth | Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja |
| title_exact_search | Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja |
| title_full | Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja Jurij Zemsʹkyj |
| title_fullStr | Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja Jurij Zemsʹkyj |
| title_full_unstemmed | Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja Jurij Zemsʹkyj |
| title_short | Polʹsʹka, rosijsʹka ta ukraïnsʹka elity v zmahannjach za Pravoberežnu Ukraïnu seredyny XIX stolittja |
| title_sort | polʹsʹka rosijsʹka ta ukrainsʹka elity v zmahannjach za pravobereznu ukrainu seredyny xix stolittja |
| topic | Elite (DE-588)4014457-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Elite Russland Rechtsufrige Ukraine Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024501931&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024501931&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT zemsʹkyjjurijserhijovyc polʹsʹkarosijsʹkataukrainsʹkaelityvzmahannjachzapravobereznuukrainuseredynyxixstolittja |