Legitimnost političkih poredaka:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Abschlussarbeit Buch |
| Sprache: | Croatian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Zagreb
Politička Kultura
2010
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Universitas
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 323 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789532580464 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | SADRŽAJ
Predgovor
..........................................................9
Uvod
.............................................................11
I. dio: TEORIJSKE POSTAVKE
О
LEGITIMNOSTI
....................57
1.
Weberova
teorija legitimnosti
....................................58
1.1.
Karizmatska vlast
..........................................62
1.2.
Tradicionalna vlast
..........................................76
1.3.
Legalna/racionalna vlast
.....................................84
2.
Postweberijanske
teorije legitimnosti
..............................99
2.1.
Niklas
Luhmann
-
proceduraina
legitimnost
.....................100
2.2. Jürgen Habermas -
supstancijalna legitimnost
...................114
2.3. Wilhelm
Hennis
-
pragmatička legitimnost
.....................136
II.
dio: LEGITIMNOST POLITIČKIH POREDAKA
U POVIJESNOJ ZBILJI
........................................145
3.
Legitimnost liberalno-demokratskih poredaka
......................146
4.
Nacistički poredak i legitimnost
..................................170
5.
Legitimacija fašističkog poretka u Italiji
...........................205
6.
Socijalistički poreci i legitimnost
.................................215
7.
Legitimnost postsocijalističkih poredaka
...........................254
Zaključak
.........................................................293
Bibliografija
......................................................301
Summary
.........................................................317
Kazalo imena
.....................................................321
SUMMARY
General economic, political and moral crisis, coupled with the breakdown of socialist
states at the end of 1980 s and beginning of 1990 s in Eastern European countries have
undoubtedly opened and re-actualized the issue of legitimacy of political power. The
breakdown of real-socialist system clearly demonstrated that rulers cannot hold on
to their positions by merely relying either on the absolutely compliant people , or
solely on military and police force. If the rulers wish to enjoy continuity and stability
of their rule they also need to secure mass loyalty of their subaltern subjects, apart
from loyalty and obedience of the administrative apparatus.
The experience with totalitarian regimes of different ideological colours that have
marked the history of the
20*
century, demonstrated the extent to which common
interest of rulers, of the members of state apparatus and of powerless subjects of do¬
mination are important for preservation of a given political order. Rulers endevour to
secure loyalty of the administrative apparatus primarily by satisfying material needs
of its members, although ideological and emotional factors should not be forgotten
since they also play an important role in keeping their obedience intact.
However, if power were based solely on these factors, it would not last long.
Loyalty and support of the ruled have an equally important weight in the exercise of
power. Due to the process of mass-indoctrination and brain washing , physical force
as a means of pacification of masses continues to lose in importance in every contem¬
porary political order: indoctrination and manipulation is often a more efficient and
even cheaper method for attaining loyalty of the ruled. Undoubtedly, the key role in
this process is played by television as the par excellence means of stultification. The
objects of power should be convinced that they live in the best of all possible worl¬
ds (Leibniz). To the extent and with the content required by the system, masses are
being modelled in their manner of thought and behaviour even in their most intimate
sphere of life
-
often by apparently non-political means: commercials, entertainment,
thrillers and sports. All of this results in stultification and benumbment of critical
thinking, and in internal acceptance of the ruling ideology. Aware of the importance
of mass media, new rulers always desire to gain control over them as soon as possible
after coming in power. All available means are often used for that purpose.
The concept of legitimacy could be defined as the necessity for a political order,
i.e. political power, to rest on voluntary acceptance provided by the members of a
given political community. Political order in this context may be defined as a set of
institutions and their interrelations, and power as a concrete relationship of the rulers
and the ruled.
Several types of power can be distinguished in this context. To begin with, the¬
re is the power within the administrative apparatus chrystallized in hierarchy, i.e. in
supra- and sub-ordination. Secondly, power can be viewed as the authority vested in
317
LEGITIMNOST POLITIČKIH POREDAKA
civil
servants
to act in relation to the citizens. Thirdly, the political power based on
legitimate monopoly on physical force exercized on a certain territory for a duration
of time. And lastly, power can refer to superiority of political bodies over administra¬
tive apparatus. The key question is then why do the members of political community
consider the existing power relations in all their forms legitimate. Or, in other words,
what is it that the power-that-be does in order to convince the ruled of its own legiti¬
macy. The answer to this question has varied significantly in the course of historical
development.
The source of legitimacy of political power in Western European liberal-democra¬
tic order has been the popular will. People is understood as a totality of citizens,
bearers of sovereignty. A citizen (f.
citoyen)
is of necessity an abstract notion because
it does not contain any references as to the national, religious, gender, social, edu¬
cational and other specific personal characteristics. This is the only way to etasblish
equality (equal rights) as one of the basic values of such a political order.
However, popular will does not suffice to make power legitimate. Rational proce¬
dures are also necessary to etablish and maintain power. Quintessential role in this
matter is played by free elections based on general and equal franchise and secret
ballot. Fundamental principle in electoral procedure is the majority-approach coupled
with the protection of minority rights (as a rule, by electing minority representatives
in parliament
-
corner-stone institution of representative democracy). Majoritarian
principle does not, however, apply as regards the field of human rights and freedoms
(e.g., right to life, freedom of assembly, freedom of conscience, freedom of speech,
freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention). These rights cannot be subjected to vo¬
ting and do not depend on electoral results.
In functioning of electoral institutions and political parties popular will is articu¬
lated by election of representatives in Parliament. Results of parliamentary decision-
making process are abstract laws binding for all members of a political community.
Value system on which democratic legitimacy of power rests includes the principles
of the rule of law and the
Rechtsstaat ,
that is, notions of freedom, equality, de¬
mocracy, popular sovereignty, human rights, etc. That is why the theories dealing
with legitimacy formed in Western European literature are based on afore-mentioned
institutions, procedures and values as self-explanatory presumptions. Power that is
not constituted on these principles is considered to be illegitimate.
However, after the October Revolution a new type of political order had been
established with institutions and value systems significantly different from the ones
described above. The new system of domination was based on inter alia the absence
of formal and procedural mechanism of power legitimization characteristic of the li¬
beral-democratic tradition. Soviet type regimes sought their
legitimity
in the marxist-
leninist ideology. The Communist party had appropriated the exclusive part claiming
to be in possession of a historical mission aimed at establishment of a new conflict-
free community. Revolutionary avant-garde Party attempted to radically transform
not only inherited institutions, but also individuals. The ideal of the new man was
forced upon society, a man ready to sacrifice himself for the so-called higher goals
(homeland, socialism).
The Nazi regime had a number of common features with the
stalinist
rule. It also
was mobilizing and revolutionary, devoted to complete transformation of society.
It also strove to engage the manipulated masses in its reconstruction. Moreover, the
318
Summary
Nazi regime attempted to promote the ideal of the new man , too, as well as a strong
community understood as nation (i.e., race). Its unity was to be guaranteed by blo¬
od and territory
(Blut und Boden).
The community was their highest moral value. It
preceded the individual both in time and logic, and therefore it had the authority to
subject individuals or particular social groups to its will. Unity of the community was
the prerequisite of spiritual, social, political and economic renaissance. The will of
the community was incarnated in and guaranteed by the Leader
(Führer)
whose will
in turn was the source of community s laws. Ideology alone though was not sufficient
for legitimization of such a regime. Crucial role was played by the personality cult of
Adolf Hitler.
The breakdown of socialist order in different countries clearly demonstrated that
ideology alone is not capable of securing trust and support of the ruled. The late so¬
cialist regimes had to incorporate liberal-democratic mechanisms foreign to the pre¬
vailing ideological paradigm. As soon as it did this, abandoning in part its ideological
grounds, the whole social an political order broke down.
However, some intrinsic systemic elements (i.e., cult of personality, collectivist
ideology, production of enemies, censorship), at least in some of the newly indepen¬
dent states, especially those formed after the demise of the former Yugoslavia and
the Soviet Union, persist even after the breakdown. It seems as though some post-
communist regimes have grave difficulties in finding a paradigm that would amount
to a complete break with the socialist mind-set. One can speak of a crisis. One of
its important aspects is the crisis of legitimacy. Its solution would in its wake lead to
a more favourable ground for tackling other crisis aspects: those economic, social,
moral and political.
Croatian political order has faced these both during the last decade of the 20th and
in the first decade of the
2
Is century. The general crisis clearly demonstrated that the
multiparty elections are not a sufficient condition of democratic legitimization. More
is needed, such as the respect of fundamental human rights and freedoms, rule of law,
solidarity, tolerance, etc.. Furthermore, collectivist ideology of nationalism, that has
significantly shaped the period between
1990
and
2000,
and still plays an important
role in the Croatian political life, should be abandoned. Individuals should emanci¬
pate themselves from the herd , everyone should take upon himself the responsibi¬
lity for his own acts. In this respect the key role should be played by the educational
institutions and media. Unfortunately, at the moment no significant breakthroughs
are
discernable
in regard to overcoming the retrograde, primitive genus/tribal con¬
sciousness that had persisted on the Balkans territory throughout many centuries of
historical development.
Translated by
Sanja Barić
319
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| spellingShingle | Blažević, Robert Legitimnost političkih poredaka Legitimität (DE-588)4035043-5 gnd Politische Theorie (DE-588)4046563-9 gnd Politische Ordnung (DE-588)4121488-2 gnd |
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| title | Legitimnost političkih poredaka |
| title_auth | Legitimnost političkih poredaka |
| title_exact_search | Legitimnost političkih poredaka |
| title_full | Legitimnost političkih poredaka Robert Blažević |
| title_fullStr | Legitimnost političkih poredaka Robert Blažević |
| title_full_unstemmed | Legitimnost političkih poredaka Robert Blažević |
| title_short | Legitimnost političkih poredaka |
| title_sort | legitimnost politickih poredaka |
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| topic_facet | Legitimität Politische Theorie Politische Ordnung Hochschulschrift |
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