Jo plebishitit venizellist:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Albanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Prishtinë
Shtypshkronja Grafobeni
2011
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Greece's eagerness for Albania's greekness |
| Beschreibung: | 238 S. |
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Përmbajtja
Par a t
hë
ni e
.5
Pjesa
I: shkurt
-
mars
2011
1.
PSE
IU
DREJTOVA PUBLIKISHT KRYEMINISTRIT
.13
2.
JO PLEBISHIT PER
GENOCID
.27
3.
"SHANTAZHET DULE-IKONOMU"
PER
"FORMULARIN
POLLO"
(Kur duhet
"falënderuar"
shovinisti
grek)
.59
4.
"FORMULĂRI
POLLO"
SENDËRTON
"FORMULEN
VENIZELLOS"
.81
5.
DY
FRONTET
E
MËSYMJES
GREKĘ:
FEJA
DHE KOMBËSIA
.103
6.
RRUGA 20-VJEÇARE DREJT
"FORMULARII POLLO".
137
7.
GREKËT PËR GENCIN,
POLLO
PËR GREKËT
.149
8.
GREECE'S EAGERNESS
FOR ALBANIA'S GREEKNESS
.165
Pjesa II:
2006-2007
1.
KUR
KRYEMINISTRII
SHQIPËRISË
ARSYETON
SI VENIZELLOSI
.189
2.
"DYSHTETËSIA" GLLABËRUESE
GREKO-SHQIPTARE
.209
Summary
GREECE'S EAGERNESS FOR ALBANIA'S
GREEKNESS
This book contains a series of writings publi¬
shed in Albanian newspapers about a very distur¬
bing phenomenon in the Albanian-Greek relations:
a Greek offensive to change through manipulations
the ethnic and religious composition of the Alba¬
nia's population.
It is sad that the Albanians are constrained to
write, or to hear about such practices twenty years
after the end of the "Cold War" in Europe and the
proclamation of a "New World Order". But this
seems to be an unavoidable endeavor since "in the
Balkans the past is prologue"3, to an uncertain
present, and an unpredictable future. Nowadays for
the Albanian people is more imperative than ever
before to seek better awareness of the dangerous
position of Albania in its relations with Greece. As a
Nicolas J. Costa "Albania an European Enigma" USA
1998.
Abdi BALETA
timely warning for them come the words of the
distinguished former Prime Minister of United
Kingdom, Mr. Tony Blair: "No one can say the pro¬
blems of the Balkans are solved. But the Balkans,
which for a century or more was a byword for in¬
stability, today, has at least the prospect for a better
future."4 Despite the important changes on the
political map of the Balkans and in the spirit of
international relations the "prospect for a better
future" in the Albanian-Greek relationship is unfor¬
tunately still gloomy, two decades after the end of
the Cold War.
This book aims at presenting the public opi¬
nion with facts and opinions exposing the dange¬
rous revival and the intensification of the aggressive
Greek policy against Albanian national cohesion
and the integrity of the Albanian nation-state, thro¬
ugh a so-called census, "allowing" (read "forcing")
the Albania's citizens, without exception, to make
"their free choice" between Greek and Albanian na¬
tionality (national or ethnic affiliation). This "Cen¬
sus", as a matter of fact is a "Plebiscite" from the le¬
gal and political point of view. It is an attempt
poorly disguised to reverse an ethnological, reli¬
gious, political and social situation created in Alba¬
nia during many centuries, and consolidated for a
hundred years now in the form of the Albanian
nation-state. This "Census- Plebiscite" is invented to
turn Albania to the chaotic situation that Greece
Tony Blair "A Journey"
2010,
p.
250.
JO PLEBISHITIT VENIZELLIST
_
I67
tried to create in Southern Albania in the first years
of Albania's independence
(1912-1919).
This disturbing problem for the Albanian pu¬
blic opinion is not unknown. A political, legal and
propaganda struggle inside Albania and in Alba¬
nian-Greek relations has been going on for a long
time. In the pages of this book the readers can find
some explanations on the most crucial moments in
that struggle, especially since
1993,
when the most
perfidious attempt was made in the Albanian parli¬
ament to intrude into the Albanian Constitutional
Law on Human Rights a special provision allowing
anyone to declare what nation he wants to belong
to. That attempt failed thanks to the votes against
cast by three members of the parliament belonging
to the majority group (the opposition had boycotted
the meeting).
In this book the readers will find information
and opinions on many past and present dangers the
Albanian nation and state are facing for their
sovereignty, their dignity, and even their very exis¬
tence, because of a permanent hostile position to¬
wards them, adopted by the Greek State and the
Greek Church. Greece's expansionist policy towards
Albania continues since the creation of the Greek
State. The Greek Church even before has acted in
the most perfidious way under Ottoman rule to
Hellenize the Albanians. After the end of the Cold
War in Europe this policy instead of calming down,
has been intensifying. Greece's eagerness for Alba¬
nia's Greekness (hellenization of the entire popula¬
tion in Albania proper) is ever growing. In the year
168
Abdi BALETA
1997
Albania plunged into a chaotic situation,
actually into a civil war, after a military invasion by
armed bands trained and send from Greece. Greek
and other foreign secret services and mafia grou¬
pings were involved in overt and covert undermi¬
ning activities. There are still many puzzles remain-
ning about the attempted partition of Albanian
state territory in
1997,
to annex its southern regions
with Greece.
In the Balkans, as everywhere, national mino¬
rities are never fully satisfied. By their very nature
the national minorities are a matter of discord
between neighboring states. Greece has shown itself
particularly eager to use a small Greek-speaking
minority in the Southern Albania as an under¬
mining factor against the stability and the integrity
of the Albanian state. Old quarrels on that basis
time and again stir up misunderstanding, or sharp
contradiction in the Albanian-Greek relationship.
Greece and Albania have signed a Treaty of Frien¬
dship. The two states are now members of the same
military alliance, NATO, and one day will be mem¬
bers in the same European Union. Nevertheless, the
ghost of the "state of belligerence" declared without
real reason by a Greek law in
1940
has not disappe¬
ared for good. According to polls organized by the
Greek research bodies Albanians are for Greek
public opinion the second most hated nation, to¬
gether with the Turks.5
1
Takis
Michas
"Unholy Alliance. Greece and Milosevic's Serbia",
2002,
ρ
.131.
IQ PLEBISHITIT VENIZELUST
_169
Despite the moderate optimism for the remar¬
kable changes in the Balkan landscape and atmo¬
sphere, after the end of the Cold War, one cannot
fail but turn once again to the sentiments of certain
skepticism in the light of the historical legacy and
particularly of the latest developments in the Alba¬
nian-Greek relations. The unhappy development of
the last two decades in these relations tells us that
in the Balkans the spirit of the Cold War is still
alive, and can heat any time the political envi¬
ronment. The clouds of the Cold War in the Balkan
skies can gather unexpectedly to obscure the future
developments. The terrible legacy of the Balkan
Wars at the beginning and the end of the 20th cen¬
tury continue to fuel new acrimonies among peo¬
ples, continue to poison relationships among nati¬
ons, feed up distrust among governments and poli¬
ticians and distort political thinking and propa¬
ganda discourse.
In Albania many people are now not inclined
to think and to feel that way. But it can be a grave
mistake to easy forget that the Albanian nation and
its ethnic ancestral lands have been the main target
of covetous neighbors during the Balkans wars at
the beginning and at the end of the 2O[ century,
and are the same even now at the beginning of the
XXI
century, as it is demonstrated by the Greek
claims on Southern Albania. Greek historians help
our memory when they write that Balkan states in
late
1912
instigated by Greece, and under the
sponsorship of Russia, formed the military alliance
to wage war against the Ottoman Empire with the
170
Abdi BALETA
aim of impeding the unification of Albanian lands
into one vilayet and to divide among themselves
these lands, and avoid the establishing of a viable
Albanian nation-state in the Balkans.
As a better reminder of the danger can serve
the alerting words of an American historian of
Albanian descent: "Albania today is as it has been
since its emergence as an independent nation-state
in
1912-
a nation in crisis". It is a geo-political entity
whose tenure as an independent country was de¬
termined, to a great degree, by the moves and coun-
termoves of its neighboring states (Greece, Serbia,
Montenegro and Italy) as they would first maneuver
to annex Albanian inhabited lands and then seek
through frontal assault or economic penetration to
acquire hegemony over the Land of Eagle-Albania."
These are the starting words of Nicolas J. Costa's
book "Albania: A European Enigma"
(1995)
which
terminates in a bigger alarm: "Thus today as in the
past, the question remains: should Albania continue
to exist not in relation to its people, but as an
independent, political entity within the European
geo-political boundaries which currently define the
Albanian nation?"
Albanian nation has of course the right to exist
it should exist, and will exist. But, there is ample
evidence to prove that the above-cited words, wri¬
tten
16
years ago, acquire a new actuality. Albanian
speaking populations in the Balkans can maintain
'
Vasilis Kondis "Greqia dhe
Shqipëria në shekuUin
XX", Selanik
P-44-
[О
PLEBISHITIT VENIZELLIST
their biological existence, but they are exposed to
threatening ethnological assault that can lead to the
lost of their national identity and dignity.
Ifit
is not
a question of biological survival for the present day
Albanian populations, it is a question of a national
survival.
Albanian nation in general, and inside Albania
proper in particular, is confronted nowadays with
an overall offensive of propaganda and undermining
activities by chauvinist neighbors and others to
persuade Albanian public opinion that there is no
and should not be such a thing in the Balkans as a
unique and united Albanian nation, and Albanian
nation-state. Instead of it the Albanian enemies
want to invent and impose arbitrarily, and artifici¬
ally a multiethnic and multicultural society in Alba¬
nia and in
Kosova,
and the assimilation of others
parts of the Albanian population into Greek and
Slav nations.
All this reasoning may sound unrealistic or a
mere speculation for propaganda purposes. It is
nothing
ofthat.
It is a real concern caused by ever¬
yday developments, by organized Greek campaigns
to alienate the Albanians from their nation and to
turn them into an easy prey of Greek and Slav assi¬
milation. Ethnic alienation of the Albanians' ances¬
tors is known since centuries under Roman, Byza¬
ntine, Serbian, Bulgarian and Ottoman rule. The
Byzantine Greek had used the
"milet
system" of
division of population under Ottoman rule to assi¬
milate to their ethnicity and nation the orthodox
Albanians. When the Kingdom of Greece was
esta-
1
72
Abdi BALETA
blished
260 000
of its inhabitants (in a population
around one million) were Albanian speaking. Greek
officials needed translators to communicate with
them. The same has happened in the Albanian
lands under the Slav rule.7
But it is right now that we are witnessing a
special, large and intensive Greek campaign to
assimilate hundred thousand of Albanian migrant
workers in Greece and as many within the Albania
proper. Greek state has put again into motion aga¬
inst the Albanian nation an assimilating program
established since the end of the World War One by
the Greek Prime Minister, Elefterios Venizelos "the
greatest statesman Greece had thrown up since the
days of Pericles" in Lloyd George's opinion.8 At the
last stages of the Ottoman Empire's decadence the
Albanian nation was greatly de-factorized in the
Balkans, because the neighboring Slav and Greek
nations had already solved their national question,
with the help of the Great Powers and had consoli¬
dated their nation-states. These states were concen¬
trating their efforts in expending their territories
(Greece already had tripled its initial territory by
the end of WWi, in assimilating or destroying the
inhabitants of annexed lands, or the lands claimed
by them.
Nathalie Clayer
"Aux origines du nationalisme albanais. La
naissance d'une nation majoritairement musulmane en Euro¬
pe", p.135.
8
Margaret Macmillan "Peacemakers", UK
2001,
p.
361, 364.
JO PLEBISHITIT VENIZELLIST
_
J73
"On February 3rd,
1919
Greek Prime Minister,
Venizelos requested at the Peace Conference in Ver¬
sailles (Paris) that the Northern Epirus (Southern
Albania) be annexed to Greece. He supported the
point of view that neither the racial factor, nor the
linguistic one could be considered elements to dete¬
rmine nationality, and that only the national consci¬
ence could. Therefore, he proposed that an inter¬
national commission conduct a referendum."9 In
Albania of the year
2011
this "referendum" is called
"census" by the Greeks with the connivance of the
Albanian government.
In fact "Albanian borders were drawn by an
international commission to the accompaniment of
objection from the Serbs and the Greeks. When the
commission visited Southern Albania a sharp-eyed
journalist noticed the same people coming out at
every stop carrying signs "Welcome to a Greek to¬
wn". Greek troops who were temporarily in occu¬
pation made children sing Greek songs and house¬
holders were ordered to paint their homes in the
Greek national colors. Even after Greece withdrew
its troops it continued to smuggle in irregulars, who
tried to start up rebellion."10 Nowadays the same
Greek awful practices, even worse, can be observed
deep in the Albanian territory, up to the North of
Albania. Greece pays illegal pensions to people
accepting to change their names, their religion and
their personal and family documents and to declare
1
Vasilis Kondis, "Greqia dhe
Shqipèria ne shekullin XX", p.
96.
0
Margaret Macmillan, "Peacemakers", p. 369-
174
_
Abdi
BALETA
themselves as being Greek. For the same purpose
Greek consular authorities have misused for
20
years visa granting to travel to Greece. The Greek
national colors are painting now the dome of the
Greek Orthodox Cathedral at the center of Tirana.
Persevering in his strange theories on the
national affiliation and nationhood Venizelos argu¬
ed further that "people that looked like Albanians
were really Greek, if they were orthodox they were
Greek to their very souls
.
Venizelos dealt with
population figures like a conjurer."11 "After presen¬
ting census statements which had been concocted
so as to claim that the Greek population of the
desired territories were considerably larger
(120,000
Greeks versus
80,000)
that the other ethnic groups
he (Venizelos) demanded: Greece should annex the
territories of the Northern Epirus."12
Twenty-five years later, in
1946,
Venizelos's
futility of manipulating with figures was exposed
even by an American diplomat in Tirana J. E. Jacobs,
as it is reported by a Greek scholar: "For not with¬
standing his expressed abhorrence of the commu¬
nist regime, was quite steadfast in his defense and
upholding on what he considered to be recognized
and just international boundaries in the area "beca¬
use present boundaries were settled fairly as huma¬
nly as possible since
.
to approve Greek claim
would create new minority problem by placing five-
"
Margaret Macmillan, "Peacemakers", p.362.
11
Stanford J. Shaw, "From Empire to Republic", p.
395.
JO PLEBÍSHITIT VENIZELLIST
_¡75
hundred thousand Albanians under Greek rule for a
small minority of forty thousand at most."13
But Greece has never renounced to its claims
and still remains closely attached to Venizelos's
absurd "arguments" advanced during the Peace
Conference in Paris that Southern Albania should
go to Greece on the basis of self-determination "for
it would be contrary to all equity that in a given
people, a majority which possesses a higher form of
civilization should have to submit to a minority
possessing an inferior civilization.'"4
Strange enough, when the Balkan people beca¬
me hopeful to enjoy the new era of post-Cold War
relationship the Greek policy revived all the pre¬
cepts and the legacy of Venizelos and started a new
offensive against the identity and integrity at the
Albanian nation and Albania moving even further
and deeper along the two main fronts of Greek
expansionism: ethnological assault (in the name of
defending minority rights and the return of Alba¬
nian speaking persons to their ancient Hellenic
routes) and in the religious front (under the pretext
that Muslim Albanians should be given the possi¬
bility to return back to their original faith, ortho¬
doxy). Since the first days of the post-Cold War Era
Greece endeavored to smuggle in Albania its old
undermining practices in order to go as quickly as
13
John J. Malakasses, "The US position on Greece's Claims to
Southern Albania",
Ioamnai^,
p.314.
"'Margaret Macmillan, "Peacemakers", p. 363> 36S·
176
Abdi BALETA
possible forward with the implementation of the
infamous Megali-Idea.
The Greeks have been trying hard to smuggle
into the Albanian legislation a particular provision
and an administrative practice making possible for
any Albanian citizen to change his religion, his civil
and ethnic status and by a simple personal dec¬
laration abandon Albanianism and embrace Gree-
kness.
The first direct move took place in January
1991
when Greek Prime Minister
Konstantin Mitsotakis
visited Albania and imposed to the Albanian Com¬
munist leadership a decision to accept a minority
organization named "Omonia" to participate in the
first pluralistic elections and in the first pluralistic
parliament as the sole representative of the Greek
minority. It was a trick to revive a faint autonomy of
the distant year of
1914
in Southern Albania. Ano¬
ther step was to force Albanian leadership to accept
a Greek Priest as the head of the Albanian Auto-
cephalous Orthodox Church. This was a more bru¬
tal interference in Albania's internal affairs, a gross
violation of the rules of Orthodox Church in general
and of the Canon of the Albanian Orthodox Church,
approved in
1929
and accepted by the Patriarch of
Istanbul in
1937.
With these two moves started a full-fledged
Greek offensive to place Albania under Greek poli¬
tical, economic and military tutelage and to force
Albania to accept and to follow the Greek precept
that Albania's road towards Euro-Atlantic
integra-
}0
PLEBISHÏTIT
VENIZELLIST
tion
should pass only through Athens. Many Alba¬
nian state and party leaders involved in a fierce and
continuous power struggle in Albania during
20
years unfortunately have slavishly bowed before re¬
peated Greek intrigues and blackmail.
These Greek moves have cost Albania very
dearly up to now. The latest arrogant and very dan¬
gerous attempt to the identity and the integrity of
the Albanian nation is a census planned initially to
be held in April
2011
and postponed now to Nove¬
mber of the current year. The present Albanian Go¬
vernment has given in to Greek menace to block
Albania's integration to
EU,
which is not supposed
to be discussed seriously very soon by
EU.
The
Albanian Government is dishonoring itself and
endangering its nation, by succumbing to the Greek
blackmail for organizing in Albania proper a cen¬
sus-plebiscite under the conditions established by
Greece pursuing a sinister goal to change the ethnic
and the religious composition of the Albanian po¬
pulation and the physiognomy of the Albanian na¬
tion-state. Today Greece is going much further in its
claims to the detriment of the Albanian nation and
state even than the most prominent proponent of
Megali-idea in early 20th century, Elefterios Veni-
zelos.
The Albanian citizens are called to answer
such questions as: "Do you believe in God?", "What
religion do you profess?" Questions like these con¬
stitute a violation of human rights. Believing in God
and confessing a religion is a strictly personal ma¬
tter of conscience nowadays. The state has no right
178
Abdi BALETA
to register that. These questions are asked because
there is a twenty year old program of the Vatican, of
the Greek Church and the Greek state, and other
bodies in Europe as well to impose by any means a
reversing of the known numerical proportions of
followers of Islam and Christianity in Albania.
These efforts aim at pushing forward a relati¬
vely mild Albanian Spanish type
Reconquista,
wi¬
thin a larger framework of a modern Crusade to era¬
dicate autochthonous Islam in South-Eastern Euro¬
pe and to contain the spread of Islam by migrant
workers in Western Europe. One must not neglect
the religious component of wars waged against the
Muslims in Bosnia and the Albanians in
Kosova.
There are also religious motives underneath the
attacks against the Albanian rights in Macedonia
and the Greek interventions in Albania. There are
people inside and outside Albania that do not want
to let the Albanians constitute a nation-state with a
population predominantly Muslim in the Balkans
and in Europe. During a lecture given several years
ago at the Oxford University in England a former
President of Albania amazed the audience declaring
that a light scratch on an Albanian Muslim will help
you to discover in him a Christian.
In the census questionnaire there are then two
other very disturbing questions, taking into account
the situation existing in Albania: "What is your mo¬
ther tongue" (something that is known for centuries
and there is no need at all to inquire on that res¬
pect) and "What is your nationality?" (i.e., which
nation do you want to be affiliated with, without
JO PLEBISHITIT VENIZELLIST
_
I79
presenting any
tangible
evidence). These questions
are asked with the clear aim to obtain an artificial
and arbitrary increase of the number of people de¬
claring themselves as Greek-speaking and having
Greek "national consciousness".
This is a totally unusual way of conducting a
normal census. No other European country has
proceeded that way. Greece has not organized such
a census. On the contrary, Greece denies the exis¬
tence in its territory of an Albanian minority, and
other minorities. "Greece is an ethno-national state
par excellence."15 Greek negation of the existence of
a national Albanian minority in Greece has been
revealed by the High Commissioner of
OSCE,
for
national minorities, Max van
der Stoel
in a letter
sent to the Albanian minister for Foreign Affairs in
1993.
He wrote that when he conveyed to Greek
leaders in Athens the concerns of the Albanian lea¬
ders about the situation of the Albanian national
minority in Greece, he was given a nervous answer:
"The position of the Greek government is: though
there are Albanian migrant workers in Greece, there
is no Albanian minority as such."16 This is the only
strange answer the Greeks give when they are asked
for some more clear and reasonable explanation on
this matter.
15
Takis
Michas,
"Unholy Alliance. Greece and Milosevic's Serbia",
USA
2,002,
p.129.
16
OSCE
High Commissioner on National Minorities Reference
1051/93/L
14/9/1993.
Abdi BALETA
This Greek answer is not only arrogant but
totally inaccurate. Greece has signed the agreement
of Sevres on the defense of minorities in
1920.
Greece has confirmed the existence of an Albanian
national minority in Greece during the proceedings
of the Lausanne Conference in
1923
when it was
debated and decided the Turkish-Greek agreement
about the exchange of population between the two
countries. Greece had assumed the obligation not to
include Albanian Muslims of Greece in that excha¬
nge and to protect the rights of the Albanian mi¬
nority. This obligation was confirmed in a letter
signed by Venizelos himself and by diplomatic co¬
mmunications in Tirana. Greece cannot legally and
practically escape responsibility to respect its obli¬
gation.17
In Greece there are not only Albanian migrant
workers of the last two decades. There are other
categories of Albanians living in the Greek soil. The
so called
"arvanits",
Greek citizens of ancient Alba¬
nian stock all over Greece, including some Aegean
islands. They are numbered now in millions. Ethnic
Albanians of orthodox faith living in their ancestral
land that Greece pretends in vain to have comple¬
tely assimilated. Orthodox Albanians that left Tur¬
key for Greece in the first quarter of the 20th cen¬
tury. There is even a category residing outside, the
Muslim Albanians from
Kosturi
and Fiorina
(
today
17
Cour Permanente
de
Justice International,
Serie
А/В
Fascicule
No
64
"Ecoles minoritaires en Albanie", Avis consultatif du
6
avril
1935.
]0 PLEBISHITIT
VENIZELL1ST
81
Greek Macedonia) forcibly expelled to Turkey in
June
1923,
and Muslim Albanians from
Çamëria
expelled to Albania during a campaign of ethnic
cleansing at the end of
1944.
They live as refugees in
Albania, or elsewhere and have the right to return
and to their homes and properties and live the
normal life of a national minority in Greece.
Greece wants to deny all these facts and
constantly blackmails Albania by misusing the small
Greek-speaking minority in Albania (they are not
real ethnic Greeks) as a fifth column to destroy the
cohesion of the Albanian nation. This is the goal of
Greek policy when trying to force Albania proceed
to that strange census and to consent to an artificial
and arbitrary change in the natural composition of
the population in Albania in order to declare
Albania a multiethnic society instead a today natio¬
nal unitary Albanian nation-state. By reversing in
that way the composition of Albanian population
Greece seeks to obtain the autonomy of Southern
Albania, and to annex it at a later stage. What is
now the object of a census several years ago (April
1993)
was a demand to include a special legal provi¬
sion in the Albanian law. When this failed the
former Greek Prime Minister,
Konstantin
Mitso-
takis, issued a statement on
14
of July
1993
warning
the Albanian government not to interfere any more
with the right and wishes of its citizens to freely
choose and declare their national affiliation.
This kind of Greek behavior is a clear evidence
that there is a well elaborated political program in
Greece to force Albania to buy its European
inte-
182
Abdi BALETA
gration
by paying a very high price to Greece, by
accepting a humiliating national disintegration and
by renouncing for ever from the inalienable right,
the sacred aspirations and obligations of all Alba¬
nians to have their own nation-state in the Balkans.
Recently, a think-tank body in Greece, named
ELIAMEP, released a report prepared by a team of
12
specialist sent to Albania to study on the spot
what chances and possibilities has Greece to annex
the Northern Epirus (Southern Albania). These
experts came to the conclusion that it is not advi¬
sable for Greece to try to do that by the use of force,
but there are good chances to achieve this objective
by peaceful means, through economic and cultural
penetration and cooperation in the Albanian poli¬
tical and social life. To reach that goal the Greek
authorities and the Greek minority in Albania are
sparing no effort to force the Albanian Government
go ahead with that census-plebiscite. Greek diplo¬
macy has gone as far as pushing one of its consular
officers in Albania to declare openly in an interview
that this census is the last chance for Greece to
accomplish its mission of hellenization and anne¬
xation of the Northern Epirus.
Such frenzied practices are fueling every day
the atmosphere of the Cold War in the Balkans.
Time to stop this spoiling frenzy can run out unex¬
pectedly if irresponsible claims of the Greek gover¬
nment and of the Greek Church are not firmly
discouraged without delaying by the Albanian state
and the European Community. Today's Greece's
actions versus Albania are very similar to the acti-
)O PLEBISHITIT
VEN1ZELLIST
_183
ons
of Venizelos regime that prepared the ground
for military intervention in Asia Minor in
1919.
That
Greek offensive inflicted untold suffering upon the
Turkish people and upon the Greek people them¬
selves, as it is described in a very revealing recent
book "Paradise Lost. The Tragedy of Smyrna", wri¬
tten by Giles Milton (UK
2009).
That book describes
the misfortunes befallen even on the Greek people
because of the senseless aggressive policy of Elefte-
rios Venizelos. That book was shown in TV pro¬
grams in Albania with the unique intention to
appeal to the Greek minority in Albania not to
listen too much to the voices of the Greek chau¬
vinism's sirens because the Greek minority has its
modest paradise in Albania that can be lost. Greek
reaction in and outside Albania was very chauvi¬
nistic to that appeal, trying to put the blame on the
Albanian nationalism for not willing to accom¬
modate Greek demands.
The political ghost
ofthat
Greek leader of early
1920,
named Venizelos, is haunting and defying
beyond limits the Albanian nation today. Greek
arrogant policy is greatly encouraged by the pitiful
posture of current Albanian politics in front of it.
The planed census under condition imposed by
Greece made even more obvious that the Albanian
Government deliberately has opted for an arbitrary
decrease of Albanianism and an increase of Gree-
kness in Albania. Such moves are tantamount to an
ethnological Greek aggression, and to a national
betrayal on the Albanian side.
184
Abdi BALETA
Unfortunately, many Albanian leaders, politi¬
cians, intellectuals have proved themselves unable
or unwilling to learn from the wise warnings. An
Albanian American scholar in
1990
had argued with
the Albanian communists about the significance of
national independence, and the risks to lose it: "The
Albanian Americans are happy with the formal as¬
pect of Albanian independence. Is not Albania re¬
presented in the United Nations, they say? Yes it is
along with the Ukraine and Belarus. Albania is ruled
today by Albanians, they insist. Her rulers are of
Albanian origin that is true. But are they to be
called Albanians only because of that? Independe¬
nce may be lost not only through foreign invasions.
But also through treacherous devotion to foreign
powers. The chief mark of national sovereignty is
the will to preserve and increase, within the frame
of a truly independent state, those elements which
make for the individuality of a nation. Communist
Albania is the negation
ofthat
concept/"8
Albanian political leaders in power during the
last
20
years has shown less ability to understand
these problems, and have created an even worse po¬
sition for their country's independence. They have
got the bad "habit of heart" to proudly reject the
idea of the reunification of the all divided parts of
the Albanian nation into one Albanian nation-state
within the boundaries of Ethnic Albania. Time and
again many Albanian leaders and politicians, espe-
'8Arshi
Pipa,
"Albanina
Stalinism.
ïdeo-Politcal
Aspects", USA
1990,
p.
5.
JO PLEBISHITIT VENIZELLIST
_
I85
cially
when they are in power, or aspire to come as
quickly as possible to power, use the
rutile
argu¬
ment that reunification has already lost its real
meaning and its importance because all of us one
day will be together in the United Europe. But the
majority of Albanians now think otherwise. In
Ko¬
sova
for instance,
81%
of the respondents to the
polls in
2010
were in favor of Albanian reunification
(in
2008
this figure was at the level of 54%).19 Even
in Albania now more than half of respondents are in
favor of the reunification.
The Party of National Revival in Albania for
20
years now has opted for the solution based on the
formula "One Nation, One Motherland, One State".
In
Kosova
the Movement "Vetvendosje" (Self-Dete-
rmination), which participated for the first time in
the parliamentary elections in
2010,
became the
third important party in the Assembly of
Kosova.
This movement has inscribed unconditionally in its
program the national reunification. That was the
main inspiring motive of the Freedom Fighters that
liberated
Kosova
from Serbian occupation. That is
in the best tradition of Albanianism and Natio¬
nalism. It is a mere speculation that demanding Al¬
banian reunification means creating some unknown
"Greater Albania", and opening thus the Pandoras
Box of conflicts and wars in the Balkans. Greek
mythology is coming once more to the help of those
who want to force Albanians sacrifice their national
Gallup Balkan Monitor
2010,
p.13.
Abdi
BALETA
rights and their sacred aspiration for the sake of
others' ambitions. That cannot be accepted for ever.
There is no doubt that the solution of the
Albanian problem resides in the reunification of the
Albanian people and nation. This will be to the
benefit of all Balkan peoples, will serve better the
instauration
of a durable peace and stability in the
Balkans. As long as the Albanian nation has not
resumed its rightful place in equal footing with the
other Balkan nations, the Albanians will feel inse¬
cure, under-respected, mistreated, frustrated. The
Albanian nation has its rightful place in the Balkan
life and also disposes an adequate potential to play
a positive and respectable role in the Balkan deve¬
lopments. It is not playing yet its role, because it is
divided among many states and even internally in
Albania. This situation doesn't permit the Albanians
to mobilize all their potential in one stream. Under
these conditions the Albanian nation cannot play
successfully its role of a factor of peace and stability. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Baleta, Abdi 1941- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)124515347 |
| author_facet | Baleta, Abdi 1941- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Baleta, Abdi 1941- |
| author_variant | a b ab |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV039123794 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)745494785 (DE-599)BVBBV039123794 |
| format | Book |
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| spelling | Baleta, Abdi 1941- Verfasser (DE-588)124515347 aut Jo plebishitit venizellist Abdi Baleta Greece's eagerness for Albania's greekness Prishtinë Shtypshkronja Grafobeni 2011 238 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Greece's eagerness for Albania's greekness Territorialer Anspruch (DE-588)4353957-9 gnd rswk-swf Griechen (DE-588)4022046-1 gnd rswk-swf Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd rswk-swf Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd rswk-swf Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd rswk-swf Epirus Nord (DE-588)4236600-8 gnd rswk-swf Griechenland (DE-588)4022047-3 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 g Griechenland (DE-588)4022047-3 g Territorialer Anspruch (DE-588)4353957-9 s Epirus Nord (DE-588)4236600-8 g DE-604 Griechen (DE-588)4022046-1 s Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 s Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 s Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024142294&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024142294&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Baleta, Abdi 1941- Jo plebishitit venizellist Territorialer Anspruch (DE-588)4353957-9 gnd Griechen (DE-588)4022046-1 gnd Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4353957-9 (DE-588)4022046-1 (DE-588)4041282-9 (DE-588)4068517-2 (DE-588)4001028-4 (DE-588)4236600-8 (DE-588)4022047-3 (DE-588)4143413-4 |
| title | Jo plebishitit venizellist |
| title_alt | Greece's eagerness for Albania's greekness |
| title_auth | Jo plebishitit venizellist |
| title_exact_search | Jo plebishitit venizellist |
| title_full | Jo plebishitit venizellist Abdi Baleta |
| title_fullStr | Jo plebishitit venizellist Abdi Baleta |
| title_full_unstemmed | Jo plebishitit venizellist Abdi Baleta |
| title_short | Jo plebishitit venizellist |
| title_sort | jo plebishitit venizellist |
| topic | Territorialer Anspruch (DE-588)4353957-9 gnd Griechen (DE-588)4022046-1 gnd Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd Albaner (DE-588)4068517-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Territorialer Anspruch Griechen Nationalbewusstsein Albaner Albanien Epirus Nord Griechenland Aufsatzsammlung |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024142294&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024142294&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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