Vepra: 24 Strategjia e bashkimit shqiptar
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Albanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Prishtinë
Inst. Albanologjik
2010
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 441 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789951596268 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1806958055202488320 |
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| adam_text |
PASQYRA E LËNDËS
NË
VEND TË PARAFJALËS
SHQIPTARËT DHE
EVROPA
DJE DHE
SOT
.7
Shqiptarët
midis
Lindjes dhe Perëndimit
.7
Ideologjia
fetare
islame .
8
Ideologia
kombëtare shqiptare
.9
Ideologjia
politike komuniste
.10
Ideologjia demokratike
.12
Shqiptarët dhe
padrejtësitë e Evropës
.13
Evropa dhe
shqiptarët sot .
17
Shqiptarët dhe
Evropa
e
popujve
a e
regjioneve
.20
Shqiptarët ne Evropë
duke
u
bërë
Evrope
.24
INTELIGJENCIA
SHQIPTARE
DHE POLITIKA SERBOMADHE
.29
POLITIKA
E PËRKOHSHME
DHE POPULLII
PËRJETSHËM
.41
ME DHUNË KUNDËR NDËRGJEGJES
.54
VAZHDIMËSIA
E NËNSHTRIMIT
.71
ME MASA
TË JASHTËZAKONSHME
KUNDËR VULLNETIT TË POPULLIT
.85
E
DREJTA
HISTORIKE
DHE
E DREJTA
ETNIKE
.99
ECJA JONË NËPËR MUNDIME
.113
NAIM FRASHËRI DHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
.123
FAN NOLI DHE
ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
.137
Si zoti
Mida
.137
437
Poeti
.138
Përkthyesi
.138
Kritiku
.139
Historiam
.139
Publicisti
.140
Politikám
e
shtetari
.141
Porosia
e tij
.145
LIRIA
I
KA TË MËDHA
KOKRRAT E DJERSËS NË
BALLE.
147
TRI FE, POR NJË PËRKUSHTIM
.161
PËRVOJË PËR
BREZAT
E ARDHSHËM
.172
POLITIKA
KOLONIZUESE
DHE E DREJTA PËR VETËVENDOSJE
.189
MËRGIMTARËT
-
MALL
I
PASHUAR
PËR VATRËN DHE PËR VËLLEZËRIT
.199
NË EVROPËN E BASHKUAR
-
SHQIPTARËT E BASHKUAR
.207
POLITIKA
E RIKOLONIZIMIT TË KOSOVËS
.222
GJENDJA E
KOMBIT
SHQIPTAR
SOT
.226
SHQIPTARË, URIME PËR
DITËLINDJEN E SHQIPËRISË!
.230
NË SHQIPËRI PO NGJET
HISTORIA
.232
LE
TË BËHET SHQIPËRIA
SIC E DO POPULLI SHQIPTAR
.235
AS PAKICË KOMBËTARE, AS
KOMBËSI, PORPOPULL
(I
NDARË)
.239
ATA QË S'PAJTOHEN ME DY
LE TË
PAJTOHEN ME NJË SHTET SHQIPTAR
.251
438
MË E DREJTË
200-250
MIJË SLLAVË PAKICË
NË
SHQIPËRI
SE
3
MILIONE
SHQIPTARË
PAKICË NË
JUGOSLLAVI
.253
ZGJIDHJA
POLITIKE
DHE ZGJIDHJA
E
DREJTË
E
ÇËSHTJES SHQIPTARE
.255
Flamuri
dhe simbolet
e
partive .
255
Çështja jonë
dhe bota e jashtme
.256
Zgjidhja
politike dhe
2gjidhja
e
drejtë
e
çështjes shqiptare
.261
Punëtorët
-
në gjendjen më të
rende
.267
Kemi
ardhur
duke
rënë
.269
Dobësitë
tona
.270
PËRSHËNDETJE
PER RILINDJEN
DEMOKRATKE .
272
NÉ
QOFTË SE
SHQIPTARËVE
S' U
LEJÖHET
PJESËMARRJA NË BISEDIME
.274
TAPËRPAROJMËEJO TA SUNDOJMË POPULLIN
.275
VULLNETI
I
PAPËRFILLUR
.281
SHQIPTARËT NË JUGOSLLAVI
-
POPULL
I
OKUPUAR
.284
OPSIONET MBI ZGJIDHJEN
E
ÇËSHTJES SHQIPTARE
.287
Çështja shqiptare
-
çështje
e
rende
.287
Shtruarja
e
pjesshme dhe shtruarja
e tërësishme e
çështjes shqiptare
.291
Çështja shqiptare si çështje
-
proces
.292
Çështja shqiptare dhe
faktorét
ndërkombëtarë
.294
Kërkesat
tona
të ndryshme për një zgjidhje të drejtë
.296
Zgjidhje të reduktuara të çështjes shqiptare
.301
Zgjidhja e
drejtë dhe
e përhershme e
çështjes shqiptare
305
Argumentet
për zgjidhje të drejtë të çështjes shqiptare
.308
S'ka
vepra
të mëdha pa vendosmëri të madhe
.318
439
ME LËVIZJE GJITHËPOPULLORE
DERI
TE PAVARËSIA
.321
Taktika
e
pushtimit
serb
të Kosovës
.322
Strategia
jonë
politike
.325
Mërgimi
i
të rinjve
-
rrezik
per ne
.328
Institucionalizirni gjithëkombëtar
і
Lëvizjes
.330
S'KA PUSHTUES QË S'ËSHTË MPOSHTUR
.333
SHQIPËRIADHE ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE
.336
Rendi
і
ri
botëror dhe vetëvendosja
e popujve
.336
Çështja shqiptare dhe kufijtë
e republikave
jugosllave
.338
Jugosllavia, çështja
shqiptare dhe
Shqipëria
.340
Programi
і
interesave kombëtare
dhe Shqipëria
.344
ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE NE
FORUMET
NDËRKOMBËTARE
.349
SHQIPËRIA-
PIEMONTI
I
SHQIPTARËVE
.356
PËR NJË
POLITIKE
TË RE KOMBËTARE
.366
Pse
s'kemi
ende
politike
globale kombëtare?
.367
A mund të
kemi
politike
globale kombëtare?
.371
Pse
duhet të
kemi
politike
globale kombëtare?
.374
ÇËSHTJA SHQIPTARE DHE
SHPËRBËRJA
E JUGOSLLAVISË
.379
PROGRAMI
I
RILINDJES SHPIRTËRORE
.389
DEKLARATA
E
KUVENDIT TË
INTELEKTUALËVE SHQIPTARE
.399
REZOLUTA
MBI BASHKTMIN SHQIPTAR
.402
SUMMARY
.407
Albanians
and Europe
.407
Islamic Religious Ideology
.408
Albanian National Ideology
.409
440
Communist Political Ideology
.410
Democratic Ideology
.411
Albanians and the European Injustices
.413
Europe and the Albanian Question Today
.417
Albanians and Europe of Nations and Regions
.419
Albanians in Europe by Becoming Europe
.422
SHËNIME
.427
TREGUESII EMRAVE
.431
PASQYRA
E LËNDËS
.437
441
SUMMARY
Albanians and Europe
Geography has connected the Albanian people with Europe,
but history has kept it divided from Europe for a long time.
Although from a geographical position it is Europe, from a
historical one it was compelled for a long period to be Asia. The
history of the Albanian people, as one of the ancient peoples of
the Balkans, is a great history between East and West: a great
history made tragic by both East and West in their turn, made
tragic by the East because of the West, and by the West because
of the East. Experts of geography take it to be good fate, and
those of history maintain that it was unfortunate to have to live in
the Balkans. If Geography has been unable to duly prove the
former, history in its turn has proved for so many times the latter.
This is not true only for the Albanian people. Peoples that have
tried life in the continent, but that wanted to try the coast; those
that have tried life at the coast, but that wanted to try the
continent too; peoples that wanted to occupy the West and
peoples that wanted to conquer the East; strong nations longing
to be rich; and nations that wanted to prove strong besides being
rich, have often met in the Balkans, bringing the Albanians and
their neighbours, their faiths and beliefs, their codes and
mentalities. All these incomers, stopping at the Balkans for short
and long, have confronted the indigenous Albanians with the
necessity of preserving or losing their spiritual and cultural
identity, of choosing between freedom and slavery, between life
and death.
living at such a crossroad, where people coming from
opposite geographical directions, but with similar conquering
intentions, have met, where great civilizations of Christianity and
Islam met, where irreconcilable interests intermingled, political
407
and economic, the Albanian people has tried what it means to be
living at the ends of both worlds without belonging in full to any
of them, or in fact belonging at times to both of them. The
Western type and the Eastern type of Christianity; Islam as a faith
of the overwhelming part of the population; Western reasoning
and Eastern fatalism; the Eastern way of life and the Western way
of life
-
all of these represent sufficient proof of a dual character
of the Albanian culture, as much as of its dramatic historical life at
the brinks of Rome, Byzantium, and Istanbul, under their spiritual
and cultural political and military imperialism. This means that the
history of the Albanian people more than once during the
centuries changed its European inclination being overcome by the
Eastern inclination.
Ideologies of pulling the Albanians away from Europe, or of
their return to Europe are the following ones: the Islamic religious
ideology, the Albanian national ideology, the communist political
ideology, and the democratic ideology.
Islamic Religious Ideology
Although geography has connected it with Europe, the
Albanian people were compelled for the first time to separate
after the Turkish conquests, in the 15th century. The Ottoman
Empire raised a wall between the Albanians and Europe, firsdy
with its Islamic religious ideology as its official ideology, but not
only with it. Turkish conquest violated heavily the natural
development of the Albanian people: it cut its connections it had
created with Europe; it changed the direction that it was taking; it
messed up its life rhythm that it had created up to that point. By
pulling it away from Europe, in nearly all fields, the Turkish
conquest will delay die development of the Albanian people in all
its domains: material, economic, cultural, educational, urban. A
different faith, different juridical code, different moral principles,
a different way of life that did not agree with the faith, customary
code, and popular way of life, will endanger heavily the spiritual
408
and cultural identity of the Albanian people, built from one side
upon a patriarchal native culture, and on the other hand upon the
classical Roman culture and Christianity. That the Albanian people
in no way agreed with its pulling away from Europe is proved by
the following: its struggles under the leadership of Scanderbeg,
anti-Turkish continuous uprisings, and a rich cultural creativity.
Even though the motives of 25-years long struggles of Scanderbeg
against Turks are numerous, it is beyond suspicion that one of
them presents in the most striking way the preservation of
common European roots. Because it takes them as a violent
separation from its natural, educational and cultural European
environment, as a threat for annihilating its spiritual and cultural
identity, the Albanian people opposes thus the Turkish conquest
during all the centuries of its existence with all its strength, but
most successfully with its language, culture and literature. The
penetration of the ideas of the Italian Revival, in the 15th and
16th century, and those of Rationalism and Illuminism of the later
centuries, translations of the holy books of Christianity, writing
with Latin alphabet, the works of Buzuku,
Budi,
Bardhi,
Bogdani
-
all of these speak clearly that the Albanian people longed to be
Europe even at a time when it was East. The intention of all its
struggles against the Turks, of the struggles waged with the sword
and the struggles waged with the pen, was the ruining of the wall
that separated it from Europe. But the strongest proof of its
endeavours to return to Europe is the Albanian National Revival.
Albanian National Ideology
In the European political and cultural scene, from which the
Turkish conquests had taken them out, the Albanians will return
in the 19th century. The Albanian National Revival as a general
patriotic, political, spiritual, and cultural revival represents in fact
the return of the Albanian people in the progressive trend of the
European civilisation. Culture, civilisation, social ideals of Europe
become ideals of the highest class of the nation: of intellectuals.
409
The National Revival is a movement inspired by the national
ideology and at the same time it is its
inspirer.
It is built on
cultural and moral traditions of the people itself, but also on die
philosophical and democratic ideas of Illuminism and the Great
French Revolution. It is a liberating movement of the nation, but
also democratic, and this dual character of it is reflected in the
works written by the revivalists, and in a particular way in the
book of
Sami
Frashëri, Shqipëria ç'ka qenë, ç'është
e
ç'do të bëhet
(Albania
what it was, is, and will be), which presents its national
and democratic program. Grave national, political, social and
economic consequences of the long and dim Turkish night in die
life of the Albanian people hinder die national ideology of the
Albanian Revival, but may not stop it, because it represents die
historical interests of die nation. Aldiough hindered from it not
only during the 19th century
- i.e.
before the declaration of
independence, but also between the two world wars
- i.e.
after the
declaration of independence, the Albanian national ideology will
remain me most active ideology in the political and drinking life of
die nation until after the Second World War, above all because the
program of die National Revival was only partially realized in
1912,
and in
1945
respectively.
Communist Political Ideology
Even though the Albanian National Revival returns the
Albanian nation back to the political and cultural scene of Europe,
it will once again part itself from Europe after the Second World
War. After Islam as a religious ideology brought in by the Turkish
conquests, communism is another ideology, now a political one,
coming also from outside mat estranges the Albanian people from
Europe, pulling it away from Europe at a time when the parting
role of Islam had been overcome. Regardless of its ideally western
content, and regardless of its mainly European stretching, the
communist political ideology in the life of die Albanian people is
implemented as an anti-western ideology, meaning anti-European,
410
before all because with its foreign policy it incites, it separates the
Albanian people politically, and economically from Europe for a
long time. As a state ideology, the communist ideology caused the
Albanian people to find itself spiritually where a natural
development would had lead it to; where the native law code
would had never taken it, where the historical sense and the logic
of geography would had never taken it. With the centre from
which this ideology came
-
Russia, the Albanian people had no
connections prior to it, because it could not have had.
If we consider that with communist ideology, or perhaps
because of it, the intention of the national ideology was never
reached
-
national unification in the Second World War; that
under its pressure the national cultural tradition suffered many
set-backs, and the modern Albanian culture has been cut off from
the European cultural tradition; that in the creative, artistic, and
scientific life it has caused heavy limitations in the field of
freedom of opinion and expression; that in the political and state
life it was implemented through grave violations of human rights
and liberties
-
through prosecution, trials, imprisonment, camps,
and occasional liquidations; that it has impoverished to a great
extent ideas, ideals, values, unifying constituents of the national
ideology, which was for long succumbed to an abstract ideology
called internationalism; that the economic development and the
quality of the Albanian life has left far from the scale of the
economic development and the quality of Me in Europe, and the
Albanian people in Yugoslavia was left gravely endangered by the
great-Serbian chauvinistic policy
-
therefore in case that all these
consequences are to be considered, then it is understandable why
the communist ideology is leaving the historical Albanian scene
without any honouring speeches.
Democratic Ideology
The withdrawal of the communist political ideology from the
Albanian historical scene coincides with the return of the
411
Albanian people to the European political and cultural scene,
respectively along with a democratic revival which begins first in
Kosova,
and then in Albania at the end of the eighties. This is a
historical process inspired by freedom-loving ideals: the ideal of a
free and democratic life in all the Albanian territories, and in
Kosova,
also the ideal of the national independence. It is
comprehensible, therefore, why the democratic revival, which the
Albanian people is undergoing today, national independence and
democracy represented indivisible matters of the national interest.
Then as today, intellectuals make that social stratum which lies
down democratic demands, and at times, national ones, and the
youth, first of all is that power that endeavours for their
implementation. Democratic ideas, or better to say democratic
and national ideas, that have inspired the present democratic
revival in our life, are to be found in the thinking creativity in
which violations of human rights are discovered and even
deplored, limitations of freedom of thought and expression are
criticised. But, the greatest instigation to the Albanian democratic
revival is given by the thinking activity in which, on one hand the
pressing, chauvinistic, hegemonistic policy of Serbia in
Kosova
is
unmasked, and on the other legitimate rights of the Albanian
people for self-determination are defended. This means that the
unsolved question of the Albanians in the Balkans and violation
of their individual rights and liberties in the entire political space
represent the inspiring content of the democratic ideology of the
present Albanian movement.
The ideology of the Albanian National Revival is an ideology
of liberation from the slavery of an Eastern state
-
as Turkey was,
respectively an ideology of protection from the occupying policy
of the Balkan neighbours, which belong to the circle of the
Eastern European civilisation
-
as Serbia is. The democratic
ideology of the present Albanian movement too is an ideology of
protection from the Serbian oppression, on the one hand, and
from the one-party totalitarianism, coming again from the East,
from the European East this time, on the other hand. As in the
412
times
of the National Revival, today too, in this time of our
democratic revival, we are trying to free ourselves from the
consequences of our departure from Europe by getting back to
Europe. As in the times of the National Revival, today we may
notice too that any time we were compelled to get away from
Europe, Europe pulled away from us too: without feeling sorry
for us, or even worse by pushing us even further into political and
economic insulation. If the balance-sheet of our departure from
Europe after the Second World War is
stül
to be made,
consequences of the departure after Turkish conquests were made
in time, although the tragic price of that departure is continuing to
be paid even today.
Why can we say this?
Albanians and the European Injustices
By separating the Albanian history from the direction of the
European history, by separating the Albanian culture from the
native cultural tradition and Western European culture, the
Turkish conquests will be the reason why the Albanian people will
lose a great amount of historical time, why it will be late in its
development, why it will be late it the Balkan and European tables
on which it will be decided about its fate. Departure from Europe,
with all the consequences it had brought to the Albanian life, will
be the main reason why Europe will behave at times without any
interest, at times without any understanding, and at times without
any justice for the Albanian people. Facts on such behaviour of
the European politics and diplomacy towards the Albanian
people, are unfortunately, far too many.
Not only for the reason of an artificial balance, that made the
Albanians to be victims of conquering aspirations of their Balkan
neighbours, but also for the reason of religious bias that were still
preserved in Europe, Great European Powers after the beginning
of the Eastern Crises, behaved towards them as if they were not a
European people at all. The demands of the Albanian intellectuals
413
that their people be recognized the right "to enter
-
as they stated
-
the big European family to which we belong", will be met by the
refusal of the acceptance that there exists an Albanian nation,
which would be allowed to have its national state! The rights
which at the time were recognized to Greeks, Romanians, Serbs,
and Montenegrins were not recognized to the Albanians. Europe,
which had reduced its interests for them only into language,
ethnographic, and folkloric interest, not only will not show
readiness to accept them within itself, but it will be ready to
sentence them to death within the Ottoman Empire. It can never
be explained with certainty why Europe behaved as it did towards
the Albanian people: because that's the way the strategic interests
of die Great Powers wanted it; or because it could not evade the
pressure of Russia, which in the name of pan-Slavism had taken
the role of the supporter of Serbia and Montenegro; or because it
indeed could not make a distinction between religion and
nationality, therefore it equalled Albanians with Turks. Still, it may
be said that the Great Powers (France, England, Germany, Italy,
Austro-Hungary) are supervisors of the historic injustices that will
be exercised by the Balkan kingdoms against the Albanian people
in the 19th century and in the beginning of the 20th. They will
watch in silence the extermination of the Albanians in Southern
Serbia during the Russian-Turkish War, respectively the Serbian-
Turkish War in
1877-1878;
they will begin themselves the
partition of the ethnic Albanian territories in the Congress of
Berlin in
1879;
they will watch in silence the occupation of the
Albanian lands by Serbia and Montenegro during the Balkan
Wars; they will watch in silence the occupation of Albania during
the Second Balkan War and First World War; they will watch in
silence: exterminating actions of the Serbian and Montenegrin
army against the Albanian people during
1912-1915;
punitive
military and police expeditions of Serbia throughout
Kosova
between the two world wars; colonization of
Kosova
with Serbs
and Montenegrins; the never-ending caravan of the Albanians
which Serbia compeHed to move to Turkey; violation of the most
414
elementary human and national rights and liberties of the
Albanians under the military-police regime of the Yugoslav
Kingdom! They will pass without punishing the project of the
Serbian Cultural Club in
1937
on the extermination of the
Albanians from
Kosova,
Macedonia, and Montenegro. They will
legalize in silence the Yugoslav-Turkish agreement for moving the
Muslims (Albanians) in
1938!
If such behaviour shows widi what insensitivity Europe
watched the sufferings of the Albanians in the Congress of Berlin
(1878),
at the Conference of Ambassadors in London
(1912-
1913),
and at the Peace Conference in Paris
(1918-1919)
shows
even more: it proves that it never hesitated to take an active part
in its drama, which will be the greatest national drama in its
continent
-
in the partition of the Albanian territories! Europe of
the second half of the 19th century and of the first half of the
20th century, indeed, morally wounded to death because of
powerful political contradictions will give enough reason to
Albanians to fall into despair for its justice and moral, to live,
afterwards, in anger towards its politics and justice. Why can we
say this?
We can say this because, as an intellectual of the time wrote,
in order to reduce the lands of the Albanian nation it would
suffice that the Serbian politicians take a journey to Europe. The
ethnic right as a natural right on which national states were
created or were being created in its continent, Europe will be
denying to the Albanians; the right to self-determination as a right
recognized to the nations of Europe, which had created or were
creating their national states during the 19th and the beginning of
the 20th century, Europe will be denying to the Albanians; the
right to the state-forming majority, as a right on which borders
were determined in the states of its continent, Europe will be
denying to the Albanians in the three abovementioned meetings:
in Berlin, London, and Paris! For these reasons, the borders of the
Albanian state, in fact, of the state of half of the Albanian people
and half of the Albanian territories although perfect borders exist
415
nowhere
-
are the strangest borders, most illogical, therefore die
most unjust ones in the world. And, they are so illogical and so
unjust borders precisely because during their determination
Europe treaded the rights of the Albanian people and defended
die interests of its defendant
-
Greece and die defendants of
Russia!
-
Serbia and Montenegro. Over the edinic right of
Albanians Europe put the interests of the policy of an artificial
balance; over the live natural right of Albanians Europe put the
dead right of history; over the edinic and natural and moral, and
finally historical right of Albanians, Europe put die unjust right of
die winner of war, and diis means of dieir new conquerors. By
violating in diis way its own juridical and moral norms, in fact, by
violating me principles of its own civilization, Europe will make a
great historical injustice, which it never tried to juridically justify,
because it cannot be justified. Here are some facts mat comprise
mat injustice: from around
75,000
square kilometres of the ethnic
trunk (widi
54,000
km2), where Albanians were die only and
absolute majority, and its side strip (with
31,000
km2), where
Albanians made less
dian
half of die population, Albania will take
28,000
km2, while me omer part will be given to Serbia (around
21,000
km2), Montenegro around
2,000
km2 and Greece around
5,000.
From around
1
million and
552
mousand inhabitants
-
diat
were living at the time in die lands of die edinic trunk,
740,000
will remain in Albania and around
5
per cent odiers, while in
odier Albanian territories, which remain outside die borders of
Albania
802,000
inhabitants
- 662,000
Albanians and
180,000
odiers: Serbs, Montenegrins, Muslims, Greeks, Wallachians, and
odiers. In its side strip, outside of Albania,
190,000
Albanians will
remain. Serbia will be given
Kosova
and Dukagjini, where
5
per
cent Serbs lived; the towns will be given to it: Gjakova widi its
vicinity where
diere
were no Serbs at all;
Peja widi
its vicinity,
where out of
45,000
Albanians of the Muslim faitii around
400
orthodox hved; Ohri and its vicinity, where (in
1866)
around
105,000
inhabitants of the Muslim faith lived,
i.e.
Albanians and
around
20,000
Christians, die majority Albanians. Dibra widi
416
26,000 Muslim
Albanians and
2,000
Christians, and other towns
and places in which there were no Serbs at all, nor Macedonians,
or where Albanians made the overwhelming majority.
Montenegro will be given territories in which not a single
Montenegrin lived: like Hoti and
Gruda, Plava
and
Gucia,
and
prior to it Ulqini and its vicinity; Greece will be given Albanian
territories of Chatneria up to Preveza, where Albanians were an
overwhelming
majority.
In the Conference of Ambassadors in
London, Europe will be giving the neighbours of the Albanians
the most fertile land, low-lands that were used to feed the
population, and waters of the rivers that were used to water those
lands! Borders will be separating towns from mountain lands that
were used to supply them with farming products, and the
mountain lands from towns that used to supply them with articles
produced in towns. And, thus, the
500
year long Turkish
occupation was replaced by Europe with the Slavic occupation:
still more severe!
Europe and the Albanian Question Today
Although in the minds of many people the name Europe
even today is equated with the Great Powers, as were France,
Germany, and Italy, Europe of the post-war period politically,
juridically, and morally is not Europe of pre-war. The tragic
experience that two world wars brought to it became an urge for
changes in the political and social life. Today Western Europe is
building a new political and juridical philosophy according to
which, as it is said, the use of military becomes less and less
legitimate. New Europe is interested in the Albanian question too,
although still by reducing it to the question of
Kosova,
which is
but one constituent (the most important one, of course) of the
Albanian question. The interest of Europe for Albanians proves
the principality with which it tries to implement the documents of
Helsinki on Cooperation and Security in Europe. Besides all-
European institutions, like European Parliament and European
417
Community,
various governments, parties, and intellectuals show
an interest in Albanians. Although they could not stop the
deteriorating national situation of Albanians, increasing violation
on their individual rights and liberties, and although they could
not stop exterminating actions of the Serbian regime against
Albanians, incited not only from ethnic differences, it may be said
that European institutions have hindered the chauvinistic policy
of Serbia, raised to the level of the Yugoslav policy, in order to
cause even worse tragedies than those already caused to the
Albanian people. Today, we may freely say that if it weren't for
the political pressure of the mentioned all-European institutions
on the Yugoslav political institutions and organs, the Serbian,
respectively Yugoslav, military and police would have killed even
more Albanians than they already have in the demonstrations and
peaceful rallies of protest; from the Yugoslav army we would have
had even more boys returning home in sealed coffins
-
with false
explanations and lies of them having committed suicide; at the
police and its courts more Albanians would have been prosecuted
than those already prosecuted; the great number of those
Albanian youngsters, tragically enough, that passed through the
Serbian
-
Montenegrin, and Macedonian prisons for the sole
reason of having called the Republic of
Kosova,
or for demanding
democracy in the streets of
Kosova,
would have been even
greater; many more Albanians would have been compelled to seek
political asylum in the countries of Western Europe, or move
forever to Turkey, USA, and Australia; the number of the
Albanians killed in the streets of
Kosova
and Serbia by the
Serbian police would have been far greater; the number of the
run-away Albanians disappeared by the Serbian, respectively
Yugoslav UDBA, would have been far greater; the number of the
school-children, students, teachers, and professors dismissed from
schools and faculties would have been far greater; of the workers
dismissed from work; of doctors and nurses dismissed from
hospitals, ambulances and maternities; of engineers dismissed
from factories, of cadres in all fields fired from the working
418
process. If it weren't for the continuous preoccupation of
European institutions the position of the Albanian people in
Yugoslavia, in any way unprecedented in a peace time in its
modern history, would have been far more tragic. Finally: if it
weren't for the continuous preoccupation of the all-European
institutions for the human rights and liberties, it would not have
been impossible for us to experience a Bartholomew Night, or a
Night of the Long Knives, even though we may not exclude such
nights even now!
Europe
-
that director and implementer of yesterday of
collective bloodsheds, is now trying to become a restrainer of
such things in
Kosova!
Europe, which once had left us candidates to extermination
by the Serbian army, watching from a distance, cold-blooded, at
our sufferings, or even taking part in the mutilation of our ethnic
trunk, is now presenting us with its watch and is defending us! It
has not become our attorney, because we never needed one, but it
has become an attorney of its own justice!
Albanians and Europe of Nations and Regions
With its concern for us after
1981,
Europe indeed has made
it possible that our tragic sufferings does not become more tragic,
but it hasn't done a thing in changing our colonial situation in
which we are found. During this time, European Parliament has
passed several resolutions on the defence of our human individual
rights, but it has not yet dealt with the historical causes of
yesterday, and the constitutional causes of today which make our
life defenceless, unguaranteed, therefore insecure, in the state of
the Slavic peoples. Doubtlessly, we have no right to seek from
anybody, therefore from Europe neither, to do something more
for us from what we do for ourselves; after all, historical
experience teaches us that a nation cannot be helped by anyone if
it cannot help itself. We have been convinced for many times
during the last ten years that the protection of rights and
419
individual
sovereignty does not mean, unfortunately, a protection
of the collective rights and sovereignty. But, apart from the nature
of the European concern for us, it is comprehensible why the
Albanians in Yugoslavia
-
as an occupied people for eighty years,
as a banned and defenceless people, which in the territories in
which it lives is the sole state-forming population or majority
-
its
salvation from the position in which it is today is seeking precisely
in the new European democratic order,
i.e.
in future Europe.
And, why shouldn't they?
Future Europe, projected as a Europe of united and free
people of Europe, has become a hope of the small nations which
belong to it not only geographically and historically, but also of
the small nations which belong to it geographically, but that have
not always belonged historically to it. For all of them, the united
Europe is not only one geographic notion. For all of them it is at
the same time a political and economical space; spiritual and
cultural category
- i.e.
a project of the future. There is a good
reason for hope in it.
For die first time in the history of Europe, its new order will
be utterly different from the orders created by the use of force:
from die order created by swords at the time when the sword was
the main means of order; from the order created by guns after the
First World War, when die peace of Versailles decided by guns
caused another more bloody world war; from the order created by
tanks and airplanes after the Second World War when tanks and
airplanes determined the order that will be called the Cold War.
For die first time in the history of Europe, die new European
order is not created based only on the political will of die big
nations, but also of die small nations. United Europe cannot be
equated with France, Germany, and Italy, for example, because it
will be a Europe in which small nations, too, will enjoy equal
rights, die names of which Europe never remembered before.
Precisely from diem it is diought of as a multinational,
multicultural, and multilingual community, in which everybody
ought to feel equal independendy of die size, and secure
420
independently of power. Those that do not yet enjoy
independence are hoping to win it; those that are ethnically
divided are hoping to get united; diose that are economically
underdeveloped are hoping for a more rapid development. With
such hopes the united Europe is looked at, first of all, from those
small nations
-
that are dependent
-
like Slovenes, Croats, the
Baltic nations, Slovaks, Ukrainians, or dependent and oppressed
-
like the Albanians in totalitarian federations, in fact, in the last
empires of the European continent
-
like the Soviet Union and
Yugoslavia. Therefore, it is understandable why all these people
that believe that the democratic process in the countries of
Eastern and Central Europe in, at the same time, the third wave
of the creation of national states during the last hundred years, are
searching for their traditional ties with die countries of Western
Europe, emphasizing that independently of occasional divisions
they do belong to the circle of the Western civilization. All these
peoples, more or less blocked during history
-
because they were
small and hindered even today in their endeavours for
independence
-
because they have still remained in the iron
embrace of these federations, they see the solution of their
national problems: in Europe of united nations, in which it would
be possible for diem to enter as independent nations, or as
independent and united nations, that is into their national entirety;
or, in the Europe of united regions in which it would be possible
for them to enter as regions
—
as it is seen
-
with an identity based
on the ethnic factor, on language, ethnic-cultural experience,
civilization experience, on mentality, respectively with developing
possibilities based on corresponding and fulfilling order of the
economic and ecological factors.
Albanians have the right to hope that their question can be
solved in a holistic way, and not partially, on long-term and not
temporary basis, in the Europe of united peoples, but of the free
Europeans, because in the Europe of peoples, they will, as a
divided people, become united. But, Albanians have every right to
hope that their question, in fact their right for national unification,
421
may be solved equally rightfully even in the Europe of the united
regions, in which a factor of identity would be the ethnic factor. If
the Europe of peoples, respectively of the regions, will not be the
Europe of the rich and the poor, of the developed and
underdeveloped, but a Europe of equals, Albanians may enter it as
a united nation, and the ethnic territories in which they live as
united regions. Because, only that way can they overcome their
economic backwardness in which they are today. By dividing the
Albanian people, Europe has exhausted its national energies; by
cutting Albanian territories into main states, Europe has tragically
wrinkled the abilities of the development of Albanians, because it
has thus separated a natural, ethnic, economic, and cultural
wholeness, and thus has disabled them for existence, and most of
all, for well-being. Because in that way it cut the connection of the
parts that made that natural, ethnic, economic, trade, and cultural
wholeness, because in this way it separated the regions which
depended on each other for centuries. Today's backwardness
economically and socially almost dramatic for the Albanian people
in essence is a consequence of its previous division. The economic
development and, at last, the general progress of the Albanian
people, therefore, depends on the unification of the Albanian
people
-
in the Europe of peoples, respectively on the unification
of the Albanian territories, meaning the regions with ethnic
identity
-
in the Europe of regions.
Albanians in Europe by Becoming Europe
Such are, I believe, the hopes of the Albanian people inspired
by the new European order; such are, I believe, the hopes of the
small peoples inspired by the new democratic order that will be
called the United Europe of peoples, or the United Europe of
regions. Still, it should not be forgotten that the hopes of the
small people have many times during history ended up in despair.
This does mean that the same may happen this time too, but that
such a possibility for their disappointment in the new European
422
order
should not be excluded. Researchers of European processes
notice that the conservative structures, that are still preserved in
Western Europe, on the one hand, and the dogmatic,
antidemocratic structures that are still preserved in the post-
communist countries of Eastern Europe, on the other hand, do
not show understanding for new European national entities. The
ruling nations in international federations, that are politically and
economically privileged in them, that are carriers of oppression in
them, do not look with sympathy at the united Europe, no matter
with what pathos we speak sometimes of it, because they do not
want the creation of new subjects in Europe, that at the same time
means for the unmaking of those federations.
Europe is not a very simple geography, but Europe is a very
complex history, that did not take in the same direction all of its
peoples. In the European continent hopes have often been
changed into tragic illusions. Considering such expectations in the
European political tradition, noted European intellectuals take the
liberty of calling the united Europe a big illusion. History has
never ceased being a teacher of life. And, this teacher of life
teaches us that the Great European Powers have always
determined their interests depending on, or against, the interests
of the small peoples.
Can something like that happen once again?
It is not easy now to give an answer to this question. It can
be said, therefore, that in the common European palace, the
rooms of which are being made, but will not have a roof so soon,
all its members will not have the same rooms. Someone will enter
sooner, and someone later; someone will take the upper floor, and
someone the lower one; someone will have the roof-top, and
someone the basement; someone will be at the waiting room, and
someone in the hall! And, the place that someone will take in this
palace, most probably, will depend less on its size, and more on its
scale of development
-
of its inhabitants. By all means, at no times
may we forget that wellbeing in this European palace cannot be
given. Europe does not give anything. It has never given anything.
423
Those that have won all those diings in continuous competitions
of power, deftness, wisdom, aptness cannot be expected to work
for those that do not work, to think for those that are late in
thinking. In the hymns of the Great Powers of European victories
and greatness are sung, but Europe has heard hymns without any
remorse of the small nations, in which it is spoken about
sufferings and sacrifices! Who doesn't know and who doesn't say
that Europe was a continent of most brutal contradictions, of
most different ideologies! In its spaces generous people were born
like
Pope Pio
2nd,
Kant, and Hugo, hundreds of years before they
projected "our common home", but even die racists like Gobion,
Lapaus, and Chamberlain
-
that threw the seed of racial divisions.
In its horizons rationalism and Mysticism, Liberalism and Fascism
were born; parliamentary democracy and one-party totalitarianism.
Its minds have dreamed the Eternal Peace, created The
Declaration on Human and Citizen's Rights, but also the
Mein
Kampf!
Along the great creative genius, such as Shakespeare,
Göthe,
and
Babac,
it gave birth to great inquisitors such as Hitler,
and Mussolini. The continent of ingenious inventions that has
given progress to the human life was also a continent of the trade
with people and nations, of persecutions, terrors and
unprecedented violence. Here, in the name of justice, injustices
have often been committed; in the name of the good, bad deeds
have been made; in the name of brotherhood
-
the worst crimes,
and in the name of equality
-
die wildest pogroms. The right of
the strong and the winner has for so many times suppressed all
the other rights: ethnic, national, human and democratic of the
weak one. It is not written in vain. "Europe is a communion of
peoples that have for
1000
years been playing roulette in an
unmerciful and bloody manner, not being able to get away from
die table they are sitting at". The given word in there often ends
up in treason; politics in demagogy; diplomacy in deception;
devotion in submission. The Holy Alliance of Vienna
(1815);
the
Congress of Berlin
(1878);
the Conference of Ambassadors in
London
(1913);
the Conference of Peace in Paris
(1919);
the
424
Conference
of Yalta
(1945) -
are but some sessions of roulette, in
which the right and the fate of die small nations were used instead
of banknotes. Laughter and cynicism, wooing and decisiveness,
charm and stubbornness, fondle and bullet
-
here are some of the
means that usually have been used in that political and diplomatic
roulette. And, they served the same aim: the victory of the
strongest, ruling of the greatest, enriching the rich! Thus, in the
continent of Europe, more loyally than in any other continent,
laws of war for existence have been manifested endlessly in
Europe. Here, sayings have been tested, and I am afraid will be
tested: poor small man; poor small nation; poor small culture!
They may become even smaller, or even disappear entirely if they
do not fulfil their smallness with virtues that make them resistant:
with wisdom, talent, firmness, and most of all work, work, and
work. In Europe of the Mind, power has, nevertheless, always
been valued as a condition of peace.
I know that such opinions are not heard with pleasure these
days. And, they may not be heard with pleasure for two reasons:
the first, because diey remind us of conditions from which we not
only want but also hope to have departed forever, and, the
second, because our hopes which Europe of the future is inspiring
in us are great. Without them life would seem unbearable to us
under these conditions already unbearable.
Naturally, such thoughts I myself do not want to believe. By
uttering them, however, I want to give my contribution to the
belief that: our endeavours to enter Europe and become its
subject, equal with the others and likewise honoured, may become
successful only if we make parallel endeavours to previously bring
Europe in our own life. But, we will not bring Europe in our life:
if we do not dismiss anti-Europe from our life; if we do not make
general changes in the Albanian society based on the upbringing
of the people, on free creativity, on new moral principles; if we do
not turn disorder and disorganisation to order and organisation; if
the naive belief that freedom will be given to us from Europe is
425
not substituted with the belief that freedom will be won by
ourselves.
And, I will conclude.
The ancient Albanian word has proven to be more powerful
than the threats made against it during centuries, but the Albanian
people is not happy yet. It is said that big nations are That which
they have themselves created out of history; but, We, as a divided
people, are still That what history has made out of us. By dividing
us as a people, Europe has violated our freedom, has cut our
wellbeing in half, has postponed our happiness.
We have survived the killing march of history, but a great
wall with Europe has remained. The meaning of our endeavours
of today are seen in the ruining of that wall, and by preserving,
and even developing and enriching our spiritual and cultural
identity, which kept us until today, and will keep us from today
and on.
We have survived the killing march of history, but the tragic
wall that has cut our people in half has remained. The meaning of
our history I see in breaking down that damn wall, because it's
breaking down is a precondition that our people become a free,
rich, and happy people.
And, the day of the breakdown will come as a historical
necessity!
426 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Qosja, Rexhep 1936- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)119457490 (DE-588)1113035099 |
| author_facet | Qosja, Rexhep 1936- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Qosja, Rexhep 1936- |
| author_variant | r q rq |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV039102777 |
| callnumber-first | D - World History |
| callnumber-label | DR1230 |
| callnumber-raw | DR1230.A4 |
| callnumber-search | DR1230.A4 |
| callnumber-sort | DR 41230 A4 |
| callnumber-subject | DR - Balkan Peninsula |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)734094143 (DE-599)BVBBV039102777 |
| era | Geschichte 1900-2000 |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1900-2000 |
| format | Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content (DE-588)4027503-6 Interview gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Aufsatzsammlung Interview |
| geographic | Jugoslawien Albania Foreign relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Foreign relations Albania Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 gnd Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Jugoslawien Albania Foreign relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Foreign relations Albania Serbien Europa Albanien Kosovo |
| id | DE-604.BV039102777 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T00:24:46Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789951596268 |
| language | Albanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-022646678 |
| oclc_num | 734094143 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 441 S. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Inst. Albanologjik |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Qosja, Rexhep 1936- Verfasser (DE-588)119457490 aut Vepra 24 Strategjia e bashkimit shqiptar Rexhep Qosja. [Këshilli red. Hysen Matoshi ...] Prishtinë Inst. Albanologjik 2010 441 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Qosja, Rexhep 1936- (DE-588)119457490 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1900-2000 Außenpolitik Geschichte Albanians Yugoslavia History 20th century Selbstbestimmungsrecht (DE-588)4054390-0 gnd rswk-swf Einheitsbewegung (DE-588)4123108-9 gnd rswk-swf Ethnische Identität (DE-588)4153096-2 gnd rswk-swf Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien Albania Foreign relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Foreign relations Albania Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 gnd rswk-swf Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd rswk-swf Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content (DE-588)4027503-6 Interview gnd-content Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 g Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 s Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 g DE-604 Einheitsbewegung (DE-588)4123108-9 s Ethnische Identität (DE-588)4153096-2 s Qosja, Rexhep 1936- (DE-588)119457490 p Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 g Selbstbestimmungsrecht (DE-588)4054390-0 s Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Matoshi, Hysen 1967- Sonstige (DE-588)1113035099 oth (DE-604)BV039102068 24 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022646678&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022646678&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Qosja, Rexhep 1936- Vepra Qosja, Rexhep 1936- (DE-588)119457490 gnd Außenpolitik Geschichte Albanians Yugoslavia History 20th century Selbstbestimmungsrecht (DE-588)4054390-0 gnd Einheitsbewegung (DE-588)4123108-9 gnd Ethnische Identität (DE-588)4153096-2 gnd Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)119457490 (DE-588)4054390-0 (DE-588)4123108-9 (DE-588)4153096-2 (DE-588)4126113-6 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4015701-5 (DE-588)4001028-4 (DE-588)4032571-4 (DE-588)4143413-4 (DE-588)4027503-6 |
| title | Vepra |
| title_auth | Vepra |
| title_exact_search | Vepra |
| title_full | Vepra 24 Strategjia e bashkimit shqiptar Rexhep Qosja. [Këshilli red. Hysen Matoshi ...] |
| title_fullStr | Vepra 24 Strategjia e bashkimit shqiptar Rexhep Qosja. [Këshilli red. Hysen Matoshi ...] |
| title_full_unstemmed | Vepra 24 Strategjia e bashkimit shqiptar Rexhep Qosja. [Këshilli red. Hysen Matoshi ...] |
| title_short | Vepra |
| title_sort | vepra strategjia e bashkimit shqiptar |
| topic | Qosja, Rexhep 1936- (DE-588)119457490 gnd Außenpolitik Geschichte Albanians Yugoslavia History 20th century Selbstbestimmungsrecht (DE-588)4054390-0 gnd Einheitsbewegung (DE-588)4123108-9 gnd Ethnische Identität (DE-588)4153096-2 gnd Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 gnd |
| topic_facet | Qosja, Rexhep 1936- Außenpolitik Geschichte Albanians Yugoslavia History 20th century Selbstbestimmungsrecht Einheitsbewegung Ethnische Identität Nationalitätenfrage Jugoslawien Albania Foreign relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Foreign relations Albania Serbien Europa Albanien Kosovo Aufsatzsammlung Interview |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022646678&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022646678&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV039102068 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT qosjarexhep vepra24 AT matoshihysen vepra24 |