Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv.: očerki političeskogo razvitija
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Russian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Moskva
Kn. Dom "Univ."
2010
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | PST: Greek nation and state (18 - 20 c.). - Text in kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung. und Inh.-Verz. auch in engl. Sprache (S. [739] - 743) |
| Beschreibung: | 743 S. |
| ISBN: | 9785982276704 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1808861751332044800 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
GREEK
NATION
AND STATE
(18-20
с.)
STUDIES IN POLITICAL HISTORY
Contents
The Sons of Hellas (preface)
. 7
Introduction
. 11
Part I. From the Ottoman province to an independent state
. 19
Greeks under the Ottoman rule
. 20
The age of the conquest
. 20
Inside the new state
. 35
The withering of the Empire and the new flourishing of Greeks
. 50
Under the Venetian rule
. 65
Between the Lion and the Crescent
. 65
Inside the Republic of StMark
. 79
The Republic of Seven United Islands
. 95
Church, Education, Enlightenment
. 100
The Church after Byzantium: traditions and innovations
. 100
From the medieval scholarship to the Enlightenment
. 119
Revolution of
1821. 147
On the way to revolt
. 147
Revolution or War of Independence?
. 155
Civil wars
. 180
The first president
. 193
Ex ungue leonem
. 203
Happy birthday!
. 217
Part II. The first decade of independence
. 223
Bavarian rule
. 224
The first steps: the Regency and the
protoparties
. 224
"Russian party" and the national interests
. 256
The Church and politics
. 269
Prophecies about the future renaissance of Byzantium
. 294
Revolution of
1843. 303
New temptations: the Eastern crisis of
1839
and party struggle
. 303
The "Megale idea" and the age of romanticism
. 323
Revolution or
coup d'état?
. 334
The national question and constitutional reforms
. 350
The outcome of the first decade
. 367
Greek
Nation
and State
( 18-20
с.)
_-,
Part III. The small Kingdom and the "Megale idea"
. 371
New acquisitions
. 372
Between the two revolutions
. 372
The new monarchy.
. 387
.
And the new territories
. 404
At the turn of the century
. 423
The dreams are coming true
. 433
Struggles for Macedonia and Crete
. 433
The spirit of the age
. 450
The lucky star of Venizelos
. 469
The national question on the Mount
Athos
. 480
At the gate of Constantinople
. 493
The catastrophe
. 505
Causes of the tragedy
. 516
Part IV. After the catastrophe
. 519
The age of dictators
. 520
Searching for new ways
. 520
"The Third Greek Civilization"
. 527
Following the routs of the War
. 542
"The Philosophers' State"
. 558
Democracy in Greece
. 575
After the Dictatorship
. 575
Political programs of 1990-s
. 592
Among the "great ideas"
. 603
Greek Dream at the end of
20"
century
. 623
The "Megale idea" in its symbols
. 623
Schools and History
. 637
The Church and the Neopaganism
.„. 643
Romanity
—
Romania
—
Romanides
. 655
The revival of the "Megale idea"
. 675
Conclusion
. 678
Bibliography
. 684
Appendices
. 692
SUMMARY
Blows from the West and from the East terminated the thousand-year existence of the Byzantine Empire.
Without their own statehood the Greeks had to adapt to new conditions of their being. The Greek ethnic
element had survived both in the Ottoman Empire and the West. The Greeks have successfully retained their
faith and culture.
The Orthodox Church played an important part in this survival. The Ottoman political structure favored
the Church, supported its conservation as a social institute and granted it some privileges. The Greeks kept all
the branches of church administration under their thumb therefore they were in the most advantageous position
among the other Christian peoples of the Ottoman Empire. For several centuries the Church remained the
principal custodian of the national tradition and the written language, the main source of knowledge about the
world and human life for Hellenism. In European countries, especially Venice, the Greeks could be admitted
to universities. Little by little the principals of the western rationalistic Weltanschauung followed by relevant
educational standards began to penetrate into the Greek society in the Ottoman Empire.
The Ottoman control over the chief trade routes in the Mediterranean as
weil
as Greek domination in
·
some sectors of commerce promoted the strengthening of the Greek merchant class and prosperity of the set¬
tlements with considerable Greek population. Accumulated capitals were partially invested in education and
later
—
in armament and preparation for antiturkish revolt. The epoch of economic recovery of Hellenism
concurred with the beginning of the structural crisis in the Ottoman Empire.
Being the conquered nation the Greeks were deprived of access to power, but later they managed to in¬
tegrate into both Venetian and Ottoman political elites. The access to power structures gave the Greeks an
important experience of political activities, which was later used in the Republic of Seven United Islands and
the statecraft of the 1820-1830S.
Under the influence of the West European Enlightenment among the educated Greeks in the
18*
cen¬
tury started a new intellectual movement resulted in creation of new discourse that contested some of tra¬
ditional values. We call this discourse ethnocentric. Gaining strength gradually it became the main political
discourse in the Greek independent state and was a basis for the national ideology called Megale Idea. New
discourse promoted spreading of the new West European cultural paradigm that replaced the old Byzantine-
Ottoman one in the Greek society.
lhe
ethnocentric discourse played an important part in preparation for the revolution of
1821.
The period
of revolutionary drama was the time of actualizing the idea of the Greek independent state and discussing the
forms of its being. At first there was no consensus among the Greeks on this issue: some of them imagined the
future state as a West European nation- state, while the others followed the Byzantine-Ottoman tradition. The
triumph of the first point of view was supported by the great powers. But the newborn state united only a quar¬
ter of the Greek population in its confines. The national ideology became the basis of its claims for the other
Ottoman possessions. But the idea of Greek nation-state was not popular with the Ottoman Greeks. Hellenism
began to divide into two parts. The great powers supported this process.
The sense of the Megale Idea had been already used in political programs in the
1830-
1840s, before
the inventing of the very term. By this time two main trends in political programming can be outlined: the
way of "the organic work" (internal reforms) and of "the armed struggle" (outward expansion). Both trends
can be traced in the guidelines of all of three "parties"
—
English, French and Russian. The combination of
both trends in political credo of Colettis' fatria that was one of the branches of the French "party" turned out
the most productive. Colettis' tactics gained much popularity because he managed to adapt his slogans to
changing circumstances. Therefore Colettis' fatria was called "the national party" it won the
1844
elections
and became the ruling party. By that time the Megale Idea had become the main base for the Greek foreign-
policy doctrine valid until
¿Че
Asia Minor catastrophe of the
1920s.
In the 19th century the most exciting period for both trends was the
1870-
1890s, when two parties
dominated in the Greek political life. The first one was of
Coumoundouroś
—
Deligianis. It represented
the strata of rich landowners, financial and commercial business. The second one was the Fifth party of
Tricoupis, which represented the industrial bourgeoisie, intellectuals and prosperous peasantry. In the
1870-early 1880s both parties acted mainly in Colettis' manner: they adjusted their programs to rapidly
changing circumstances. At that time the way of "the organic work" was preferable. Only the international
crises of
1877-1878
and
1885-1886
provided the opportunities for realizing the way of "the armed strug¬
gle" But from the late 1880s both parties passed on to well-defined guidelines: Tricoupis is identified with
740 _
ЅшшпагУ
the way of "the organic work" meanwhile Deligianis with the way of "the armed struggle". The implementa¬
tion of their programs was not effective. On the one hand Tricoupis' economic reforms badly damaged the
finances of the Kingdom of Greece and led it to bankruptcy. On the other hand the Greek-Turkish war of
1897
provoked by Deligianis and his government was shamefully lost.
But the defeat of
1897
did not inflict any damage of the Megale Idea. On the contrary its popularity
increased. At the beginning of the
20*
century it influenced the Struggle in Macedonia with such figures
as Ion Dragoumis and
Germanos Caravangelis.
Later (until the
1930s)
Venizelos became the main bearer
of the Megale Idea. For a small period he was a partisan of "the organic work" way. Already in
1912
Greece
became a participant of an armed conflict in the Balkans. For the next five years following the events on
the international scene Venizelos had to concentrate on the foreign policy. In
1917
he resumed the reforms
planned earlier, without missing an opportunity to get new territories. The Sevres Treaty
(1920)
granting
Constantinople and apart of Asia Minor to the Greeks was the last success of Venizelos on the way of the
actualization of the Megale Idea as a program of the outward expansion. But the liberals lost the
1920
parlia¬
mentary elections. The new government of Protopapadakis organized a military expedition
( 1920-1922)
to
protect Greek population of Asia Minor and satisfy the claims of Greece in accordance with the conditions
of the Sevres Treaty. The defeat of this expedition called "the catastrophe of Asia Minor" tremendously af¬
fected all the future of Hellenism. The Greeks not only lost their presence in Asia Minor, but also had to give
up the hope of further acquiring those territories. An exchange of populations' agreement was an important
term of the peace treaty with Turkey
(1923).
After this ethnoterritorial demarcation Greece could not more
use the necessity of unyoking the co-ethnics principle as a fundamental of its foreign policy. The Megale Idea
was defeated as a foreign-policy doctrine, but survived as an ideology.
Venizelos came to power again in the
1928-1932
and returned to his former policy of creation of "strong
Greece" by internal reforms. In fact the authoritarian dictator Metaxas
(1936-1941)
continued this policy.
He developed the conception of "the Third Greek Civilization" that succeeded the Ancient Greek and the
Byzantine ones, aiming at creation of "strong Greece" that would be able to resist both harmful influence of
western democracies and the growing claims of totalitarian regimes.
The ideology of "the Third Greek Civilization" was the first attempt of making a new type of the Megale
Idea that had to correct the shortcomings of its previous versions. This trend was continued by the dictatorial
regime of Colonels
(1967-1974).
It created and began the implementation of a conception of "Modern Great
Greece". The ideologies of two regimes had much in common. The main difference was that the Colonels used
revolutionary symbols and rhetoric, which was not typical for Metaxas' regime. One more version of this type
of the Megale Idea can be found in the "Romanity theory" though it still remains out of politics.
The occupation of Greece by the Axis member-countries and the posterior civil war brought about fatal
consequences: in the early
1950s
the country was poverty-ridden and exhausted. The implementation of
Truman Doctrine made Greece dependent on the USA. The Yalta system of international relations stabilized
political boundaries in Europe. In these favourable for "the organic work" conception conditions "the armed
struggle" one became active in form of the Cyprus Question. From the
1950s
Greece has been fighting for
Cyprus using different methods.
The second half of the
1970s
was the epoch of radical changes in Greece. At that time the country finally
got rid of monarchy and passed to republic. Also its political system has substantially changed. It retained
only one party founded before
1974 —
the Communist party. The other ones including the two giants,
PASOK
and New Democracy, appeared after the downfall of the Colonels' dictatorship. The Megale Idea
lost its status of the official ideology, but has not disappeared altogether. The national values became closely
interwoven with the Liberal Democratic ones.
The early
1990s
produced new political programs based on the Megale Idea under the influence of the
changing geopolitical situation in the Balkans. The events of
1989-1991
denied the habitual for the last decades
conception of stabile political boundaries in Europe and inspired the outward expansion partisans with new
hopes. The fall of the international socialist system placed Greece in very advantageous position: it was regarded
as a bulwark of civilization in the Balkans because of its membership in NATO and the European Community.
Now we can estimate the role of the idea of nation in the Greek history when the Modern Greek state
was created and made its progress. This idea became a fundamental of the national ideology and the foreign-
policy doctrine. There is no unambiguous answer to the question what had appeared earlier, the national
ideology or the nation-state. As we have seen, the formation of ethnocentric discourse in Greek case had
started when they had no their own statehood. But we can hardly find any ethnocentric based ideology at
that period. The ideology-making process was at the beginning. The revival of the Greek statehood in the
Summary
ндл
form of a nation-state became possible because of the influence of international affairs rather than of the
national ideology.
The real formation of the national ideology occurred in already existing nation-state due to interaction
and reciprocal influence with it. The state supported the national ideology, promoted its development and
finally made it its own ideology. The national ideology in its turn substantiated the existence of the Greek
state just in the form of nation-state, letting it use its governing and mobilizing potential. In the 19th century
the national ideology became a basis for most of the
poh'
tical
programs and a fundamental of the country's
foreign-policy doctrine.
The Orthodox Church played an unusual part in the Greek national statecraft. Many scholars wrote
about the Church's contribution to safeguard the Greek national identity during the Ottoman period. But
the special status of the Church in Ottoman Empire had not only this effect. At the time of the formation of
the ethnocentric discourse there appeared a tendency toward identification of religious and national identi¬
ties and later the perception of the Orthodoxy as a Greek national faith.
The Orthodoxy demonstrated once again its amazing adaptability to the external environment and suc¬
ceeded in finding its place within a nation-state. It did not happened at once: the church reform of Bavarian
Regency threatened to deprive the state of such a powerful ally as the Church. But later the relations between
the Church and the state changed for the better. Therefore the state ideology could use the mobilizing poten¬
tial of the Orthodoxy, exploiting its perception as the national faith. It was successfully done in the Greek-
Bulgarian church conflict, by the Greek propaganda in Macedonia, in the struggle for
Athos.
In all these cases
we can speak about the usage of religion and church as an ethno-differentiating criterion, but we can find no
evidence of the orthodox values used as ideological fundamentals.
lhe
mobilizing potential of the Church began to weaken during the interwar period because of invent¬
ing a new type mass ideology making technique. This trend became stronger after the World War II. The
Colonels' regime tried to revive the sociopolitical status of the Church and to use again the Orthodoxy as a
significant component of the state ideology.
After
1974
a secular model of state guided the new state ideology. This factor and general decrease of re¬
ligiousness in Europe, particularly in Greece, resulted in the
decüne
of the sociopolitical role of the Church.
It lost its significance for the state ideology. Although sometimes the societal influence of the Church is still
weighty. For many Greeks indifferent to religious questions the Orthodoxy has remained a component of
the national identity.
The recurrence of the national ideology in political programs at the end of the 20th century demonstrates its
still powerful potential. But the question is whether it may be constructive in the modern conditions. This fear
is grounded on the analysis of the previous experience as well as the current situation in the other Balkan states,
where we can find the simultaneous revival of national ideologies. Utilizing the of old forms of the Megale Idea
(outward expansion) by the Greeks and their neighbours inevitably causes conflicts, as it was demonstrated
by the Macedonian question in the
1990s.
The "civilization" forms of national ideologies are less aggressive.
Although the revival of national ideology in all its forms in the
1990s
is the answer to the requirements of the
epoch. The growing European integration and globalization excited the fear for cultural and national identities.
Trying to resist this danger intellectual and political elites of the Balkan countries appealed to national ideolo¬
gies. The downfall of the Yalta system restored the danger to stability of political boundaries and provoked the
application of the national ideology to defend frontiers of the Balkan states.
The Balkan mixed population as well as demarcation principles in the region conditioned the growth of
this danger. In spite of all the declarations about national self-determination, the real frontiers were designated
to meet political and economic interests of the great powers ignoring the real ethnic map of the region. The
posterior exchanges of populations could resolve the problem of minorities only partially. As a result a nation-
state in the
Balkans
remained an ideal model that was far from the reality. Therefore even at the end of the
20th century the Balkans still were "the powder barrel of Europe".
Now, after great catastrophes with millions of victims, it is doubtful whether the idea of nation was con¬
structive in the Greek case. Despite all its negative effects we can say, yes, it was. The Greek state owes its very
existence to the idea of nation. This idea supported the survival of the young state, its expansion, economic
and cultural development. In the 19th century there were some doubts whether Greece was the main line for
the Greek nation, but the 20th century dissipated them entirely. Now Greece is one of atypical countries of the
Mediterranean region, where we can hardly find any separatist movement. While its neighbours are moving to
disintegration with unforeseen consequences, Greece still remains a unitary state and aspires to retain its his¬
torical and cultural originality in defiance of globalization and intensification of European integration. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Petrunina, Olʹga Evgenʹevna ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1213532450 |
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| building | Verbundindex |
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| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 743 S. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Kn. Dom "Univ." |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Petrunina, Olʹga Evgenʹevna ca. 20./21. Jh. Verfasser (DE-588)1213532450 aut Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija O. E. Petrunina Greek nation and state (18 - 20 c.) Moskva Kn. Dom "Univ." 2010 743 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier PST: Greek nation and state (18 - 20 c.). - Text in kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung. und Inh.-Verz. auch in engl. Sprache (S. [739] - 743) Geschichte 1700-2000 gnd rswk-swf Griechenland (DE-588)4022047-3 gnd rswk-swf Griechenland (DE-588)4022047-3 g Geschichte 1700-2000 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022575419&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022575419&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Petrunina, Olʹga Evgenʹevna ca. 20./21. Jh Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4022047-3 |
| title | Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija |
| title_alt | Greek nation and state (18 - 20 c.) |
| title_auth | Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija |
| title_exact_search | Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija |
| title_full | Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija O. E. Petrunina |
| title_fullStr | Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija O. E. Petrunina |
| title_full_unstemmed | Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. očerki političeskogo razvitija O. E. Petrunina |
| title_short | Grečeskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v XVIII - XX vv. |
| title_sort | greceskaja nacija i gosudarstvo v xviii xx vv ocerki politiceskogo razvitija |
| title_sub | očerki političeskogo razvitija |
| topic_facet | Griechenland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022575419&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022575419&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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