Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku: kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme?
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| Format: | Book |
|---|---|
| Language: | Czech |
| Published: |
Praha
Sociologické Nakl.
2010
|
| Edition: | Vyd. 1. |
| Series: | Studie
66 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Physical Description: | 207 S. graph. Darst., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9788074190391 |
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Record in the Search Index
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|---|---|
| adam_text | Obsah
Seznam tabulek
10
Seznam obrázků
11
Poděkování
13
Úvodem
15
Kapitola
1
Migrační vývoj před rokem
1989 18
1.1.
Období do druhé světové války
18
1.2.
Období mezi lety
1945-1989 23
Kapitola
2
Migrační, sociálněekonomický a demografický vývoj
v období
1989-2008 31
2.1.
Statistické sledování mezinárodní migrace
31
2.2.
Mobilita a migrační toky
33
2.3.
Počty a charakteristiky cizinců/migrantu v Česku
38
2.3.1.
Počty cizinců
38
2.3.2.
Ekonomické aktivity cizinců
42
2.3.3.
Žaaateíé o mezinárodní ochranu (azyl)
43
2.3.4.
Migranti
v neoprávněném postavení
45
2.3.5.
Geografické rozmístění cizinců v Česku
48
2.3.6.
Prostorové rozmístění cizinců v Praze
52
2.3.7.
Vnitřní stěhování cizinců v Česku
61
2.4.
Demografické prostředí v Česku
63
2.5.
Ekonomické prostředí v Česku
-
pracovní trh
65
Kapitola
3
Migrační politika v Česku v letech
1990-2008 69
3.1.
Období
1990-1992 71
3.1.1.
Migrační politika
71
3.1.2.
Integrační politika
72
3.2.
Období
1993-1998 73
3.2.1.
Migrační politika
73
3.2.2.
Integrační politika
74
3.3.
Období
1999-2002 74
3.3.1.
Migrační politika
74
3.3.2.
Integrační politika
76
3.4.
Období
2003-2008 77
3.4.1.
Migrační politika
77
3.4.2.
Integrační politika
83
3.5.
Nabývání českého občanství cizinci
85
Kapitola
4
Integrace
migrantu
91
4.1.
Indikátory míry integrace
91
4.2.
Integrace cizinců pohledem okresních poradních orgánů pro integraci
96
4.3.
Empirický výzkum integrace
migrantu
v Česku
98
4.4.
Účast cizinců na politickém životě
99
4.5.
Postavení cizinců v českém sociálním systému
100
4.5.1.
Sociální pojištění
a
aůcbody
101
4.5.2.
Státní politika zaměstnanosti
102
4.5.3.
Státní sociální podpora a aalšíformy sociální pomoci
103
4.5.4.
Zdravotní pojištění
106
4.5.5.
Vzdělávací systém
107
4.5.6.
Bydrení
108
Kapitola
5
Dopady a podmíněnosti migrace v Česku
110
5.1.
Ekonomické podmíněnosti a dopady migrace
110
5.2.
Demografické dopady migrace
112
5.3.
Kriminalita cizinců a organizovaný zločin
115
5.4.
Další dopady migrace
117
5.5.
Vazba migrace na vybrané sociálněekonomické faktory, migrační
politiku a veřejné mínění
118
Kapitola
6
Vnímání cizinců a
migrantu
českou majoritní společností
121
6.1.
Přehled výsledků vybraných výzkumů veřejného mínění
122
Kapitola
7
Migrační trendy
ve střední Evropě
-
Česko,
Polsko,
Maďarsko
v
komparativním pohledu
128
7.1.
Nástin migrační situace ve
20.
století
128
7.2.
Vývoj migrace po roce
1989 130
7.3.
Migrační politiky
135
7.4.
Migrační přechod a jeho podmíněnosti
136
Kapitola
8
Dopady globální ekonomické krize na migraci a migranty v Česku
139
8.1.
Změny v počtech cizinců na území Česka jako reakce na globální
ekonomickou krizi
141
8.2.
Sociální situace a strategie chování
migrantu
v době krize
145
8.3.
Opatření státu vůči migrantům v reakci na ekonomickou krizi
147
Kapitola
9
Závěr
150
Seznam použité literatury a zdrojů
163
Přílohy
188
Summary
191
O autorkách a autorech
203
Rejstřík
205
Summary
This book is a methodical description and partial explanation of the state
of migration and integration in Czechia. It is based within the conceptual
framework of the so-called migration cycle that generalises the situation
frequently observed in the European context where the migration situation
of states changes along with their socio-economic level of development. Spe¬
cifically, this is the case when countries are in transformation from a state of
negative net migration to one of positive net migration as a result of mod¬
ernization processes. The authors approach the issues systematically and
comprehensively without burdening the text with overly complex theoretical
explanations. Some current issues are presented to the readers more deeply
or in an entirely new perspective
-
as for instance, with the impact of the
global economic crisis on the migration situation in Czechia; the position of
migrants in the Czech social system; the spatial distribution of foreigners in
Prague; or the comparison of Czech migration trends with the situation in
Poland and Hungary.
The book begins with the overview of migration development of Czechia
linked to social and economic changes from the mid-nineteenth century up
to
1989.
This is followed by a key chapter characterizing migration, socio-
economic and demographic development in the period
1989-2008 -
looking
not only at migration flows and stocks and origins of foreigners, but also at
their economic activities. The development of Czech migration and integra¬
tion policy since
1989
is then traced. Moving on from this, the following
sections also deal with the results of integration processes of foreigners, the
impacts of migration on Czech society and the economy, and public opinion
in relation to foreigners. The book concludes with a synoptic overview of the
most important knowledge.
The Conceptual Framework of the Book
-
the so-called Migration Cycle
The interpretation of international migration issues in this book follows the
concept of the so-called migration cycle. In the European situation in par-
191
ticular
the migration character of a state changes in relation to the level
of socio-economic development (always allowing for the existence of a free
democratic regime). At the same time as states modernise in the wider sense,
they transform from having negative net migration figures to significant
positive net migration figures. This process has been observed in many west¬
ern European countries, and subsequently in southern European countries
and more recently in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe as well.
Besides identifying similarities in this basic transformation the concept
works with the idea that each country demonstrates important specific fea¬
tures in the course of its transformation, which depend on a number of fac¬
tors including geographical location, migration links and routes of the past,
as well as the time and international context in which the transformation
took place. In a more detailed perspective three principal phases (according
to the nature of the net migration) can be identified within the migration
cycle, of which the middle phase
-
termed the migration transition (when the
state moves from a state of migration underdevelopment to one of migration
maturity)
-
is regarded as the most important.
The Development of International Migration in Czechia before
1989
In a long-term historical perspective, the territory of todays Czechia had
been an immigration area until the beginning of the nineteenth century.
Only with the start of industrialization and urbanization and with ongoing
demographic changes did the Czech lands become an area predominantly
of emigration for a period of almost
200
years. This period can be divided
into four stages according to the nature and interdependence of migration
relations.
In the course of the nineteenth century population pressures gradually
grew as a result of the move of labour from agriculture and of relatively
high population growth and this led to an increase in mainly economically
motivated emigration both to the industrial areas of Europe and overseas,
to North America in particular. Between
1850
and
1914
the Czech lands lost
over one and a half million citizens through emigration, representing about
30%
of the natural increase in that period. The second phase was represented
by the inter-war period of the first Czechoslovak Republic which was distin¬
guished by continuing although gradually decreasing economic emigration.
However, at the same time more significant immigration waves took place
-
in part post-war re-emigration into the newly established state and also
politically motivated migration from Russia and in the
1930s
from Germany.
An entirely exceptional situation then followed after WWII when between
192
1945-1948
about
2.8
million ethnic Germans were expelled mostly from
border regions and about
130,000
re-emigrants moved into these areas of
displacement. This period was characterised both by the numbers of people
resettling and by the fact that the migration was mostly forced. After
1948
the nature of international migration was then significantly influenced by
the political situation. The state became isolated and migration was reduced
to a predominantly illegal form of politically motivated emigration to the
west. This peaked in two waves of emigration following the events of
1948
and
1968.
The highest estimates of migration losses for Czechia between
1948-1989
are around half a million people.
The Migration Situation After
1989
Political changes after
1989
(democratization, the opening of borders, eco¬
nomic liberalization) created fundamentally different conditions for interna¬
tional migration in Czechia. In the course of the
1990s
the decrease of fertil¬
ity intensified (with a moderate increase only since
2005)
and this resulted in
a natural decrease of the population and particularly in continual population
ageing. In the first half of the
1990s
and then remarkably after
2005
GDP
grew radically and its evolution was reflected in a corresponding decline in
the level of unemployment. The labour market thus exhibited a significant
demand for foreign labour after
2005.
It should also be pointed out that
Czechia did not experience any conspicuous emigration of its own popula¬
tion. Though there are considerable doubts about the validity of statistical
records of emigration, it can be argued that Czechia has one of the lowest
rates of emigration in the Central and Eastern European region.
Since the beginning of the
1990s,
therefore, numbers of immigrants in
Czechia rose slowly although transit migration to Western Europe initially
played a significant role. After
2000
Czechia gradually became more and
more significant as a target immigration country. While there were about
ten thousand immigrants each year through the
1990s,
in
2008
this had
reached
77,000
people (though measured via a new regime of statistical evi¬
dence). With the growing migration inflows the overall number of foreigners
living in Czechia was increasing throughout virtually the whole period from
1989
to
2008,
rising from
78,000
in
1993
up to
440,000
in
2008.
Immigration to Czechia is primarily work-oriented and includes a higher
proportion of men and of migrants between twenty and forty years of age.
The most important source countries are Slovakia, Ukraine and Vietnam. In
2008
more than
360,000
foreigners were registered as employed or running
their own businesses
(6.4%
of the Czech labour force), with
78%
of them be-
193
ing employees.
Slovak citizens play a significant role in the labour market,
mostly as employees with an occupational structure very similar to that of
Czechs. On the other hand, Vietnamese residents more typically run their
own businesses (as trade licence holders) mostly in trade. Ukrainians tend to
be more short-term migrant workers in less qualified professions.
After
1989
Czechia also became a target country for a specific segment
of the migration population: applicants for asylum (international protec¬
tion). Following the dramatic rise in numbers at the turn of 20th and 21st
centuries there was a noticeable decrease in the volume of applications (with
1,656
foreigners requesting asylum in
2008).
However, for the whole period
since
1990
the rate of successful applications is fairly low, as asylum was
granted to only
4%
of almost
88,000
applicants (for the period from
1990
to
2008).
In relation to this, it needs to be mentioned that following the end of
asylum proceedings many unsuccessful asylum seekers become involved in
irregular economic activities (the so-called grey economy) in Czechia or other
EU
countries. However, alongwith these there are significantly more numer¬
ous groups of migrants from third countries (particularly Ukraine, Moldova,
Russia, Vietnam) who get into an irregular position (in the grey economy)
particularly through a combination of legal entry to the country on a short-
term (tourist) visa followed by beginning to work on the secondary labour
market without due certification. Migrants also sometimes work in Czechia
even after their residence/work permits have expired or
-
like many Czechs
-
have a trade licence even though they continue to perform dependent work
(so-called hidden employment ).
Geographical Distribution of Foreigners and Migration within the State
In comparison with the Czech population the geographical distribution of
foreigners is more uneven and it is differentiated both by geographical loca¬
tion (with a preference for the country s western regions) and by the set¬
tlement hierarchy. Foreigners are significantly concentrated in the capital
city of Prague and other large urban agglomerations (particularly Russians,
French, British and Americans but also Chinese). Migrants from Vietnam, on
the other hand, are significantly more evenly distributed throughout Czechia
although with an important preference for the west and northwest border
areas, which reflects their orientation also towards German and Austrian
customers.
Migrants represent a very flexible element of internal migration. In
2008
about
10%
of resident foreigners migrated within Czechia, significantly more
than in the case of Czech citizens. Unlike Czech citizens who tend to move
194
from cities to smaller settlements located mostly in the cities hinterland
(a process of
suburbanisation),
internal migration of foreigners is generally
directed towards the major centres and particularly to Prague.
About one third of all migrants residing in Czechia live in Prague and
they constitute about
10%
of the capital s population. In addition to the most
common groups of foreigners, migrants from the developed (western) world
and China also gather there. A high proportion of foreigners live in parts
of the Prague inner city with rental apartment houses and housing estates.
On the other hand, the municipal districts with the highest percentages of
foreigners among the population are generally the more sparsely populated
ones which are located predominantly in the Prague outer city where the
local population is typically of a lower social status (with the exception of
certain areas such as
Nebušice
or
Trója).
While migrants from Vietnam for
instance are concentrated in the southern parts of Prague, foreigners from
the developed world are more likely to be concentrated in the historical city
centre and inner city districts generally considered to be good addresses .
Czech Migration and Integration Policy
Czech migration policy since
1990
has been largely apolitical with Ministry
of the Interior in the leading role, which has in time even strengthened its
position (leading to the centralisation of the design and implementation of
migration policy). Since the
mid-1990s
many amendments have been in¬
troduced to laws relating to foreigners and asylum seekers, bringing Czech
legislation in line with Ell standards (termed the Europeanization of migra¬
tion policies). In spite of freguent changes of parameters, Czech migration
policy still lacks a more clearly defined and consistent form. At the same time
though there has been
-
particularly in recent years
-
a shift from a passive
to a more active and systematic approach to migration issues in both policy
and practice. Increasing awareness of demographic problems of the majority
population related to the current and anticipated shortages on the Czech la¬
bour market has also contributed to this more active approach in migration
policymaking.
We have identified several different periods in Czech migration policy
since
1990.
The first period (up to
1992)
can be simply characterized as simul¬
taneously liberal and chaotic. While the new law on foreigners residence laid
down virtually no obstacles to migrants stay in the country, at the same time
it did not strictly speaking allow their permanent residence or naturalization.
From
1993
to
1998
conditions for migration of foreigners were still liberal,
but there was a gradually increasing specification and toughening up of the
195
legislative
framework, particularly in connection with the preparations for
the country s accession to the
EU.
The migration regime for Slovak citizens
was outstandingly liberal and continued so until its entry into the
EU in 2004
when it in fact became even more liberal within the migration regime of
EU
citizens. In about
1998
more restrictions were also introduced in connection
with the Czech economic recession. This trend culminated in
1999
with the
adoption of new laws on foreigners residence and on asylum, which have
formed the foundations of Czech migration policy up to the present (although
with numerous amendments). Thus
1999
also represents the beginning of
the third period of the migration policy (until
2002)
which was marked by
a relatively restrictive approach to migration. The fundamental steps adopted
in that period included the introduction of visa regime targeting against the
main source countries (which requires foreigners to apply for residential vi¬
sas from abroad) and a ban on asylum seekers working during the first year
of their asylum application. On the other hand, this period also laid the foun¬
dation for a policy for the integration of legal resident foreigners.
The final period of Czech migration policy (from
2003
to
2008)
is marked
both by the completion of the process of legislative harmonization with and
subsequent entry to the
EU
and by pro-active approaches initiated more
from the Czech side than from that of the
EU.
In particular, there has been
an attempt to formulate the principles of Czech migration policy and the
pilot project was launched on the Selection of qualified foreign workers
,
as well as the introduction of so-called green cards as more flexible labour
and residential permits. Also, in this period, the introduction of integration
policies has achieved several noticeable results (for instance the introduction
of Czech language exams as a compulsory part of the application for a per¬
manent residence permit).
The Integration of Migrants in Czechia
Integration of migrants into the majority society is generally a multilayered
and long-term process and thus it is very difficult to arrive at complex con¬
clusions about it. Moreover, in the case of Czechia there is also the fact that
many migrants have come to the country only recently and many of them
have no aspiration for permanent residence. In addition, there has been no
systematic state monitoring of the development and results of the integra¬
tion process.
On the basis of our own analysis of the level of integration (measured by
integration indicators) it can be seen that foreigners in Czechia have a sig¬
nificantly higher level of economic activity than the Czech population and
196
a low level of unemployment, but they are more concentrated into primary
and secondary economic sectors, suggesting work in relatively poorly paid
jobs with low social status that are more vulnerable to economic recession.
From the point of view of integration into the political spheres of the host
society there has been very little involvement of migrants, particularly in
view of the fact that foreigners from third countries cannot vote or run for
election in national or regional elections. In terms of cultural integration we
can observe that foreigners have become partly adapted to the demographic
behaviour of the Czech population (for instance by a lower fertility level or
a higher rate of extra-marital fertility in comparison to their source coun¬
tries). At present mixed marriages are not a significant phenomenon, repre¬
senting only around
8%
of all marriages contracted annually.
Based on conclusions from other published studies on integration it can
be argued that the ethnic/national origin of foreigners is a significant vari¬
able affecting the shape of the integration process. At the same time it seems
that successful integration into Czech society is closely linked to the assimi¬
lative form of migrants integration.
The integration of foreigners is also closely linked to the process of ac¬
quiring Czech citizenship. In the course of the past twenty years several
hundreds of thousands of foreign nationals have acquired Czech citizen¬
ship, but the overwhelming majority of these were Slovaks who acquired
Czech citizenship under preferential conditions following the dissolution of
the Czechoslovak state. Otherwise, only about
1,300
foreigners (particularly
from Ukraine, Poland and Russia) were naturalized annually from
1993
to
2008.
However, from the European context Czechia has a relatively more
favourable naturalization policy.
The Position of Foreigners in the Czech Social System
From the legal provisions point of view, the Czech social system is relatively
open towards migrants with two important exceptions: unemployment is¬
sues and medical insurance. The criteria for inclusion in various spheres
of the state social welfare provisions differ (in some cases the criterion is
permanent residence, in others only the duration of residence) but Czech
citizenship is never a necessary condition. It must also be said that nation¬
als of the EU/EEA (and Switzerland) are in a more privileged position than
nationals of third countries in terms of access to social provisions, which is
almost comparable to that of the Czech citizens.
The extent of utilization of welfare provisions by foreigners is relatively
low in Czechia. From the perspective of the Czech state, payments into the
197
social
system
exceed expenditure. This relatively low utilization of the social
system by foreigners is probably due primarily to the migrant population
structure (a high level of economic activity, a low mean age, limited extent
of family reunification) but the limits placed on third country nationals ac¬
cessing some parts of the welfare system (particularly with respect to unem¬
ployment) also play a part. Moreover, the probable low level of foreigners
awareness of the extent of their social rights cannot be ignored.
The Interdependences and Impacts of Migration
One of the main interdependences of migration into Czechia is the non-
compatibility of supply and demand in the Czech labour market. The reasons
for this include the failure of the educational system to respond to labour
market needs, the still comparatively generous system of social benefits and
subsidies, the high rates of taxes on labour generally and revenues in par¬
ticular, a lack of interest in social and spatial mobility (greater flexibility)
among Czechs and finally relatively high social tolerance towards and ac¬
ceptance of unregistered work.
The evolution of economic migration in Czechia (i.e. the aggregate em¬
ployment of foreigners) is influenced primarily by the economic situation of
the country. It is also shown that in times of economic difficulty both migra¬
tion policy and majority public opinion in relation to foreigners tend (with
a certain delay) to become more opposed to migration.
The most significant impacts of migration in Czechia at present can be
seen in the economic area. Foreign migration has saturated the most impor¬
tant centres of economic development in Czechia. The role of labour migrants
itself is, first of all, additional on the Czech labour market, rather than in
competition with domestic workers (many migrants work in low qualified
professions across many sectors of the economy). However, at the same time
migration brings profits for the migrants themselves. Remittances are an im¬
portant resource for families of employed migrants (in the source country).
The influence of migration and migrants on cultural and demographic
changes, like the deeper changes of the social or demographic structures of
the Czech population for instance, is still rather marginal because of the cir¬
culatory nature of migration (i.e. repeated movements between Czechia and
the source country) which many foreigners prefer over permanent residence
in Czechia. It has also been a relatively short time since the migration situ¬
ation in Czechia was standardized and so some typical migration features
have not yet fully developed. Various ethnic groups for instance have not yet
created significant territorial concentrations/enclaves in cities or regions to
198
the extent known in developed migration countries. Nor have many of those
more significant ethnic, cultural, social and/or political structures yet come
into existence which could govern the social life of migrants in Czechia.
One of the negative impacts of migration generally is the crime rate of
foreigners. The conviction rate for foreigners in Czechia is higher than their
share of the total population, but rate has remained fairly steady over time
even though the number of foreigners has grown quite significantly. The
nature of criminal offences committed by foreigners is generally the same
as those offences committed by the majority population, although some for¬
eigner crime is specifically linked to business activities and the process of
migration itself. Some foreign groups are also involved in organized crime.
Perception of Foreigners/Migrants by Czech Majority Society
A general outline of findings from selected public opinion surveys in Czechia
during the
1990s
and the early 21st century shows that there has been gener¬
ally positive shift from less accommodating to more tolerant views towards
foreigners and migrants. In view of the logical and increasing intensification
of contacts between arriving migrants and the majority population (also due
to the gradually significant growth of numbers of migrants into Czechia)
this development can be considered to be in some degree consistent with the
so-called contact hypothesis.
However, the incremental improvement of the situation is not linear
and direct but can be disrupted by various causes. For instance changes (in¬
cluding worsening) in attitudes and perceptions of foreigners/migrants in
1999/2000
were significantly influenced by the impact of serious economic
and social problems affecting the whole society in late
1997
and early
1998.
This demonstrated one of the theses on the important relationship between
economic development and the degree of tolerance for favourable disposition
towards of foreign population in the goal country (Czechia).
Attitudes and perceptions of foreigners are not without inner contra¬
dictions, either. For instance, it was shown that the positive development
of attitudes towards selected migrant groups (according to ethnic origin or
nationality) observed over time does not correspond to the growing opinion
that foreigners should fully conform to Czech culture and society.
Testing the so called contact hypothesis also shows us how ambiguous
results may be. For example, for a long time (from the beginning of the
1990s
until recently) the Vietnamese were much more favoured by the Czech
population than foreigners from the post-Soviet republics (a discrepancy
with the so-called cultural-distance hypothesis). Negative perceptions of
199
post-Soviet migrants, evidently originating in the impacts of the country s
occupation in
1968,
thus outweighed the potential meaning and converging
role of cultural closeness between this group and the Czech population.
Migration in Czechia in comparison with Hungary and Poland
The migration processes taking place in Czechia are not strictly speaking spe¬
cific. On the contrary they have many features in common with other Central
European countries, especially with Poland and Hungary which were also
countries of emigration in the course of the 20th century. It is only since the
1990s
that they have started a migration transformation towards becoming
immigration destinations. This process was relatively feeble in Poland, which
is still experiencing high levels of emigration of its own population, which is
only partly balanced by short-term forms of labour mobility from foreigners
and even less by long-term immigration.
The transformation of these Central European countries from regions
of emigration to immigration was enabled by the combination of several
factors, particularly the democratization of the state system, the opening of
borders and transformation into a market economy. Other factors attracting
migrants into these countries were the demand for foreign labour and also
to a lesser extent demographic factors connected with an ageing domes¬
tic population, as well as the historical experience of these countries with
migration, the creation of migration networks and setting up of migration
policies.
Contemporary immigration into these Central European countries is
mostly work based and the majority of migrants come from other Cen¬
tral and Eastern European countries, the former Soviet Union, Vietnam and
China. While the employment structure of legal resident migrants is very
similar in Czechia and Hungary, in Poland it differs
-
there legal resident
migrants are concentrated into highly qualified jobs in the primary labour
market. Nevertheless, in all three countries the employment structure of ir¬
regularly working migrants is quite similar. Another common feature is that
foreign labour is complementary to domestic workers rather than in compe¬
tition with them.
The Impact of the Global Economic Crisis on Migration and Migrants
in Czechia
The impact of the global economic crisis on migration in Czechia is in many
aspects similar to other developed countries. The influx of immigrants ini-
200
tially
slowed but there was no large-scale return of foreigners back to origin
countries. Migrants (including those with irregular status) prefer to stay
in Czechia and wait, partly due to the fact that many migrants contracted
debts in order to get to Czechia and now they needed to pay these debts back.
Remittances from migrants in Czechia have also seemed to have dropped
although the available data suggest that this decrease had already started
between
2007
and
2008
(falling from
460
to
380
million EUR). In the end,
the anticipated replication of trends known from other developed countries
also took place in the case of Czech migration policy, which in times of crisis
change to become more restrictive.
In the beginning of the
1990s
Czechia entered into the so-called migration
cycle after the long-term suspension of natural political, socio-economic
and also migration development during the Communist period. In the course
of the last twenty years the country has been transformed from one that
saw its citizens emigrate, to a transit country, and subsequently to a coun¬
try of immigration that in
2007
had the fourth highest net migration of all
27
Ell countries. This migration change took place hand in hand with the
deep-reaching political and consequently socio-economic and demographic
changes. The transformation proceeded in conformity with the more general
process of modernization (i.e. a shift from an industrial to a post-industrial
society) but with a significant delay in comparison with the developed west¬
ern world, particularly due to the legacies of communism. In the given con¬
ceptual framework it is possible to classify Czechia somewhere behind the
starting line of the immigration zone , the characteristic features of which
are a low level of emigration of the domestic population, increasing demand
for foreign labour,1 partial saturation of demand through the help of re¬
cruitment programmes accompanied by immigration of foreigners operating
in an irregular position. In addition, there are also other typical manifesta¬
tions such as ethnic diversification and economic specialization among the
migrant population, institutionalization of solutions to migration issues on
the governmental level and in the civic society itself, and at the same time
a reflection of migration questions in public life. All these factors indicate
that Czechia is on its way to a more mature migration regime. Development
to date suggests that the features of the future migration and integration
situation in Czechia will be similar to that which can be found in many de-
1
We omit here the impact of the global economic crisis but it seems probable that the crisis will not
change established trends that have developed over an extended period, although it could suspend them
for a short period of time.
201
veloped
western
migration countries today
-
both from the point of view of
numbers of migrants, their structures and behaviour, and way the process
works, including the nature and orientation of migration and integration
policy and practice.
Translated by
Ladislav Šenkyřík,
April
Retter
and Daniel Reeves
202
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| geographic | Tschechien (DE-588)4303381-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Tschechien |
| id | DE-604.BV037396064 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T23:23:24Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788074190391 |
| language | Czech |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-022548860 |
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| publishDate | 2010 |
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| publisher | Sociologické Nakl. |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Studie |
| series2 | Studie |
| spelling | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? Dušan Drbohlav ... Vyd. 1. Praha Sociologické Nakl. 2010 207 S. graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Studie 66 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1989-2008 gnd rswk-swf Einwanderungspolitik (DE-588)4198721-4 gnd rswk-swf Einwanderung (DE-588)4013960-8 gnd rswk-swf Tschechien (DE-588)4303381-7 gnd rswk-swf Tschechien (DE-588)4303381-7 g Einwanderung (DE-588)4013960-8 s Geschichte 1989-2008 z DE-604 Einwanderungspolitik (DE-588)4198721-4 s Drbohlav, Dušan Sonstige oth Studie 66 (DE-604)BV008283611 66 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022548860&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=022548860&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? Studie Einwanderungspolitik (DE-588)4198721-4 gnd Einwanderung (DE-588)4013960-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4198721-4 (DE-588)4013960-8 (DE-588)4303381-7 |
| title | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? |
| title_auth | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? |
| title_exact_search | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? |
| title_full | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? Dušan Drbohlav ... |
| title_fullStr | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? Dušan Drbohlav ... |
| title_full_unstemmed | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? Dušan Drbohlav ... |
| title_short | Migrace a (i)migranti v Česku |
| title_sort | migrace a i migranti v cesku kdo jsme odkud prichazime kam jdeme |
| title_sub | kdo jsme, odkud přicházíme, kam jdeme? |
| topic | Einwanderungspolitik (DE-588)4198721-4 gnd Einwanderung (DE-588)4013960-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Einwanderungspolitik Einwanderung Tschechien |
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| volume_link | (DE-604)BV008283611 |
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