Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek:
Тракийска култура в северното Черноморие до III век
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Bulgarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Sofija
Izdat. Ral Kolobăr
2010
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. izd |
| Schriftenreihe: | Studia Thracica
13 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Thracian culture on the North Black Sea littoral up to the 3rd century AD Includes bibliographical references (p. 278-337) |
| Beschreibung: | 390 p. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9789549400878 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
Въведение
.....................................................................................................7
I.
Гръцката колонизация в Северното Черноморие:
Понтийска контактна зона
.....................................................................13
II.
Боспорското царство. Спарток
I
и династията на Спартокидите
....45
III.
Култът
на Артемида в
Северното Черноморие:
...............................79
IV.
Култът към Хероя в Северното Черноморие
...................................126
V.
Тракийският Херос в Северното Черноморие: към проблема за
Тракийските богове и т. нар. тракийски паметници
............................182
VI.
Сабазий в Северното Черноморие
....................................................223
Заключение
...............................................................................................266
Съкращения и литература
.......................................................................276
Thracian culture
on the North Black Sea littoral up to the
3rd
century AD
(Summary)
.................................................................................................338
Academia Litterarum Bulgarica
Institutům Thracologicum
STUDIA
THRACICA
13.
Sofia,
2010
THRACIAN
CULTURE
ON THE NORTH BLACK SEA
LITTORAL UP TO THE
3RD
CENTURY AD
(Summary)
Ruja
Popova
Introduction
The introduction substantiates the viability the theme, its aims, the issues
discussed, the terminology, and the chosen chronological span as well as the
structure of the present dissertation.
The research is focused upon the manifestations of the Thracian cul¬
ture in a relatively narrow area of the Black sea coast, enclosed between the
estuary of the river Tyras (present-dayDniestr) and the isthmus of Kerch.
The study of the Thracian culture and its place amid the surrounding antique
centres on the northern Black sea littoral between the mid-7th century
ВС
and the
3rd
century AD looks into the causes of its existence in this period
of time, the degree of its preservation within the existing multicultural envi¬
ronment and the forms of its functioning within the
polis
and out of it. The
mid-Tth century
ВС
is chosen as the earliest date, for it marks the instal¬
lation of the first Greek apoikiai or settlements, on the northern Black sea
shores, the very first one of which is Borysthenes, hypothetically localized
on the present-day isle of Berezan (in Antiquity
-
a peninsula). According to
Eusebius of Caesarea [Chron. Can. 95b] this settlement had been founded in
the year
647/6
ВС
and thus had become the earliest on the northern
Pontic
littoral. The
3rd
century AD as an upper date is marked by the profound his¬
torical changes in the European North-East and the social, political, cultural
and religious life in the states on the northern Black Sea shores.
The proposed geographical frame is based on the traditional perception
of the northern Black Sea littoral, namely from the mouth of the river
Dni¬
estr
up to the present-day isthmus of Kerch, it includes the antique centres
and the territories of Tyras, Olbia, the Tauric Chersonesus and the Bosporan
kingdom (mainly its European part).
Thus formulated, this theme presupposes the study of the Thracian cul¬
ture within a wider system of relations with the environment in which it
exists, survives, and functions. Hence the necessity to introduce some ter-
339
minological
precisions at the beginning of the study. The manifestations of
the Thracian culture are sought within the newly established settlements on
the Black Sea shores at the time of their foundation, that is to say in the con¬
text of the Greek colonisation. Thus, particular attention is paid to the most
widely discussed issue in the modern historical science issue-the colonisa¬
tion as a phenomenon and the accompanying terminological difficulties. Of
course, the discussion is focused upon the Greek colonisation as such, but
although the features of the process of acquiring new territories are all over
the same, some specifics are proper to the northern
Pontic
littoral alone. The
discussion upon the status of the early settlements, founded by the Greek
settlers or apoikoi in the process of the colonisation could be summarised as
Looking for a definition of the colonisation as a phenomenon. Setting up a
precise terminology, which often is at the origin of many issues is one, very
important part of the discussion; that is why a particular place is made here
to the review of the latest works. The main problems come down to the spe¬
cific typlogization of the settlements
-
apoikiai, poleis,
emporta
-
founded
by Greek settlers away from their native lands. These three terms, each one
of which defined and redefined many a time, are allegedly all based in the
ancient literary traditions. Without dwelling on elucidating all terminologi¬
cal difficulties, here are introduced the reasons for the choice of the terms
used. Because of the historical and cultural situation in the area taken into
consideration, all the three terms
-
apoikia,
polis, emporion
—
are used in
the text.
These last few decades in the vocabulary of the literature dealing with
the issues related to the process of colonisation, the word
hybridity
is of¬
ten to be met.
Hybridity
describes the dynamics of the colonizers culture
and identity transformation when meeting with the indigenous population
and their culture and the need to establish contacts between groups of people
of different languages, background, and religion. The concept of
hybridity
is already well adapted in the literature on Antiquity dealing with the events
that take place when two or more cultures meet on one and the same terri¬
tory as it is the case of the phenomenon of the Greek colonisation. This so
comfortable a expression depicts what is going on during the process of the
colonisation in both information spaces
-
those of the Hellenes and the non-
Hellenes and implicates a continuous process of Hellenization.
For the northern Black Sea area, traditionally enclosed between the
river
Dniestr
and the European part of the Cimmerian Bosporus, this theo¬
retical introduction is very important. At the historical times of the colonisa-
tion/Hellenization here meet more than two cultures. The thus formulated
theme ambitions to study the area in the context of the
Pontic
contact zone,
the south-western part of which being Thracia
Pontica
and the northern
340
Black
Sea shore
-
its natural extension. This expression was introduced to
emphasize and settle upon the fact that in Antiquity there are no sharply
outlined ethnic, cultural and historic borders; it turned out also to be very
instrumental, for it opened new perspectives to the study of the reciprocal
influences in the area of the highly productive interaction between the oral
and the literary cultures.
The contact zones are in the same time the link and the arbitrary divide
of the ethno-cultural communities where the exchange and diffusion of in¬
formation of cultural and technical nature circulationt of people, skills and
ideas probably rooted further down in the second half of the
2nd
mill.
ВС
take place. The
Pontic
territory, opened to the South to the
Aegea,
to the East
and south-east
-
to the Propontis and north-western Asia Minor, undoubted¬
ly overlaps the
Danubian
delta and extends over the unnamed lands which,
after the 7th century
ВС,
would be known as Scythian. In these very north¬
ern territories are to be found diffuse enclaves of both folks
-
Thracians and
Scythians down to the territory of the Bosporan kingdom, where the
topo-,
hydro-, anthroponyms and especially the kings names vouch for a consider¬
able Thracian population and aristocracy until the
3rd
century AD.
Positioning this study within the context of the
Pontic
issue gives the
opportunity to use the results attained by the studies of the northern Black
Sea littoral to this day. The thus compiled and generalized data though, gen¬
erate another issue
-
why the representation of the deities in the different
apoikiai on these shores are so varied, overstepping the traditions brought in
from their respective metropolises. The comparisons with Miletus and with
other regions of Hellas featured in the literature and which gave the oppor¬
tunity to reconstruct some cults in these settlements, unavoidably delineated
the expected similarities and the clearly perceivable specifics in the faiths
and the rituals.
Particularly beneficial for the further development of the studies is the
more recent approach, treating the
Pontic
Greek communities as a specific,
separate unity, which had shaped and transformed its individual and collec¬
tive identity in an environment remote from its origins, the Black Sea area
being considered as one of the most well-suited places where this type of
identification is manifest. This is to explain the Hellenes adopted eschato-
ogical notions as a result of the influence from indigenous religion at least
of the elite to which the settlers in the Black Sea apoikiai was exposed and
is referred to as a demonstration of the creative potential of the meeting
-
and mixing
-
of cultures, and the creation of new hybrid cultures [Guldager
Bilde 2006].
The attitudes regarding the contact zones on the
Pontic
shores
explain the adoption of such expressions as hybridity/hybridization in the
literature; they are adequate to the situation during the colonisation period
341
in the Hellenic and the non-Hellenic information spaces, called traditionally
Hellenization. In this study the Hellenization is considered not as an expan¬
sion imposing the Greek language and culture, but as a process generating a
new cultural and social milieu. In this process the so-called ethnic clash re¬
mains irrelevant, for in the apoikiai it is important to observe the process of
bringing the inhabitants together, starting with the cohabitation. The use of
the expressions hybridity/hybridization in the
Pontic
contact zone overcomes
not only the restraints imposed by the
interpretatio graeca,
but allows the
study to forget on this occasion the fruitless ethnicizing of the developments
and phenomena observed and for the period following the 7th century
ВС
to
consider them within the context of the most active zones of economic and
cultural interactions, where the exchange between the settlers and the lo¬
cal population takes place. The hybridity/hybridization in the
Pontic
contact
zone overcomes not only the restraints imposed by the
interpretatio
graeca,
but gives the study an opportunity to get rid of the fruitless ethnicizing of the
developments and phenomena observed and for the period following the 7th
century
ВС
to be considered within the context of the most active zones of
economic and cultural interactions, where the exchange between the settlers
and the local population takes place.
Here is the proper place to remind that the approach, adopted in the
present study is founded in the multidisciplinary research led for more than
twenty years by the Institute of Thracology, headed by professor Alexan¬
der
Fol,
this research at the origin of the Thracia
Pontica
work hypothesis,
where the developments that have taken place are conceived and introduced
as the result of the intense interactions between equal historical partners. On
the other hand, the ever greater significance the issues discussed here have
acquired in science, particularly abroad, stipulated the methodology as well
as the structure of the present study.
In the modern historiography there is an separate line of research deal¬
ing with the issues that present the Antique states on the northern Black Sea
littoral and in particular the so-called sacred issue. Its beginnings are marked
by historians and archaeologists from the end of the 19th
-
the beginning of
the 20th centuries. The works of B. V. Farmakovsky, V. V. Latyshev, M. I.
Rostovtzeff, etc. initiated the summing up of the accumulated materials out¬
lining the issues of the northern Black Sea and to formulate for the first time
the specifics of the process of colonisation there, the contacts, the interac¬
tions and the causes of the existing type of culture characteristic of this area.
The present study owes a great deal in particular to Rostovtzeff s extensive
bibliography
-
in his earliest works he raises the question about the Thra-
cian presence in the northern Black Sea area and the influence it exercised
upon the ongoing political, cultural and historic developments. One must
342
bear in mind though, that the bulk of the epigraphic, numismatic and other
archaeological material was unearthed on the sites of the antique centres
of Tyras, Leuce Island, Olbia, the Tauric Chersonesus and the Cimmerian
Bosporus, publicized throughout the 20th century, it had a huge impact on
the knowledge on the subject.
In the present study all available sources-archaeological, literary, epi¬
graphic and numismatic
-
are submitted to a thorough investigation while
bearing in mind that taken out of their context, any one of them looses part
of its inherent information. Indeed, these preliminaries have a bearing essen¬
tially on the written sources, which are of diverse character and of different
times.
The archaeological finds in settlements, necropolises and temples con¬
sidered here are the source giving us some immediate information on the
culture of the population, its ethnic composition, social structures and econ¬
omy, as well as trace
-
however controversially
-
its movements. At the same
time these relics are extremely sensitive to political and territorial changes
and thus help us draw conclusions not only about the levels the observed
developments have reached, but also about the organization of the religious
and cultural life. The considered artefacts are interpreted from historical
and cultural point of view but not with the rigorously specific methods of
the archaeological science, which of course, have their due place and are
taken into account in the present study. That is to say, predominant here are
facts drawn from the written sources, the epigraphic and numismatic data,
examined in direct link with the archaeological and these are analyzed in the
context of the historical moment in order to make hypotheses and conclu¬
sions. That is to say, predominant here are the facts drawn from the written
sources, the epigraphic and numismatic data, examined in direct link with
the archaeological ones; all these are submitted to the analysis in the context
of the historical situation in order to find out the essential to this study work
hypotheses and conclusions. One of the leading emphases here is to situate
the separate testimonies within their archaeological milieu so as to arrive at
reconstructing their functional, ritualistic and semantic context.
The complex study and the utilization of the all the possible sources is
the only way to adequately present the chosen theme. The quest for analo¬
gies, their selection and exploitation is the basic principle of this study. An
attempt is made to compensate some gaps or unclear moments in some con¬
crete written sources by looking for analogies with other territories of the
Pontic
apoikiai, on the shores of Thrace, Asia Minor, the Mediterranean rim,
Miletus, Hellas proper, the Aegean islands. The typological comparisons are
often the only reliable base for cross-checking, where the established spe¬
cific and syncretic phenomena for the northern Black Sea littoral could be
343
perceived. The thus described approach to the theme turned out to be the
only passible, since it created opportunities to deploy the issues within a
wide cultural and historical discussion and quest, that are at the basis of the
general conclusions as well as the many new questions generated by them.
1.
Tin: Grfkk Colonisation on the northern Black Sea Littoral. The
Pontic
contact Zone
The first chapter presents the Greek colonisation on the northern Black Sea
shores and the foundation of the Greek apoikiai, in an alien ethnic and cul¬
tural milieu, together with the accompanying specificity and introducing the
terminological quests.
In this study the Greek colonisation is considered not as a series of acts,
but as a historical process, by which the city-states acquire new cultural and
historic spaces. For the purpose of this study the target is set at observing
the process of colonisation as a string of events occurring in a set space,
where old/local and imported cultural components will have to co-habitate,
i.e. emphasizing the Hellenization, with respect to the fact that the cultural
space is usually greater than the economic or political one.
This chapter introduces the expression hybridity/hybridization as an
essential research instrument in the literature on the problems of the Greek
colonisation for the last decades, intended to bring us to a deeper under¬
standing of the matter. Explanation has been sought how the material culture
had been manipulated, mixed and practically developed in order to repre¬
sent identity; how the clash of cultures, on the contrary, generates different
identities in the context of the colonies and in the same time in the ancient
Hellas colonial metropolises too. The researchers of the processes of colo¬
nisation already endorse this terminology, for it indicates the recognition of
the closed identities of Hellenes and natives, while the hybridization appears
as a result of their mix.
The contact zone, which, according one definition describes new situa¬
tions and opportunities otherwise impossible in the regular development of
whatever society outside that zone guarantees its functioning both ways and
needs no ethnicizing.
The concept
Zona Pontica
concept is accepted here as defining the cul¬
tural and historic achievements of the coastal inhabitants, who realize the
necessity to adapt the alien and to accommodate it to their own needs, since
any folk serves its cultural needs not only with its own creations, but also
with the foreign ones which it had turned in its own in a different way
and introduced to its mode of living, its rituals and traditions. The settle¬
ments on the rim of the Euxinian
Pontus
enjoyed those auspicious condi¬
tions for the oral and written cultures to favorably interact to each other s
344
benefit, the best testimony of which is the worship of local and alien cults
and rituals.
Terminological issues
This paragraph deals with the discussions over the terminology used in the
studies of the Greek colonisation as a phenomenon. Here particular attention
is paid to the terminological tools, which introduce the concepts in the con¬
text of the theme. One distinctive feature in the modern research is the lack
of a common terminology to ease the talking, help the investigation and stop
the practice of deserting it in the trap of lengthy terminological discussions.
Many a times attempts have been made to create a universal nomenclature
of the Greek settlements in concordance with the terminology used in the
antique written traditions and introduce it to the vocabulary of the modern
studies.
History of the studies dedicated to the Greek colonisation of the Cimmerian
Bosporus
The most consequential classical works are dedicated to the Greek colonisa¬
tion. Following the accumulation of a great deal of literature on the subject
and the weariness observed by the middle of the 20th century, this theme is
revived in the scientific circles and thus the discussion of old problems and
the quest for their reinterpretation. The process of the colonisation of the
Black Sea littoral is an important part of it.
Although the Russian language studies on the political and cultural his¬
tory of the Bosporus date from the mid-19th century, the systematic research
on the problems of the colonisation of this region begin much later. This
paragraph deals with the most essential monographs which laid the founda¬
tion for the further studies treat the specific problems of the colonisation of
the northern Black Sea and of the Bosporus in particular. Acknowledged is
the contribution of the early researchers, whose ideas have been adopted,
criticized and further developed. A part of the theses, laid down by the mid¬
dle of the 20th century are reviewed again in the discussion named Greek
colonisation.
In the last few decades the problem Greek colonisation has been
brought up again, since it has been realized that not only one had come to no
solution, but a number of issues have to be again analyzed and reinterpreted.
One such issue, discussed many a time and presented again as of utmost
importance is how the contacts between the Hellenes and the locals (non-
Hellenes, Others) on the territories of the newly founded apoikiai have hap¬
pened. The problem around the presence or the absence of a local cultural
345
layer on the colonized territories is finally excluded from the debate in favor
of the categorical position that the Greek apoikoi first integrated the spots
with settled population. Consequently, another set of questions emerges, i.e.
about the forms of the cultural exchange, about the ongoing processes at the
encounter (a clash is excluded from the terminological tools in the modern
scientific literature and from the present study) between the natives and the
new comers, about the preservation of the differences in the contacts be¬
tween Hellenes and non-Hellenes. The Black Sea area, as the natural terri¬
tory of the
Pontic
contact zone is an essential and very interesting part of the
larger historical problem.
A number of problems about the colonisation of the northern Black
Sea remain unsolved and rekindle the disputes among the scientists. Among
those is the chronology, the so-called pre-colonial contacts (originating in
the early scientific literature in Russian), the
emporta
period in the develop¬
ment of the apoikiai, which
reemerge
with every discussion of the issue.
The present study marks the main challenge in tracking down the gen¬
esis of the Hellenic colonies in the region, namely connecting the archaeo¬
logical material with the information in the written sources
-
another issue
dating at the time of the earliest studies.
The Colonisation of the Bosporus
The colonisation of the European Bosporus develops intensely, by founding
relatively large settlements, which turn with time into the so-called agrarian
zones, soon to be integrated in the Panticapaean
chora.
The chronology and
the stratigraphy of the processes of colonisation taking place in the Bospo¬
rus during the archaic period are perceived and considered as something
relative, which by no means could apply to the same extend to the different
regions of this large territory. It is necessary to stipulate immediately that
in the lower Bug region similar historical processes take place, though the
historic and cultural situation there is very different. That is why the infor¬
mation about one region should not be automatically transferred to another
without submitting it to serious analysis.
For the purpose of the present study traditional antique data are taken
into account and analyzed; they impose the hypothesis, that the leading part
in the colonisation of the Bosporus play the Ionian centres and Miletus in
particular. The written sources keep information about the foundation of
three of the five Bosporan apoikiai
-
Panticapaeum, Theodosia and Kepi
-
by Milesian colonists. According to the ancient authors, Phanagoria and
Hermonassa were also founded by Ionians arriving from the isle of Thasos.
The archaeological material corroborates the thesis of the predominant role
of the Ionians in the colonisation of the Bosporus.
346
The concordance of the literary testimonials with the archaeological
material gives us grounds to believe, that the first Greek settlements on the
Cimmerian Bosporus take place during the second half of the 6th century
ВС.
It is very possible that there were some earlier scouting expeditions
on their part in order to explore the lands for an eventual settlement; this
hypothesis is analyzed again in compliance with the latest tendencies in the
science, regarding the prolific and sensitive issue of the Greek colonisa¬
tion.
В
ere/ax as
d O
lb
і а
According to Eusebius of Caesarea [Chron. Can. 95b] Borysthenes (suppos¬
edly the present Berezan) was founded in
647/6
ВС.
Thus the settlement,
localized supposedly on the present-day isle of Berezan (in Antiquity
-
a
peninsula) is the earliest on the northern Black Sea shores More questions
arise from the this information allegations of Pseudo-Scymnos
[804-809],
who says that the city founded by the Milesians on the spot where the rivers
Borysthenes
(Dniepr)
and Hypanis (Bug) flow together was initially called
Olbia and later on again Borysthenes, which had occurred at the time the
Medes
ruled over it. The mixing up of the two names
-
Borysthenes and Ol¬
bia
-
is to be met in other ancient authors too. There is an understanding in
the literature that in this information the settlement on the antique peninsula
of Berezan is contemplated.
The considered archaeological material brings in some corrections in
the entangled situation with the dating of the newly founded settlements of
Borysthenes and Olbia. The excavations on the site of Olbia show a consid¬
erable increase of the ceramics dated to the second quarter of the 6th century
ВС,
the earliest complexes belonging to the middle of the same century The
search led on the
О
Ibi
an western
témenos
give us grounds to date the begin¬
ning of its functioning in the years
80
of the 6th century
ВС.
The earliest
graves in the necropolis point again to the middle of the century, and thus the
foundation of the settlement could be put in the interval
590-580
ВС.
The dating the foundation of Olbia according to the archaeological ma¬
terial and accepted by the greater part of the scientific community
-
in the
first of the second quarter of the 6th century
ВС
-
does not fit by far with the
date suggested by the written tradition and in particular with Eusebius mid-
7th century
ВС.
In the literature is now accepted to link it to the appearance
of the Borysthenes settlement, where the earliest finds date around
630
ВС.
The digs on this site display a mass material from the third quarter of the 7th
century
ВС,
as well as shards belonging to the middle of the century. Ac¬
cording to one hypotheses the settlement categorically appeared at the very
end of the 7th century
ВС;
as for the third quarter of the century, one can
347
only hypothesize some commercial visits.
These last years suggestions have been made to look elsewhere for
analogies to the Borysthenes/Berezan case, more precisely into the history
of
Histria
and Orgame in northern Dobrudja, for the materials excavated
there suppose a synchronous developments during the second half of the 7th
century
ВС.
These gives us grounds to raise again the question about the
dating proposed by the written tradition.
The foundation of Borysthenes categorically precedes this of Olbia
-
a fact corroborated by the study of the archaeological material. Its date is
much closer to Eusebius .
For the purposes of the present study is particularly important to clarify
the relations between Borysthenes/Berezan and Olbia. There is no lack of
issues there too, for they are tightly connected to the process of colonisation.
In the first place, the difference in the time of foundation of both settlements
is probably around or more then half a century
-
Borysthenes existed by
itself for a considerable period of time. The problem resides in the apparent
mixing up of the names in the written tradition. Borysthenes seems to be the
name of the settlement founded on the Berezan peninsula and which is later
transferred to Olbia. This might have happened when Borysthenes gradually
lost its importance to the
polis
of Olbia. Here is assumed that Borysthenes
might have not developed as apolis at all. Thus Olbia becomes the only po¬
litical centre. The study also considers the hypothesis according to which the
inhabitants of Borysthenes might have taken part in the foundation of Olbia
together with the new wave of settlers as well as the possibility for Borys¬
thenes/Berezan to continue to function as a second centre, as an emporion
to the
polis
of Olbia.
The question about the initial status of Olbia seems clearer. Accord¬
ing to some researchers, it had been intended and carried out as a sovereign
polis.
Others claim that Olbia gains the status in a few decades after the
appearance of the earliest settlement. In this case there is one late, but very
significant information, a part of
Dio
Chrysostomus Borysthenite speech
[XXXVI, 4-5]
delivered in his native
Prusa.
In it
Dio
speaks of the situa¬
tion there at the time of his sojourn around the year
95
AD. This piece of
information is not doubted by anyone. The author turns to the past of the
city. The city of the Borysthenites, the orator says, does not correspond by
its greatness to its past glory, for which the permanent wars and the destruc¬
tion are to blame. This city, he continues, built so long ago amongst the very
barbarians, the most fierce of all, not once had been subject to their attacks
and captured. The orator further says that the last and most frightful incur¬
sion had occurred about
150
years before his visit to Olbia, when the Getae
had taken not only this city, but also many others on the left shores of the
348
Pontus
down to the very
Apollónia.
This testimony being of first hand is of
the highest value for any study affecting Olbia, since
Dio
Chrysostomus
had heard the facts from the Olbiopolitans and the Borysthenites, as he calls
them and about whom we learn that, living among barbarians, they do not
speak Greek very correctly/well Part of his speech, dedicated to the founda¬
tion of the city and the life
έν μέσοις οικούσα τοίς βαρβάροις
this source
has not been analyzed and put in circulation
The status of both settlements
-
Borysthenes and Olbia
-
brings us to
the most widely discussed issue in the historical science, i.e. the colonisa¬
tion as a phenomenon and the accompanying hardships.
The
colos
isatios of the Tauric Chersonesus
The information about the appearance of the Tauric Chersonesus is to be
found in Pseudo-Scymnos and it may have been drawn from one Demetrius
of Callatis a
3rd
century
ВС
geographer. According to him Chersonesus, a
Greek
poto
had been founded by Heracleans and Delians as a result prophe¬
cy given to the Heracleans living in Asia, that they should, together with the
Delians, settle on the peninsula. Here, to this part of Tauris once Iphygenaia
came, kidnapped in Aulis.
Until recently, the time of the foundation of Heraclea
Pontica
s apoikia
was thought to be set at
422-421
ВС.
But as a result of the discovery of
new archaeological and epigraphic material from the late Archaic and the
early classical period and their simultaneous examination with the written
tradition give the opportunity to lower the date down to
528/527
ВС.
This
hypothesis, however, is not widely acknowledged.
In this study the geographical situation of the Tauric Chersonesus,
located at the crossroads of two great historic and cultural centres
-
the
northwestern and northeastern Black Sea shores is taken into account. Here
intensive trading contacts had always taken place between the local popula¬
tions and the Hellenes already at the times preceding the colonial period:
the site of the future Heraclean apoikia had been a stop-over for the Ionian
seafarers already in the 6th-5th centuries
ВС,
a fact corroborated by the ar¬
chaeological material. For the Greek boats there were two possible routes to
the northern
Pontic
shores: one along its western coast up to the river Istros,
from where the boats crossed over directly to the Crimean (undisputedly the
safest and the most exploited way) and the other, between the cape Karam-
bis in Paphlagonia and cape Kriou Metopon on the southern Crimean shore,
shorter but dangerous, and in use only at a certain period of the year. Both
routes passed by the Chersonesus.
One of the problems of the colonisation of the Tauric Chersonesus is
brought again to the presence or absence of aborigines at the time of the
349
Heracleans
inhabiting the
polis.
The question about the contacts and the
eventual interactions between the newly arrived and the local
Taures,
who
certainly lived on the inland territories in the southern Crimean highlands.
Most of the studies dedicated to the Dorian colonisation of the Tauric Cher-
sonesus are inclined to ignore the issues of the interactions in the area. The
main part of the inferences about ethnic contacts and interaction is based
upon earthenware shard statistics. The authors who write about the political
history of the apoikia of the Tauric Chersonesus set a precedent by not deal¬
ing with the cultural and historic situation in the area and the metropolis. The
same applies to those authors who look into the so-called religious issues
in the Chersonesus without taking into account the political situation
-
the
impression left is of isolated phenomena without any links between them.
II. Till- Bo.SPORAN KINGDOM. SPARTOCUS
1
AND THE DYNASTY OF THE SPARTOCIDS
The second chapter is dedicated to the Bosporan kingdom, represented as a
state of a mixed type and to the founder of the Spartocids dynasty as starting
point for researching the causes for ethnic Thracian presence there, but also
for historic reasons
-
to seek and study the lasting and manifest Thracian
elements in its culture.
The Boporus and the rule of the Archaeanactids
(480/479-438/7
ВС)
This paragraph deals with the issue of the first Spartocus ascent to power,
which cannot be studies without linking it to the appearance of the dynasty
of the Archaeanactides in the Bosporus, the character of their power as well
as to the developments accompanying the formation of the state. Many
a researcher are inclined to see in Spartocus I a rightful successor to the
Archaeanactids and look for a link between the two dynasties.
Here particular attention is paid to
Diodorus
XII, 31, 1
giving us the
earliest information on the history of the Bosporus. However concise, this
information sets the right chronological frames of the nearly two hundred
years long Bosporan history
(480-283
ВС).
According to it, the rule of the
first Bosporan dynasty, the Archaeanactides, began in
480/479
ВС
and
thus set the historical chronology of the Bosporus. In the literature, the
deliberately chosen emphases lead to a variety of interpretations of this only
source on the Archaeanactids and the rise of the Spartocids. It has been also
considered, that the political changes that had taken place in the Cimmerian
Bosporus at the time of
Diodorus
might have been of judgemental nature.
The rule of the Archaeanactids over the Bosporus. The nature of the rule
The causes for the historical changes, the arrival of the Archaeanactids
350
brought to the Bosporus, stimulate the particular interest of the researchers.
One long-standing hypothesis ties this fact to the
aliance
of the Greek
settlements of
480/479
ВС
in the face of the increasing danger that
represented the Scythians.
Attempts have been made to link the changes that took part in the
Bosporus to the probable global displacement of the tribes in the 6th
-
the
beginning of the 5th centuries
ВС.
One possible reason for it might have
been Darius I expedition against the Scythians. It might also been caused
my the incursion of nomadic peoples from the East at the very end of the 6th
century
ВС.
The scientists categorically agree that by the year
480
ВС
there
are evident signs of destabilization in the whole northern Black Sea area.
The main views upon the rule of the first Bosporan dynasty in this
precise cultural and historical context have been analyzed, which has led
to the conclusion, that for the time of the Archaeanactids rule the separate
Bosporan apoikiai have kept their political autonomy. In their case it is more
probable to speak about an
aliance
than about a state.
Diodorus
information
does not give grounds to think either way. The centralized state eventually
came to be ruled by the early Spartocids.
As eventual metropolis of the
aliance
is considered Panticapaeum, the
most powerful economic and political centre is the symachia. Because of its
strategic location on the European coast of the Kerch isthmus, allowing con¬
trol over both sides of the strait makes this thesis acceptable. The territory
of federal formation lies on two continents, in Europe and in Asia, and is
washed by two seas
-
the Euxinian
Pontus
and the Maeotis. The geographi¬
cal location and its role in the stability of this
aliance
make perceivable the
changes which this great territory endures. Here are sought the causes why
the Hellenic settlers sought the creation of federal ties with the surrounding
other ethnic groups as a priority.
In the literature there is no unanimous view on the assessment of the
rule of the Archaeanactids dynasty. According to some early studies, dedi¬
cated to the history of Panticapaeum, the Greek colonies on the Bosporus,
two generations after their foundation, create a monarchical rue, which de¬
velops from an oligarchic form (characteristic of the moment start up of the
colonies) to the endorsement of a tyrannical regime by the dynasty of the
Archaeanactids.
This paragraph focuses again upon
Diodorus
text and a text-critical
analysis of the terminology it uses, and mainly of the term
βασιλεύς
has
been made.
History has proved that the symahioi are the least durable political
formations. Sooner or later they are reduced to a hegemony of one centre over
the others or to a tyranny. This has brought up the conclusion that around the
351
th century
ВС
some crisis ripens amidst the Bosporan apoikiai, which
brings the change of rule in the year
438/7
ВС
and the coalition grows into
a united kingdom ruled by Spartocus and his dynasty.
SPARTOCUS
-
THE FOUNDER OF THE DYNASTY OF THE SPARTOCIDS
In historiography, the issue of the ascent of the Spartocids to power, the ori¬
gin of the dynasty and its founder, Spartocus
1
is well represented. The truth,
though is, that there is no unanimous view neither on the causes which may
lie at the bottom of the creation of the Bosporan kingdom and the accompa¬
nying events, nor about the origin of the dynasty.
Diodorus
short information lets us know that in the year
438/7
ВС
the
Bosporus has a new ruler. This key historic source on the political changes
that have taken place in the second half of the 5th century
ВС
raises some
new, serious questions about the origin of Spartocus as heir to the rule of the
Archaeanactids, how he came to it as well as the nature of his powers.
The name of the founder of the Spartocids dynasty
ofin
the Bosporan
kingdom is known as
Σπάρτακος
or
Σπάρτοκος.
On one epigraphic mon¬
ument the name appears in genitive as
Σπαρδοκος (Σπαρδοκο),
which is
quite similar to the forms known in Thrace as
Σπαραδοκος, Σπαρδοκος,
Σπορδοκος, Σπάρτοκος.
The importance of the similarity lays in the fact
that this name is not simply known in Thrace, but it is characteristic for the
ruling Odrysian dynasty.
The hypotheses on the origin of the dynasty and the nature of the ruler s
power are text-critically introduced and analyzed. The current discussion on
the titles born by the early Spartocids is also presented. This study dwells as
much on the less known historical sources as on the well known ones which,
considered and analyzed along some epigraphic documents and numismatic
materials, led to new conclusions and reinterpretations of some axiomatic
historical facts and to new theses.
The conclusion, reached in the course of the study is, that during the
second half of the 5th century
ВС
one non-Hellene, a Thracian, is at the
helm of this Greek state; with him begins a hybrid type of rule, as stipulated
in this study. Here is considered the mixed character of the political structure
of the state
-
a combination of
polis
structure and clearly non-Greek politi¬
cal traditions
-
eventually admitted on the basis of the considered epigraphic
testimonials. They belong to the times of Leucon I
(389/8 - 349/8
ВС),
they
prove that archon and
basileus are
two titles used simultaneously with the
name of the ruler. Although this fact is graphically attested in the mid-4th
century
ВС,
it might very well ascend to his predecessors too, for notwith¬
standing the wavering in the opinions, this study here has come to the con¬
clusions that already by the 4th century
ВС
these titles were steadfastly used
352
up to the mid^nd century
ВС.
The archaeological data, considered together with the written sources,
the epigraphic and numismatic facts lead to the following conclusions:
•
The analysis of the existing sources and the great number of studies
on the researched subject are the foundation upon which the hypothesis that
the founder of the Spartocids dynasty, Spartocus I is of non-Greek, Thra-
cian origin is built. It is assumed that his claim on power had been endorsed
by some of the Bosporan elite, where the non-Greeks undoubtedly played
some role. Indirect proofs for these allegations are deduced from the literary
tradition, where information about forms of government that could eventu¬
ally be applied to those earliest times of this dynasty s rule are found.
•
Judging by the changes in the archaeological stratum belonging to the
mid-5th century
ВС,
Spartocus I came to power by
a coup d état.
At about
that time dates the building of a temple dedicated to Apollo Ietros on the
western plateau of the Panticapaean Acropolis. There are also visible proofs
of a cult of Dionysus existing simultaneously; by the last quarter of the
5th century
ВС
a close bond between this deity and the Spartocid kings is
clearly seen. Corroboration of this fact is to be found in the Athenian orator
Isocrates Trapeziticus speech, an introduction to the maelstrom in the po¬
litical life for the years
394-391
ВС.
The analysis of this extremely precious
source, bearing information on exiles sojourning in Theodosia is a reason
good enough for this study to assume that here the orator hints at members
of the overthrown Archaeanactid dynasty and their supporters. This even¬
tuality is not groundless: some epigraphic documents dated at the time of
Leucon I speak of alterations of the kingdom s territory and throw light
upon the Spartocid institution of the co-ruler or paradynast, the dynamic
of the division of powers at the time of Satyros I sons. This hypothesis is
also corroborated by another orator
-
Demosthenes, according to whom the
Milesian apoikia of Theodosia had become emporion during the reign of
Leucon
1.
Demosthenes does not dwell on the subject and give the reasons
for such a political metamorphose, though to downgrade a settlement to
a marketplace is a fact seldom if at all mentioned in the written tradition.
It is important in order to advance the hypothesis about the link between
the preceding events around the so-called exiles in Theodosia. One thing is
certain
-
from this moment on Theodosia was included in the tenure of the
Spartocids. Isocrates information is poorly exploited in the literature on the
Bosporan kingdom and certainly not in a wider context; together with that
in Demosthenes they turn out to be extremely productive, especially when
supplemented with epigraphic and numismatic data.
•
This study upholds the thesis of the monarchical,
βασιλεία
-type
of
government (different from the known Hellenistic model) of the Bosporan
353
state
already at the time of Satyros I, Spartocus I son and heir. The histori¬
cal facts are reviewed in order to find out weather this form of government
could apply to the first Spartocid too. The facts about the earliest times of the
dynasty s rule are scarce for now and demand a very careful selection of the
sources and their critical analysis in order to avid inept conclusions.
•
Some indirect for the moment proofs, regarding the same period,
came up as a result of the analysis and the comparison of the written sources,
the epigraphic and numismatic data and inferring the existence of the para-
dynastic/co-rule form of government of the Bosporus, similar to the one of
the Odrysian state.
•
In the present study the Bosporan state is considered as a political
formation of a hybrid type judging by the dual titles
-
archon and
basileus
-
its rulers give themselves. On this basis the culture of the Bosporan state is
considered in its concrete social and political milieu.
These conclusions, of course, are of hypothetical nature, since the pres¬
ent state of the sources could not categorically corroborate them. One could
only hope that with the appearance of new data bearing on the political,
social and economic developments in the Bosporus at the early stages of the
Spartocids rule, these hypotheses to become a further step in the research
of this topic.
///.
The cult of Artemis on the northern Buck Sea littoral. Artemis-Iphi-
genaia-Hekate
The cult of goddess Artemis, in her aspects of Iphigenaia-Hekate, is one of
the most indisputably testified on the northern Black Sea littoral. Its mani¬
fests are found in the written sources, the archaeological and epigraphic
materials.
For the purpose of this study, of a particular interest is the cult estab¬
lished in the Tauric Chersonesus of the goddess
Παρθένος,
iconographi-
cally acknowledged by the Hellenic settlers in the image of Artemis, but
never addressed by that name. Of course, here again the questions to be
asked prevail over the possible answers. This is the result of the fact that
the interest is focused upon the appearance and the development of the cult
in that part of the
Pontic
region, pursued in the testimonials in the written
tradition and compared to the epigraphic and other material.
Here particular attention is paid to Iphigenaia as one of the hypostases
of Artemis on the northern Black Sea coasts, as known from the written
tradition. Acknowledged by Herodotus as the goddess, to whom the
Taures
dedicate their blood rite, is a reason enough to seek her roots in the earliest
source, the Homeric epos, where she is known as
Ίφιάνασσα.
The infor¬
mation in the literary tradition where a mythological stratum is identified
354
beyond doubt regarding the area in question allows traces of worship of
some pre-Greek goddess as
πότνια
to be seen. The archaeological finds on
the Black Sea shores, mainly in the southern part of the Crimean peninsula
and on both sides of the isthmus of Kerch corroborate the written sources
and clearly testify of the worship of this cult in caves, near volcanic craters
and geysers, where traces of the sacrificing rituals performed for centuries
are still to be seen in the cut rocks. The observations made there should
make us take a different look on this territory s highlands, namely the rock-
cut complexes where, probably, devotions to the cult of an anonymous god¬
dess had been made in a cave sanctuary; her name, in old Greek language,
could be Iphigenaia as well as Artemis-Hekate, in the most archaic aspects
of the Great Goddess. This area is an integral part of the
Pontic
contact zone
where, among the rocks, the cult of the Goddess-mother is worshipped, pre¬
serving the earliest characteristics of the sacred
topos.
Here the problem of the so-called Tauric narrative, linking Artemis-
Iphigenaia with the northern Black Sea littoral is discussed; from it derives
yet another issue, that of the names
-
Taures,
the ethnic name, and Tauris,
the lands they inhabited. The analysis of the numerous written sources allow
to recreate the Tauric goddess voyage, until she reached the southern part of
the Crimean peninsula or the confines of the apoikia of Heraclea
Pontica.
It
could be followed up through the isle of
Lemnos
in the northern Aegean, in¬
cluded by the literary tradition in the Thraco-Pelasgian cultural circle; from
there on, through the mountain Taurus
-
part of the Ida-Tmol-Taurus mas¬
sif and the territory of the Mariandynoi people, then through the Heraclean
chora,
where Strabo localizes one of the oldest images of
Ταυροπόλος.
It is
very possible that with the Hellenes accumulation of geographical knowl¬
edge gathered in the process of colonisation, the myth had started to move
northwards, attaining new unknown and obscure territories on the
Pontus
northern shores. With time, though, this vivid link between myth and ritual,
or aityon has faded away.
Here the question is asked: Who is the northern goddess
-
Ταυροπόλος,
the bull killer or
Ταυροπόλος,
a female goddess, worshipped by the
Taures,
as acknowledged in most of the works on the subject? The effigies on the
coins issued by the Tauric Chersonesus represent the goddess
Παρθένος
at the same time as
Ταυροπόλος
and as
Ελαφηβόλος,
the deer killer; thus
her functions duplicate those of
Hekáte
about whom the written tradition
talks. The epithets
Ταυροπόλος
and
Έλαφοκτόνος/Έλαφηβόλος
are of
extremely high value, for they link the goddess to the ritual sacrifice
-
in
one case a bull, in the other a deer. Seen from an ethnic perspective, they
are conceived as zoomorphic hypostases of the God in his fiery and solar
image. In the Bosporan kingdom, the goddess with a torch in hand, crowned
355
with a wreath, riding a bull and facing Apollo on a griffin is represented in
a rock-cut tomb on Mithridates hill in the Panticapaeum. In this imagery
proof is found that in the Bosporus, following the age of Mithridates and the
restitution of the Thracian (Odrysian?) names system within the ruling royal
dynasty, a renaissance of ideas, known in their development along the so-
called Hyperborean diagonal, had gained grounds. Not so long ago.
Al. Fol
conceded that in the Bosporus, the zone cut by the Hyperborean diagonal is
not in contact with alien spirituality. The iconographical text in the Hyper¬
borean tomb in Panticapaeum eloquently corroborates the thus described
territory, where oral and literary traditions create the proper conditions for a
highly productive interaction.
Epigraphic monuments in Chersonesus reveal one more, though late,
epithet of the Tauric goddess: they claim that that same
Παρθένος
in the
2nd
century AD is revered already as
ΘΕΑ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑ.
In this epithet is
sought the image of the ethnic goddess related to the connotation in Herodo¬
tus IV.
33.
speaking of devotions to Artemis
Basileia
in Thrace. Even more
so, for this interpretation is corroborated by the epithet
ανασσα
used also
by Euripides [Iphig.
Taur.
1230].
In the Orphic hymn-invocation of
Hekáte,
the Great chthonic goddess is also called
ανασσα. ανασσα
is acknowl¬
edged to be contained too in the oldest known form of the name Iphigenaia
-as in Homer s
[//.
IX,
145, 287]
Ίφιάνασσα.
The observations made so far in this study lead to the conclusion that
in the Tauric Chersonesus the Great goddess remains anonymous, addressed
simply as
Παρθένος
(in this case an appellation and not an epithet). Her
iconography there bears the characteristics of Artemis
-
Artemis-Iphigenaia
in her aspect of
πότνια;
in the same time some growing correspondence to
Hekáte
is detectable too.
The observations made on the cult of the Goddess (Artemis-Iphigenaia-
Hekate), called
Παρθένος, Ταυροπόλος, Έλαφοκτόνος/Έλαφηβόλος,
reveal its location in the vast territories between the Tauric Chersonesus and
Komana
Pontica
-
Hieropolis-Kastabala. The spread of her images and the
data on her worship testify to their appearance in areas of intensive ethnic
and cultural interactions, in the bordering contact zones between the
polis
and the ethnos seen at their best on the littoral. As known from the written
sources, the manifestations of this cult in inland Hellas seem to be a rather
distant echo of the Mycenean age, found in the identification of the Goddess
with Iphigenaia in one of her oldest hipostasis, called
Hekáte,
as Hesiod
says, and bearing the characteristics of
πότνια.
This is highly probable,
though in the course of the of the cult s travel to the northern
Pontic
shores
this link had been fading away. Nevertheless, the memory of the
Παρθένος,
as
a
Ταυροπόλος
remains, perpetuated in the coins minted by Chersonesus
356
and in the images in the Panticapaean tomb; they appear at the time of in¬
tensive economic and political contacts between the Bosporan royal dynasty
and Tauris. At the same time the cult of Sabazios appears and develops in
both areas.
The association of Artemis with
Hekáte
on the northern Black Sea lit¬
toral is not an issue, since it is testified by the written tradition and has its
iconography.
The scientists, researching the religions on the northern Black Sea
shores have decided that the cult of
Hekáte
is feebly attested. This could
hardly be the best characteristic of its manifestations, which are vivid enough
and indicate that this cult should not be neglected.
The written sources mention
Hekáte
s
sacred wood on the western coast
of Kinburn peninsula, in a locality called Hylaia, and in Antiquity
-
άλσος
Εκάτης.
Close to that sacred
topos
the written and the archaeological sourc¬
es have helped the localization of
Tendra,
one of the places the hero Achilles
was worshipped, and Hypolaia, where devotions to
Demeter
had been made.
The analysis of the written sources proves that the ancient authors, who had
no direct knowledge of the physical geography of the Black Sea littoral, mix
up the three sites of worship
-
of
Hekáte,
of Achilles and of
Demeter. All
three of them are located on headlands sticking out in the sea. In this study
the three divine personifications are analyzed in their direct links between
them; a point is made that the mentioned in the ancient authors identification
is not fortuitous and not entirely due to their ignorance of the area.
In Panticapaeum, metropolis of the Bosporan kingdom, the cult of Hek-
ate is testified in the very royal palace. The cut-rock sanctuary developed on
the territory of the
βασιλεία,
immediately brings to the mind the idea of a
cave, where a cult to a female goddess had been worshipped. Judging by the
findings there, its diggers have identified it with Artemis-Persephone-Ben-
dis-Hekate-Dytagoia, or with some chthonic Goddess who rules over both
worlds. This concept is imposed without any doubt through the cave-womb,
a place where knowledge is to be got, as a place for immortalisation. This
sanctuary, together with the cave tombs, introduces the Bosporan kingdom
to the northern idea of the chthonic anthropodaimonization that runs along
a virtual line Boeotia-Thessaly-Thrace and transfers ideas and influences
further up north. For the purpose of the present study that sanctuary is of
a particularly high value, since it is retraceable within the
βασιλεία
of the
ruling Bosporan dynasty and according to one of its definitions it does not
pre-date the Spartocids . This puts it in a chronological synchrony with the
erection of the residence itself, archaeologically localized and corroborated
by the written tradition on Mithridates hill. In its sanctuary, called by its
diggers royal, i.e. used only by the
basileus
himself, members of his family
357
and probably by his closest retinue, one could picture the royal cult of the
Bosporan dynasty of the Spartocids.
Here has been made the conclusion that the cult of
Hekáte
on the north¬
ern Black Sea littoral, in syncretism with the worship of Iphigenaia, Artemis,
and
Παρθένος,
although probably not a cult of the masses, has its own par¬
ticularly lively, highly representative place. In the Bosporan kingdom it is
illustrated at its best in Aischylos writing
Hekáte
before the doors of the
royal halls .
The analysis prove that on the northern coasts of the Euxinus Artemis
addressed as
Παρθένος,
Iphigenaia,
Hekáte,
Bendis,
of Ephesus, Agrotera,
had been worshipped as a chthonic Great goddess in her stasis or aspect as
Πότνια,
whose rule stretches over Here and Beyond.
Hekáte
is examined within her links with Artemis-Iphigenaia and
Demeter in
their sacred
topoi,
recorded in the sources as the sacred Hylaia-
Hypolaia.
In the pantheon of the gods worshipped on the northern Black Sea
shores,
Demeter
occupies an essential place. This study has tried to find in
the monuments from Olbia, Berezan, the Crimean peninsula, and the Bospo¬
rus testimonials about the spread of faith and rites outside from the official
cults.
The conclusion is that alongside the official cult of the goddess, there
were sanctuaries out of the
polis,
which had functioned for a longtime and
where she could be recognized as a Great goddess, or
Πότνια.
In Hypolaia,
near Olbia, as well as near Phanagoria, on the eastern coast of the Kerch
isthmus, she has kept for a very long chronological span her most archaic
characteristics, belonging to the beyond-
polis
religion and bear the idea of
a rituality found and acknowledged in which the name appears as a transla¬
tion-appellation. The tomb in Panticapaeum, revealing the cult of
Demeter
in its Eleusinian aspect associated with the cult of
Hekáte
is the link between
the oral and written tradition in the ethnic and cultural space of the northern
Pontic
contact zone.
IV. The cult of Achilles on the northern Black Sea littoral: The Hero
cult
In the chapter dedicated to it, this cult is considered within the context of the
Hero cult. The cult of Achilles, characterized as one of the most interesting
phenomena on the northern Black Sea littoral, has attracted great interest
among researchers. Over
180
years after the discovery of its traces on Leuce
Island (present-day Zmeijnyi, or Serpent s Island) the amount of studies ac¬
cumulated on this subject are worth of a separate
historiographie
research.
The present work has focused on seeking its archaic essence in the
358
three basic locations
-
Leuce Island, Cape Beikush, and
Tendra,
i.e. its be¬
yond-
polis
manifestation. An attempt is made to draw a line between this
cult and such definitions as God of the dead in the
Pontus ,
Master of the
Sea , a pan-Hellenic cult to Homer s Hero . The present study has come to
formulate the following conclusion: before entering the
polis
of Olbia (not
earlier than the 4th century
ВС),
the cult to Achilles should be considered
just as
a Yìero/Heros cult,
alien to the Homeric tradition, acknowledged by
the Hellenic settlers and named by the best known and popular name, Achil¬
les.
The analysis of the mythographical tradition here lead to the hypoth¬
eses about the closeness, if not identity of the images of Rhesus and Achil¬
les in reiterating the same mythical concepts about both symbolic images
-
Rhesus as the Hellenic personification of a Thracian king and Achilles on
Leuce. The analogies are found in the written sources on both heroes, where
some ideas unifying them could eventually be admitted. First, according to
the sources, the place of worship of each one of them: by a temple/sanctu¬
ary, by some sacred site with an altar, away from inhabited areas, on the
common, developed in the notion of the marginal temple, where the idea of
the peace maker would be sought. Next, the idea invested in the sacrificial
animal, which would go by itself to the altar, i.e. sacrifices itself. The close¬
ness of the two images
-
of Achilles and of Rhesus is sought in the times
preceding Leuce, in the area of Troy, where the river Scamander is seen as
a topos,
linking the two heroes in death. This closeness is also found at the
times the personification of the southwestern Thracian king Rhesus emerg¬
es: by the
mid-óth
century
ВС,
when the so-called Pisistratian edition of the
Iliad appears with the interpolated 10th Book, containing essential cultural
and historical
realia.
The foundation of the cult of Achilles on cape Sigeion
is dated around the end of the 6th
-
the beginning of the 5th centuries
ВС;
about the last quarter of the 6th century
ВС
are dated the earliest findings
on Leuce. Rhesus is a Hellenic personification of the Thracian king-priest
and prophet of Dionysus, who had gone through literary and mythological
editing in the zone where the first contacts between Thracians and Hellenes
took place; his completeness is unimpaired by mythographical inventions.
The links between Achilles and Dionysus on Leuce as well as on the site of
the pit sanctuary on Cape Beykush are proved by the discovered shards of
painted ceramics totally connected to characters and details from the Diony-
sian circle
-
a peculiarity unseen in other places of worship of Achilles.
The hypothesis the Hero-the //eras-Achilles is found in the image-idea/
idea-image Leuce, the White/Shimmering isle/rock. Lying on the common
border between Thracia
Pontica
and the northern
Pontic
contact zone, i.e.
facing the estuary of the Istros River, it may have been tightly knit to the
359
Hellenes/Ionians concept
of the North, of Death and the Beyond. On the
other hand, the testimonials in the literary tradition, some of which are in¬
troduced for the first time to the context of this cult, as well as the findings
on Leuce, give the opportunity to deduce also a link between the image of
Achilles with the Sun and the Hyperborean idea. According to the observa¬
tions made in this study, these marvelous tales associate Achilles, venerated
on Leuce, as lord of the magic, the healing powers and the gift of prophecy
with the Hyperborean idea and its incarnation, Apollo, suggested by Ros-
tovtzeff as one possible direction for research about a century ago and never
exploited. These antique sources of legendary nature, used in earnest as the
source
ofinformation
for the search of the hero s temple on the island, are of
extremely high value, since their analysis testifies about some early under¬
standings on how the hero was worshipped. It is obvious, that they are not
testimonials of eyewitnesses, but the result of a lasting folk tradition, featur¬
ing an archaic faith with rituals performed among rocks, where in crevices
are found deposed ceramics and
terra-cotta
figurines, cave-like formations,
traces of a probable outdoors temple. One could only hope, that any further
exploration would provide new data to complete the picture. The written
sources, the epigraphic and archaeological finds testify that outside the
po¬
lis,
on the northern Black Sea littoral Achilles the Hero has been venerated
as a chthonic and as an uranian, Apollo-Dionysian god. To admit such a
speculation, based on the other two sacred sites
-
on the isle of
Tendra
and
the pit sanctuary on Cape Beykush
-
associates it to the idea of the northern
direction, conceived as the direction of wisdom, of spreading the myste-
rial and initiating rituality, together with receiving an oracle s response and
healing.
V. The Thracian
Heros
on the Black Sea littoral
The appearance of the anonymous Thracian equestrian deity, convention¬
ally called the Thracian horseman or
Heros
on the territory of the northern
Black Sea coasts in the 2nd-3rd centuries AD, when the whole area falls
into the orbit of the Roman policy is not a surprise. The present study seeks
the manifestations of the cult of the Thracian horseman and the so-called
Thracian monuments (in Rostovtzeff s words), that had left the boundaries
of the camps and entered the private cults. An attempt is made to associate
that cult, conventionally called here the Thracian
Heros
to the Heroization
as such and its place in Olbia and the Tauric Chersonesus. This issue is not
well explored in the area in question and the nature of the heroes veneration
is admittedly unclear.
Votives
from Tyras, Olbia, Ai-Todor/Harax and the Tauric Chersone¬
sus are published, found as a rule on sites where Roman army detachments
360
had once camped and associated with the presence of soldiers of Thracian
origins. The inscriptions on stone and the ceramic stamps found in Tyras
prove that by the middle of the
2nd
century
ВС
vexilatiae of the
Legio Legio
XI
Cloudiana
and I
¡italica
have camped there. After the mid^nd century
AD in Olbia were garrisoned detachments of the
Legio
I
Italica,
Legio V
Macedonica,
Legio
XI
Claudiana and a Thracian
contingent. The garrison in
Harax probably organized initially in Chersonesus and of soldiers from the
Legio
I
Italica,
later joined by others from
Legio
XI Claudiana becomes by
the middle of the
2nd
century the main base of the Roman armies in Tauris.
The inscriptions from Chersonesus, mainly epitaphs, testify that the
Legio L
Italica,
Legio
XI Claudiana
and Legio
V
Macedonica
based in Moesia Infe¬
rior had sent some vexilatiae camping there.
With Hadrian s military reforms, the army dispatched along the Dan¬
ube began to raise troops among the natives, mainly among the Thracians,
who were highly praised for their military skills. These soldiers, far away
from their homeland, did not break the links with their traditions and beliefs.
Judging by the inscriptions where names of family members are mentioned,
they had accompanied them, living around the premises of the camps. This
fact has given grounds to some researchers to speak of a lasting presence of
some ethnic Thracian elements, propagating Thracian culture at that time.
This is one way of transferring Thracian religious notions to the northern
Pontic
shores in the Roman period; the cult of the Thracian horseman-tferos
is only one of many clearly discernible elements. The presence of his monu¬
ments beyond the properly Thracian territory explicitly states a devotion to
Thracian religions, notwithstanding the syncretism of the Horseman with
other deities from the Greco-Roman pantheon and some alien influences
over its iconography: it remains a basic cult of the Thracian ethnos.
At this point of the present study a big issue is tracing down the propa¬
gation of the cult of the Thracian
Heros in
syncretism with other cults and
represented in a considerable group of reliefs originating from the territory
of Tyras, Olbia, and the Chersonesus. These cities suffered to a different
extend the influence of the provincial Roman culture. Among them Cher¬
sonesus had been of particular importance to Rome and accordingly, the
most influenced.
About the so-called Thracian monuments in Olbia. Problems of the cult of
THE HERO AND THE HeROIZATION
This paragraph is dedicated to the monuments, which could be assigned
to the circle of
votives
to the Thracian horseman. Here also belong a few
plaques representing Mythras, others, testifying of an existing cult of the
Nymphs, etc.
361
Of a particular interest are the four Mythraistic reliefs, typical for the
iconography of Mythras Tauroctonos, depicted wearing a Phrygian cap, kill¬
ing the bull, a standing genius beside him with a torch in a suspended arm.
These Four fragmented reliefs are for now the only monuments found in
Olbia to witness the veneration of this god there. Their association with
the presence of soldiers originating in Moesia Inferior, Thrace, and prob¬
ably
Dacia,
has never been put to doubt. In the present study a phenomenon
is marked, related to the veneration of Mythras on the northern Black Sea
shores and repeats another one, pertaining to Roman Thrace: at the time of
the early Empire, when the oral Orphic tradition and the Mythraism draw
closer together on the territory of Thrace, occurs a synchronization of the
worship of the Thracian
Heros
votives
in Mythraeums and vice versa, of
Mythraistic reliefs in sanctuaries of the God-horseman. South of the Balkan
range the syncretism between these two deities is stronger
-
there Mythras
the Creator is complemented by the Thracian
Heros in
his aspect of Apollo,
the Invincible Sun, as in the royal cult in the Bosporus.
In Olbia, the known vestiges related to the cult of Mythras as well as
those related to the Thracian horseman are dated to the same time, synchro¬
nously with the arrival of the legionnaires, i.e. to the 2nd-3rd centuries AD.
The question here is, to what extend the cult of Mythras should be associated
with the presence of Roman armies here and if so, to what extent does it
manage to reach out of the legionnaires camps and find new devotees amid
the civil population? The analysis of the cultural and historical situation lead
to the assumption that on the territory of Olbia the cult of Mythras was ex¬
clusively associated with the cult of the Thracian
Heros;
thus it seems very
possible that they had been venerated in a common sanctuary (of course, if
Rostovtzeff s thesis about a sanctuary of the Thracian gods in Olbia gets to
be proved and which, at the present stage of the research looks rather plau¬
sible). There is an open perspective to attract other vestiges from Olbia too,
like statuettes of warriors with mobile limbs, dated in general to the lst-2nd
centuries AD and for which is admitted that they could be votive figurines
connected to the cult of Mythras. Some of those figurines and fragments of
others have been found during the excavation works on the southeastern part
of the Olbian citadel, in the same area as the votive relief. Amongst them
were also found faulty pieces, which gives ground to hypothesize that they
had been the production of a local workshop.
The fragments of relief plaques of the three Nymphs, carved in local
limestone and found in Olbia itself and in its close vicinity, provide eventual
proofs of the veneration of cults alien to the properly Olbian religions. This
leads to the hypothesis of the existence of a sanctuary, very much alike the
ones known in Roman Thrace. The iconography of the Nymphs is character-
362
ized
as non-Greek and the cult- not corroborated by other vestiges found in
the
polis.
This study categorically contests the current thesis on the native
character of the cult of the Nymphs in Olbia and its vicinity in Roman times
by bringing together a wide range of researchers opinions associating the
appearance of this cult in different parts of the ancient world with presence
of Thracian ethnic elements. For the purposes of this study it is enough to
highlight that in Olbia the cult of the Nymph reveals itself amidst Thracian
monuments, according to the terminology used by the Russian-speaking re¬
searchers, and because
ofthat
it is analyzed within the same chronological,
cultural and historical context. Even more so
-
in Chersonesus too, during
archaeological digs one identical limestone plaque with stylized figures of
the three Nymphs has been found and dated to the same period; its publisher
relates it without any doubt to the Thracian circle of vestiges. Iconographi-
cally, the Olbian votive plaques themselves correspond completely to the
ones found in Thrace.
The absence of dedications on the Olbian reliefs of the Thracian horse¬
man complicate the task to figure out the functions of
Ů q
Heros-Goà, as
well
as the circle of his devotees. In order to throw some light on the problem,
here are considered the few of them bearing inscriptions as well as other
relevant to this issue.
The findings in Olbia, although not so numerous for now, reveal a curi¬
ous situation: the votive reliefs, summarized under the name
oí
of Thracian
type, most probably belonged to some sanctuary(ies) dedicated to the Thra¬
cian horseman, where other gods have also been venerated, much like in
Thrace or in Harax. The votive plaques dedicated to Mythras are that link
which allows us to consent to such an allegation.
The observations made on the northern Black Sea littoral indicate, that
the devotees to the gods most probably associated with the Thracian God-
horseman, are to be found not exclusively amidst the legionnaires, but also
amid the civil population. From historical point of view, there is no surprise
the Thracian horseman and a set of accompanying deities to appear in places
where, from the middle of the
2nd
century AD are known to have been dis¬
patched military units apparently reinforced with Thracians. It is far more
interesting to examine the stability of the cult, probably associated with
some earlier notions cherished by the local population and which earmark it
as non-alien, i.e. easy to discern. In the study here are also mentioned a num¬
ber of terra
cotta
horsemen found in Olbian burials from the mid-Srd century
ВС
onwards, to disappear by the mid-1 st century AD. These figurines could
hardly be reliably attributed to any of the many ethnic communities -Thra¬
cians, Sarmatians, etc.
-
living in Olbia at that time. Their appearance, how¬
ever, is considered as a surprise and their imagery as an inevitably imported
363
one, semantically reinvented on the spot.
The Thracian horseman s ex-votoes clearly state a faith in immortal¬
ity; its devotees not only brought it along with them, but also managed to
propagate it. Here for the first time are considered in a similar context two
earlier monuments from Olbia, bearing a dedication to
Ήρωι έπηκόωι
and
dated to the
3rd-2nd
centuries
ВС.
By attracting other analogies from the
western
Pontus
shores, this study suggests their appearance in the area to be
considered as related to the direct, lasting for centuries contacts with Thrace
and the western Black Sea shores. These monuments rise another great is¬
sue, which the exploration of Olbia has left unsolved to this day, namely
the appearance of different religious unions in Hellenistic and Roman times
confessing faiths simultaneously and outside the collective
polis
ones. The
historical context allows us to speculate that at that time several models of
confessing a faith were in parallel use. In Olbia, in the Hellenistic epoch,
the appearance of religious unions and the forms of worship of the cults are
instrumental in explaining the unbroken contacts and interactions between
Thrace and the
polis.
The issue of the Heroization and its place in Olbia, admittedly poorly
researched up to now, belongs to the same circle of problems. For the pur¬
pose of the present study are brought in two monumental sub-tumular tombs,
described in their very first publication as
ήρφον,
with similar plans and
supposedly dated to approximately the same time, the end of the
2nd -
the
beginning of the
3rd
centuries AD. One of them
-
the only decorated monu¬
mental building in Olbia
-
is examined in detail, for its architecture and the
mural paintings are particularly productive for the thesis. The search for a
link between construction and decoration gives the opportunity to conclude
that in this
topos
the idea of the route that has to be covered both ways
-
upwards and downwards
-
from the position of the deceased and those who
accompany him in his
καταβάσις,
who most probably possess the knowl¬
edge of these actions had been intentionally sought after. The architecture
and the murals are read as a text, with the help of the chromatic code
-
the
brownish-red colors, believed always to be the colors of the spilled blood,
of the (self) sacrifice, in the mysterial language have the meaning of Death
-
New birth.
The links established in this chapter between the painted Olbian tomb
and the developments observed here turned out to be highly productive. This
ήρωον,
considered in the literature on the subject as uncharacteristic for the
site, appears by the end of the
2nd -
the beginning of the
3rd
centuries AD
as a brilliant example of the cult of the Hero in its most archaic form and
coincides with the emergence of monuments categorically belonging to the
circle of Thracian ones. Diatroptov whose work is dedicated to the research
364
of the Hero cult on the territory of the Black Sea littoral observes that even
if the influences on this monument should be determined as originating in
Asia Minor, they certainly came to Hellenistic Olbia via Thrace, where they
have been rethought and readjusted.
The inferences made in the present study indicate that the appearance
of the
monumental
tomb in Olbia, regarded as
a
ήρωον
should be associ¬
ated with the presence of Roman military detachments whose headquarters
were in Moesia Inferior. Apparently, the changes observed in the cultural
situation in the area were due to this historical fact. These developments
have their prehistory associating them with the same region, but in these
particular times they clearly stand out and it is hard to underestimate them.
The geographical relief of Olbia, discussed here in detail, is an indirect but
convincing part of this prehistory, where later on would appear and prob¬
ably develop, as expected from future findings and analyses, the cult of the
Thracian Heros-God, venerated in syncretism with other, Thracian gods as
Rostovtzeff calls them, characteristic of the territory of Roman Thrace.
The Thracian
Heros
in the Tauric Chersonesus
This paragraph deals with the cult of the Thracian horseman as attested in
the southern parts of the Crimean peninsula.
From the area of the Chersonesus and its vicinity are known up to now
11
whole and fragmented reliefs with the ¡mage of the Thracian horseman.
Within the same area had been also found other votive plaques pertinent to
the so-called Thracian circle: one with the Dioscuroi, one of Artemis, four
of Dionysus, one of
Hekáte,
one of Mythras and one of Hera, all of them of
great interest to the present theme. All the votive reliefs had been unearthed
in archaeological excavations in the residential area of downtown Cher¬
sonesus, except one, found amongst the ruins of a sanctuary. It is observed
though that similar fragmented vestiges from the vicinity of the Chersonesus
and the territory of the northwestern Crimea remain unpublished. At the
same time a huge part of similar vestiges had been taken to private collec¬
tions in the years
70
and
80
of the 19th century and since lost. Although the
conclusions drawn are based upon a small part of the existing material, the
situation in Chersonesus give grounds to
Ščeglov
in
1969
to summarize that
within the ethnically mixed inhabitants of the city and of the whole north¬
western Crimea, where expatriates from Asia Minor, from the Greek cities
on the north-western
Pontic
shores, from the
Danubian
provinces and from
Thrace, as well as the natives of non-Greek origins had lived together and
that elements of the different cultures interacted actively. But judging by the
findings, the greatest influence over them all had the
Danubian prov.nces
and Thrace.
365
Here the so-called Thracian monuments from the Chersonesus are ex¬
amined within the sensitive issue of the Chersonesus at Roman times, a par¬
ticularly productive approach. Of course, it is an integral parts of the theme
the Thracian
Heros
on the northern Black Sea littoral set of problems. The
fact that the greatest part of the
votives
had been found beyond the garri¬
son s limits, in the digs of the residential area is of highest value for the pres¬
ent research. This period is marked by widening the circle of private cults,
venerated in domestic sanctuaries as a result of the crisis in the
polis
ideol¬
ogy and the religious syncretism. In this situation the appearance of reliefs
belonging to the Thracian set of monuments in the domestic cult, away from
the militaries sanctuaries was well anticipated. The skepticism of some of
the researchers about their belonging to the group of the Thracian horseman
ex-votoes because they feature deities of the Greek pantheon
(?)
is regarded
in this study as groundless. These relics had been analyzed and assigned to
a common
iconographie
group known as Thracian type in the literature. For
the greatest part of them the western Black Sea shores are assumed to be the
common manufacturing center and for those made on the spot
-
to be con¬
nected to the long lasting presence of Thracian ethnic elements, with their
own workshops. It is emphasized that similar developments speak loudly of
powerful cultural manifestations, which manage to create a niche of their
own in an alien milieu and leave lasting traces, notwithstanding their bear¬
ers. This, though, does not alter the belonging of these relics to a common
cultural circle which determines them as a Thracian type, since in the alien
surroundings they have not been altered, but accepted as they were, and as
described in the literature, they have not suffered any further development.
Naturally in this context the propagation of the cult of the
Danubian
horse¬
man by the end of the
3rd
century AD is observed, when there is no more
stationed Roman legion on the territory of Chersonesus.
The observations over the developments in Chersonesus, simultaneous
with the appearance of the so-called Thracian monuments, is a matter that
allows to ask the question what caused their propagation beyond the legion¬
naires camps and decide on the form of their manifestations. In the first cen¬
turies of the new millennium, the necropolises show very clearly a change
in the funeral rites, the most conservative practice of all. This change had
really started in the second half of the
1st
century
ВС,
when Rome defeated
the
Pontus
kingdom of Mithridates VI Eupator. Thus Chersonesus falls in he
orbit of the Roman policy and becomes its mainstay on the northern Black
Sea littoral. During the following period, intensive changes in the political,
economic and certainly in the cultural life of the city take place, most clearly
testified by the sharp change in the appearance of the necropolis, in compari¬
son with the preceding Hellenistic age. These changes were caused by this
366
new historical situation, and which had brought in new ethnic groups with
faith, rituals and traditions of their own. Probably the shift in the funerary
rites and more precisely the changes that take place in Chersonesus by the
middle of the
1st
century AD could also explain the rock-cut tombs amidst
the rest of the funerary outfits.
For the Tauric Chersonesus, the rock as a place for worship and devo¬
tions, regardless of the imported Hellenic religiosity, is witnessed by the
ancient written tradition related to the metropolis of Heraclea
Pontica
and
the Heraclean historiography, reviewed in detail in this study in the chapter
dedicated to the cult of Artemis-Iphigenaia-
Hekáte.
The acknowledged pen¬
etration of the new burial rites from the outside, generated by a particular
historical situation, is connected in time to the appearance of the so-called
Thracian votive monuments and in particular to the TYeras-horseman in the
Tauric Chersonesus.
The golden lamellae revealed in the burials in Chersonesus, dated to
the very end of the
1st -
the beginning of the
2nd
centuries AD, are part of
the same issue. Very often marked by schematically rendered eyes and lips,
they have been found in more than
70
cremation graves, mainly in rock-cut
tombs. In the present study these lamellae are considered within the context
of the golden pectorals, ribbons, foot soles (golden sandals), hand palms
(gloves) found all over the Thraco-Phrygian contact zone extended to the
north-east up to the Kerch headland, i.e. along all the
Pontic
contact zone, in
a very wide chronological span up to the
3rd
century AD.
In the funerary rites, the shift from interment to cremation, together
with the appearance of the rock-cut tombs, most of which contained an urn
with ashes of the deceased and associated with the golden lamellae could
find its interpretation in the declared faith in the transition after death and
other rites related to immortality. In Chersonesus, in the Hellenistic epoch,
the cult of the Hero is faintly testified. Only just in Roman times, when the
setting up of garrisons on the territory of southwestern Crimea went on, a
number of vestiges undoubtedly linked to the Heroization and the faith in
immortality could be identified. The historical facts let us assume a long
lasting presence of Thracian ethnic masses, based on the creation of new
types of monuments associated with a faith and rituality unknown to the
city until their arrival there. During the first centuries of the new millen¬
nium in the ideology of the Chersonesites take place some definite shifts,
related to the penetration of new religious beliefs, apparently via the ancient
centres on the southern Black Sea littoral and the
Danubian
provinces. The
contacts though, between the southwestern Crimea and the western
Pontic
shores are archaeologically proved and dated to the 6th century
ВС,
i.e. long
before the foundation of the settlement (in
422-421
ВС,
according to the
367
date acknowledged for now, or in
528/527
ВС,
suggested lately, but finding
little support). This reiteration is necessary in order to highlight one point
of view, namely, that the changes that had occurred in the spiritual life of
the Chersonesite society have their historical precedents; observed in a con¬
tinuum of time and space, they would lead to good investigative results. The
inclusion of Tauris in the
Pontic
contact zone makes possible the assessment
of the developments by the end of the
1st
to the middle of the
3rd
centuries
AD there as a preservation of knowledge, a spiritual heritage revived by
remembrance. Thus the study is freed from ethnicizing and in the same time
presents the developments in their secular interaction.
About the so-called Thracian Gods in Ai-Todor/Harax
The situation in Ai-Todor/Harax is different from the already described,
for the results of the archaeological excavations are duly published and the
findings
-
precisely analyzed and interpreted. According to one hypothesis
Harax located on rocky cape protruding deep into the sea and on ancient
land crossroads had been a stronghold of the Tauroi, a marketplace, and a
refuge long before the Roman age. The time of its foundation, though, is
still unclear.
It is assumed that the garrison stationed at Ai-Todor was of a few hun¬
dred soldiers, mainly of Thracian origin. These also composed the civil in¬
habitants of the settlement. The Thracians living in the southern part of the
Crimean peninsula have apparently kept to their religious beliefs and man¬
aged to propagate them in a milieu that did not consider them as alien. In the
fortress alongside the religious beliefs of its inhabitants, the official cult of
the Roman Empire was venerated too.
The analysis of the iconography of the Ai-Todor sanctuary reliefs, the
pétrographie
analysis of the material they were made in as well as the tech¬
niques used lead to the conclusion that they all belong to the same circle of
monuments and to the belief that they probably had a common production
centre
-
the western Black Sea littoral. The installation of the sanctuaries out
of the citadel, on the very path to the settlement indicates that they were set
up to be used not only by the military garrisoned there, but also by all those
who would follow the path to the citadel and to whom these cults were not
alien. This is one more confirmation of the already said on Chersonesus and
the Thracian
-
according to Rostovtzeff- cults, grouped around the Thra¬
cian horseman, not only among the soldiers in the Roman garrisons, but
among the civil population as well, who apparently accepted and assimilated
them well.
The propagation of the Thracian type monuments proves the existence
of considerable masses of Thracian population
-
this was the result not only
368
of the changes occurring in Roman times, since it was lastingly settled and
fluctuating only in number at different periods of time. This population had
succeeded in steadfastly influencing the native culture and leave durable
trace in it.
VI. Sabazios on the northern Black Sea littoral
In the scope of the present study, this chapter presents the iconography of
Sabazios and his cult in the Asia Minor
-
Thrace
-
northern confines of the
Black Sea littoral contact zone, based on the literary tradition and the epi-
graphic material, with the intent to track down its evolution and to find out
some justification for its huge popularity in Roman times. In the early Chris¬
tian period the sites where the cult of Sabazios had been worshipped were
turned into places the new religion was celebrated. One of the ambitions of
this study is, within the declared chronological, geographical, cultural and
historic frame to throw some light on the ways Sabazios as a religious phe¬
nomenon infiltrated it.
The views on the transfer of the Sabazios doctrine directly from Asia
Minor to the states on the northern Black Sea littoral are well known. The
question is had it been impossible to realize that transfer via Europe, that is
to say through the territory of Thrace, considering the particularities in the
manifestation of this faith and its rituals on the northern Black Sea shores.
This text does not aim at dealing with the origin of the cult, but to track
down its movement, its adaptation to a certain milieu conformably to the lo¬
cal needs on the grounds of concrete materials. This is an attempt to present
the
Pontic
area as a zone of ethno-cultural contacts between natives and new
comers, one of the phenomena of which is the cult of Sabazios.
Monuments bearing Sabazios imagery appear at the very end of the
1
st
millennium
ВС,
on the edge with the new, though they follow in the foot¬
steps of a much earlier tradition, revealed by the ancient written sources and
the epigraphic materials. Determined as a Thraco-Phrygian god, Sabazios
has his most vivid manifestations in the zone of the cultural and histori¬
cal interactions between Asia Minor and Thrace, from where his represen¬
tations-images/ideas in Roman times shall be disseminated throughout the
provinces of the Empire, reaching the Iberian peninsula to the West and to
the northeast
-
the Crimean peninsula.
Sabazios hand in a gesture of adoration and which, arguably, is often
presented in the literature as benedictio
latina,
imputed with a number of
attributes, is no doubt the most important and popular symbol of the divine
presence in the period between the early Roman Empire and the 4th century
AD. The discovered hands of the deity up to now feature a number of simi¬
larities as well as differences.
369
In the year
1900
the Imperial Russian Archaeological Commission had
bought out a bronze hand, found somewhere in the town of Ekaterinoslav
(in the Ukraine, the present day Dniepropetrovsk, lying on the banks of the
river
Dniepr,
the ancient Borysthenes) and was first published by B. V. Far-
makovsky. The hand is frozen in a gesture of adoration, a pinecone attached
to the thumb. The hand bears in guise of decoration a number of images in
relief, some of which remain unclear. On the palm, in a niche is represented
a lying woman and a child, a bird hovering over them. At the base of the
thumb are grouped a wine crater, a twig, a frog, and a lizard; under the index
finger
-
a balance,
a caduceus,
a snake coiled around the flexed fingers and
a turtle; under the little finger
-
musical instruments: two flutes, a syrinx and
a cymbal.
Many analogies to this artefact
-
considered as a clue to the cult of
Sabazios in the Bosporan kingdom
-
have been found on the territory of
Thrace as well as in other places where such objects the specialized litera¬
ture associates in with Thracian presence. The object itself, known as the
hand from Ekaterinoslav is duly read with the help of the synchronous
written testimonies and the analysis of the
iconographie
elements.
The detailed review of similar artefacts has led to some conclusions.
Most probably Sabazios monuments and in particular the bronze hands are
ritual participants in the festivals dedicated to the God, where they serve as
objects-mediators, or
θύσθλαν,
believed by the worshippers to be his epiph¬
any. This hypothesis finds its justification in several monuments examined
in the present study only to arrive to the conclusion that this type of objects
have not been expressly made for funerary purposes, but have been used in
life. After death, they probably regain their function as objects-mediators
and claim the new status of the devotee
-
the immortalisation. The niches/
grottos, depicted on some monuments are part of the same context. They are
directly linked to the Panticapaean rock-cut tombs discussed in this study,
where the idea of the grotto has obstinately been sought after, as well as in
the niches made inside and characteristic of that type of funerary equip¬
ment. Grounds for such an assumption are found in the so-called tombs of
the Sabazians and which are, because of their architectural and constructive
peculiarities, associated with Homer s verses
[Od.
XIII, 102-112],
dedicated
to the grotto of the Nymphs on the isle of Ithaca. All elements found in
them are easily recognizable in the monuments, dedicated to Sabazios
-
the
bronze hands, the lamellae. Number of questions are asked, such as when
these equipment had been created
-
weather especially for a funeral (being
out of the so-called funerary complex of Panticapaeum) or had they had a
previous function, such as places for mysterial initiation? What the grotto-
like niches served for (beside for the anticipated oil lamps, for which there
370
is no archaeological evidence though)? Weren t they meant for placing some
object-mediator?
-
The fact is, that these sacred places, dated in the 2nd-3-
rd centuries AD had been immediately acknowledged and used by the early
Christian communities as sacred places of the cult such since the 4th century
AD The visible change the worshippers of the new cult brought in was to
put a cross over the entrance. It is hard not to give in to associations with
the natural and man-made places of worship of faith and rituals in moun¬
tainous milieu and known for all the territory of the Eastern Med.terranean.
The natural and the man-made caves had been conceived and believed to be
places where immortality could be acceded to, as an In/Out Door, through
which the believers came into contact with the divine energy, and the grave
-
a Door to the Beyond.
In order to reach some understanding of the cult of Sabazios
m
the
Bosporan kingdom another two painted tombs are brought in to help. They
are not, for now, associated directly in the literature with the present topic,
but their iconographical scheme is quite close to the significance of the im¬
agery of the Sabazian doctrine. The whole composition indicates that in the
accumulation of separate elements, motifs and techniques, there is no cliche,
characteristic of a multitude of other tombs: only the religious symbolism
is emphasised, sought after at every single stage of the pictorial narrative.
Rostovtzeff already had put them in the context of the Orphic conception of
the life Beyond and the fusion after death of the Orphic cult rnysto, with the
chthonic god; he was convinced that this concept for the life Beyond had
found a fecund soil in the cities on the northern Black Sea littoral were not
imported, neither from Alexandria, as in the studies from the beginning of
the 20th century, nor from Athens, but fed on the uninterrupted influence ot
the western and the southwestern coasts.
Apparently these ideas were particularly well received in the Bosporan
kingdom by the middle of the
1st
century as represented not only
m
the
Panticapaean tombs, but also in some epigraphic monuments. Here-.n.pre¬
sented one fortuitous find, a sculptured marble gravestone with af preserved
inscription in four lines and described by Bikerman its first P^l^asa
«statement of the Orphic belief . The inscription is dated sometime
:
between
the middle of the
1st
century
ВС-
1st
century AD.Bikermansanalysisp^
the epitaph among the remarkable Orphic texts, a monument to someone
мпі
-
tiated
to
L
Orphic mysteries, and arrived at connecting it to the ex* on the
famous at that time golden lamellae from southern Italy. Regretfu ly Ros-
tovtzefrs conviction that the Orphic concepts together with the
toan
ones
-
reasons for their coming into existence, development and manifeto
tion
in the Bosporan kingdom
-
deserving a separate and profound research,
has met with no response. To these must be added the Kerch stela.
371
The cult of Sabazios in the Bosporan kingdom and its specific manifes¬
tations are put in the context of the concrete cultural and historical situation
in the region. Thus were found justifications for seeking Thracian cultural
components at the time when the cult of Sabazios was manifest in the Bos¬
porus as well as in the whole northern Black Sea littoral. On the other hand,
this method justifies their discovery at large scales, and not only as a poor
display of second-rate processes.
In the study on the cult of Sabazios another cult, that of
θεός Υψιστος
is brought in, for it has been concluded that both cults and their categorical
separation would eventually lead to a revision and reinterpretation. A very
careful approach also deserves tying them up in syncretism, in an amalgam
of paganism and Judaism, in a common cult, where Sabazios be presented
as of mixed Judeo-pagan character, as Sabazios-Sabaoth. In the Bosporan
kingdom the well represented in monuments cult of Sabazios is never testi¬
fied by the name of the god in any epigraphic document. In the
3rd
century,
though, appears a nameless god, whose presence is marked only by epithets.
In the literature one may also find a statements, that
ύψιστος
is an epithet
attributed to the gods Zeus, Attis, Sabazios and Mythras. Any categorical
attribution of these epithets though, to any one of them, seems illegal. Most
probably the
θεός Υψιστος
at the beginning of the
3rd
century (the earli¬
est inscriptions being dated to the first quarter of the
3rd
century AD) be¬
comes in the Bosporan kingdom the Most High God , in Ustinova s words,
and as
Tačeva-Hitova
observes, apparently that did not happen without the
participation of the Bosporan dynasty. He remains anonymous and without
anthropomorphic iconography, the eagle seemingly being his only image,
clearly declaring the Uranian character of his cult.
Notwithstanding the expressed views on the lack of clear proofs on
the cult of Sabazios in the Bosporus on one hand, as well as on the definite
presence of the cult from Asia Minor, this study has arrived, by analyzing
the sources, at showing the progress of this cult, from/trough Europe, from
the Thracian Orphic milieu to the zone of the ethno-cultural contacts and
interactions, that is to say all along the
Pontic
contact zone.
Some interesting developments in Sabazios cult manifestations are to
be observed in these last decades in the Tauric Chersonesus too, although
until recently, this city had not been directly connected with it. Here is pre¬
sented one very controversial object
-
a graffiti on a black glazed skyphos,
originating from the western Crimean coast and dated to the second half of
the 4th century
ВС,
more precisely in
325-300
ВС,
as proof of the earliest
testimony of the cult of Sabazios on all Black Sea shores, as well as the dif¬
ficulties met by its interpretation. The Panskoe-1 graffiti has been first intro¬
duced to the scientific community in
1976
by
Ščeglov,
the first explorer of
372
the site and does not appear in any other publication dedicated to Sabazios
monuments, except those in Russian language; thus the graffiti has remained
ignored by all other scientists dealing with the spread of the Sabazian faith,
rites and cult. The situation on the site itself is too controversial, for it had
been ravaged by fire, as
Ščeglov
himself reveals in his last publication. Of
course, in the specialized literature it is considered highly irregular and sub¬
ject to criticism so many times to accept dating graffiti by the material bear¬
ing it.
The cult of Dionysus, detected in syncretism with Sabazios, develops
in a peculiar way in the 2nd-3rd centuries AD in Chersonesus and in Tyras.
This allegation is based upon the rituals dating to the 2nd-4th centuries AD,
manifest in the necropolis of Chersonesus. Here are presented and inter¬
preted inscriptions on recipients found there and which have analogies in
a herma,
representing Dionysus-Sabazios
(?)
and an ex-voto with the three
Moiras.
The findings from the Tauric Chersonesus and from Tyras present
a situation, which could corroborate the hypothesis that in Late Antiquity,
some archaic forms of rituals and faiths resurface outside the official ones.
One explanation of this phenomenon could be the crisis of the
polis
struc¬
ture from the Hellenistic age onwards. But the most probable speculation
seems to be that in Tyras too, in the first centuries of the new millennium,
the pattern of the parallel functioning of the official religion and the sepa¬
rate cults, worshipped by different groups in the community was repeated.
The manifestations of syncretism, which could be associated with a cult of
Dionysus-Sabazios in Tyras, (apoikia of Miletus) and Chersonesus {apoikia
of Heraclea
Pontica)
in the 2nd-3rd centuries AD are other strong points in
the present discussion of the hypothesis on the extension of the
Pontic
con¬
tact zone to the north of the
Danubian
estuary and part of which are these
two Hellenic apoikiai. Besides, they must be considered within the context
of the historic situation
ofthat
period, when both Tyras and the Tauric Cher¬
sonesus were dragged in the sphere of the Roman policy. The changes that
followed in the political life and the social structures, brought in a flow of
expatriates from Asia Minor, the
Danubian
provinces as well as Thracian
soldiers with their families to the cities and thus changed the composition
of their communities. It is worthwhile here to add the conviction of a long
lasting presence of Thracian ethnic masses on the territory of Chersonesus.
The entire study of the Dionysus-Sabazian cult in the Tauric Chersonesus is
presented within the context of the cultural and historic links of the apoikiai
with the metropolis, Heraclea
Pontica
and its territory
-
an issue poorly re¬
searched in the all the scientific literature dedicated to the foundation of this
Dorian colony in Tauris.
In the present chapter one has come to the conviction that the appear-
373
ance
of the cult of Sabazios in the Tauric Chersonesus and in Tyras should
be included in the historic situation in which the circle of problems, conven¬
tionally called the Thracian
Heros
is discussed. Reasons for this are to be
found in the common chronological span of their manifestation as well as
in the form of their propagation
-
the cults leave their bearers environment
to find broader repercussion, evidently in the shift in the funerary rites, the
propagation of the plastic monuments as well as in the model of the separate
cults functioning in parallel with the official religion.
The problem of Sabazios on the northern Black Sea littoral is con¬
sidered within the context of the hypothesis adopted in the present study,
namely the northern direction of propagation of cults based on
katahasis
as an essential mysterial act in adyton and the initiation practices and ritu¬
als of divinization of supposedly pre-Greek origin emanating from Thrace
northwards. It is of highest value for this study, since the proposed direction
calls for the opportunity the cults linked to the idea/image of the cave as a
common point to be situated in another hypothesis, that of the Hyperborean
diagonal-the spiritual space between the two sacred mountains with caves-
wombs
-
Πανγαίον,
inhabited by the anthropodaimon, prophet and heeler
Rhesus and
Κωγαίονον,
inhabited by the other anthropodaimon, Zalmoxis,
another initiator-heeler. Furthermore, it gives the opportunity these mani¬
festations to be looked for and be seen in north-northeastern direction from
Thrace
-
at their centre
-
Cal latis,
Leuce, Cape Beykush,
Tendra,
the Tauric
Chersonesus up to the Bosporan kingdom
-
where their most vivid manifes¬
tations are observed until the
1st-3rd
centuries AD. This direction corrobo¬
rates the modus
operandi
of another hypothesis this study stands for, i.e.
the
Pontic
contact zone, in which Thracia
Pontica
emerges as a transmitter
of ideas/images
-
images/ideas into faith/rites and religious manifestations
which have to be observed and read not as a relict phenomena anymore,
with no bearing over the classical Greek religious system, but as phenomena
existing and functioning simultaneously and within it.
Conclusion
These phenomena are observed and analyzed in their development within
the historical situation; they have served as a sound basis in formulating
these hypotheses. Here the territories on the northern
Pontic
shores prior to
the foundation of the Greek cities have not been considered as uninhabited.
This approach is corroborated nowadays by the discussion on the problems
of the Greek colonisation as a wholesome historical process of adoption of
new historical and cultural spaces by the city-states, where olden/local and
imported cultural elements co-habitate in a new social and cultural milieu,
as A. Fol has formulated it.
374
The area, subject to this research, is considered in the context of the
Pontic
contact zone, thus giving a name to a huge historical and cultural ter¬
ritory where not only the contacts between the natives and the newcomers
was made, but essentially some ethno- and
socio-cultural
connections and
interactions took place.
Of course, all the conclusions drawn here should be regarded as mere
hypotheses. With the help of these this study had aimed at bringing the prob¬
lem of Thracian culture in the northern Black Sea littoral to a new level of
discussion, as a necessary stage for further studies and new reinterpretations
of the sources.
375
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Popova, Ruža |
| author_facet | Popova, Ruža |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Popova, Ruža |
| author_variant | r p rp |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036801972 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)706013291 (DE-599)BVBBV036801972 |
| edition | 1. izd |
| era | Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-300 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-300 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Schwarzmeerküste Nord (DE-588)4236602-1 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Schwarzmeerküste Nord |
| id | DE-604.BV036801972 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:48:33Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789549400878 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020718128 |
| oclc_num | 706013291 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 390 p. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Izdat. Ral Kolobăr |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Studia Thracica |
| series2 | Studia Thracica |
| spelling | 880-01 Popova, Ruža Verfasser aut 880-03 Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek [Ruža Popova] 880-02 1. izd 880-04 Sofija Izdat. Ral Kolobăr 2010 390 p. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Studia Thracica 13 In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Thracian culture on the North Black Sea littoral up to the 3rd century AD Includes bibliographical references (p. 278-337) Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-300 gnd rswk-swf Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd rswk-swf Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd rswk-swf Thraker (DE-588)4119600-4 gnd rswk-swf Schwarzmeerküste Nord (DE-588)4236602-1 gnd rswk-swf Schwarzmeerküste Nord (DE-588)4236602-1 g Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 s Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 s Thraker (DE-588)4119600-4 s Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-300 z DE-604 Studia Thracica 13 (DE-604)BV000904989 13 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020718128&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020718128&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract 100-01/(N Попова, Ружа ut 250-02/(N 1. изд 245-03/(N Тракийска култура в северното Черноморие до III век [Ружа Попова] 264-04/(N София Из-во Рал Колобър |
| spellingShingle | Popova, Ruža Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek Studia Thracica Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Thraker (DE-588)4119600-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4125698-0 (DE-588)4071507-3 (DE-588)4119600-4 (DE-588)4236602-1 |
| title | Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek |
| title_auth | Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek |
| title_exact_search | Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek |
| title_full | Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek [Ruža Popova] |
| title_fullStr | Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek [Ruža Popova] |
| title_full_unstemmed | Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek [Ruža Popova] |
| title_short | Trakijska kultura v severnoto Černomorie do III vek |
| title_sort | trakijska kultura v severnoto cernomorie do iii vek |
| topic | Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Thraker (DE-588)4119600-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kultur Funde Thraker Schwarzmeerküste Nord |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020718128&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020718128&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000904989 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT popovaruza trakijskakulturavsevernotocernomoriedoiiivek |