Złoczyńcy: przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich)
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Warszawa
Wydawn. Neriton [u.a.]
2010
|
| Ausgabe: | Wyd. 1. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Villains |
| Beschreibung: | 465 p. ill. (some col.) 25 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788375431148 |
Internformat
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Złoczyńcy |b przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) |c Marcin Kamler |
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| 264 | 1 | |a Warszawa |b Wydawn. Neriton [u.a.] |c 2010 | |
| 300 | |a 465 p. |b ill. (some col.) |c 25 cm | ||
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| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Villains | ||
| 648 | 4 | |a Geschichte 1600-1700 | |
| 648 | 4 | |a Geschichte 1500-1600 | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1550-1650 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Crime / Poland / History / 16th century | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Crime / Poland / History / 17th century | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 16th century | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 17th century | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Geschichte | |
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| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Kriminalität |0 (DE-588)4033178-7 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Geschichte 1550-1650 |A z |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804143491174891520 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis
tresei
Wstęp
...................................... 9
Rozdział
1.
Liczby, struktury, podziały, topografia
.............. 19
Liczby
..................................... 19
Struktury
................................... 25
Przestępczość profesjonalna i okazjonalna
.................. 44
Topografia przestępczości: Kraków, Lublin, Poznań
............. 50
CZĘŚĆ I
Przestępczość profesjonalna
Rozdział
2.
Przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
................. 57
Kradzież
.................................... 57
Kradzież w kamienicy, domu
....................... 59
Włamanie
................................. 62
Kradzież uliczna, kieszonkowa
....................... 68
Kradzież u chlebodawcy
.......................... 73
Wędrówki złodziejskie, jarmarki, karczmy
................ 75
Kradzież w kościele, świętokradztwo
................... 80
Kradzież bydła, koni
............................ 86
Szpiegowanie przed kradzieżą
....................... 92
Mowa wałtarska
.............................. 93
Rozbój
..................................... 95
Gościńce, drogi, ścieżki
.......................... 96
Kupy swawolne
.............................. 102
Rozbój stacjonarny
-
lasy, bory
...................... 105
Napady na dwór, dom
........................... 108
Szpiegowanie przed rozbojem
....................... 115
Zabijanie, ukrywanie zwłok
........................ 116
Rozbój w mieście
............................. 119
Zbójnictwo
................................. 121
Sanocczyzna
-
specyfika regionu
...................... 132
Zagrożenie rozbojem w rejonie Beskidów
................. 135
Łupy z kradzieży i rozboju
......................... 138
6
Spis
tresei
Podpalenie, fałszerstwo, oszustwo
...................... 144
Podpalenie
................................. 144
Fałszerstwo monet
............................. 146
Inne fałszerstwa, oszustwo
........................ 152
Szulerstwo, kosterstwo, machlerstwo
................... 154
Rozdział
3.
Nierząd (prostytucja)
....................... 157
Zamtuzy miejskie
............................... 161
Zamtuzy nielegalne
.............................. 164
Nierząd indywidualny
............................. 171
Nierząd wędrowny
.............................. 173
Okradanie klientów
.............................. 174
Wchodzenie do zawodu
............................ 176
Stręczycielstwo
................................ 178
Klienci
..................................... 181
Zarobki nierządnic
.............................. 184
Stosunek władz miejskich do nierządu
.................... 186
Wielkość zjawiska
............................... 187
Rozdział
4.
Sposoby działania, infrastruktura
................ 189
Towarzystwa
.................................. 189
Towarzystwa zbójnickie w Beskidach
................... 196
Przywództwo w towarzystwach
...................... 198
Meliny
..................................... 200
Paserzy
.................................... 213
CZĘŚĆ
II
Przestępczość okazjonalna
Rozdział
5.
Przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
................. 225
Kradzież
.................................... 225
Kradzież podczas pożaru
......................... 234
Kradzież w czasie epidemii
........................ 234
Rabowanie zborów
............................. 236
Najście na dom
............................... 238
Odpowiedź
................................. 244
Kozubalec
................................. 247
Papiery, listy, książki
............................ 247
Fałszerstwo miar
............................... 250
Podpalenie okazjonalne
............................ 250
Rozdział
6.
Przestępstwa przeciwko życiu i ciału
.............. 253
Zabójstwo
........................ 253
Zabójstwo w zwadzie
.................... 254
Zabójstwo z premedytacją
................ 259
Dzieciobójstwo
.................... 264
Burda, bójka, poranienie, pobicie, znieważenie
............... 268
Spis
tresei
7
Rozdział
7.
Przestępstwa przeciwko moralności i sakramentowi
małżeństwa
.................................. 277
Cudzołóstwo
................................. 277
Wszeteczeństwo
................................ 284
Kazirodztwo
.................................. 286
Bigamia
.................................... 287
Zgwałcenie kobiety
.............................. 290
Pedofilia
.................................... 296
Sodomia czyli bestialitas, homoseksualizm
.................. 296
Rozdział
8.
Władza a przestępcy
........................ 299
Kat
........................................ 299
Miejskie i grodzkie służby porządkowe a złoczyńcy
............. 304
Więzienia
................................... 308
Tortury
..................................... 313
Częstotliwość stosowania tortur
...................... 318
Tendencje zmian
.............................. 323
Torturowani
................................ 324
Rodzaje tortur, wielokrotność ciągnienia i palenia
............ 328
Skuteczność tortur
............................. 334
CZĘŚĆ III
Kary
Rozdział
9.
Kary
................................. 347
Informacje wstępne
.............................. 347
Kary za przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
................... 363
Kradzież i włamanie
............................ 363
Recydywa
.................................. 373
Rozbój i zbójnictwo, napad na dwór i gospodarstwo
........... 379
Świętokradztwo
.............................. 382
Meliniarstwo, paserstwo
........................... 386
Fałszerstwo monet, miar, towarów
...................... 388
Szulerstwo
.................................. 389
Podpalenie
.................................. 390
Pomocnictwo, poplecznictwo
......................... 391
Kary za przestępstwa przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu
............... 392
Zabójstwo
................................. 392
Dzieciobójstwo
............................... 394
Pobicia i poranienia
............................ 395
Kary za przestępstwa przeciwko rodzinie, moralności i obyczajowi
..... 398
Cudzołóstwo
................................ 398
Bigamia, kazirodztwo
........................... 401
Nierząd (prostytucja), wszetecznictwo
.................. 402
Stręczycielstwo, zwodzenie
........................ 404
Zgwałcenie, pedofilia
............................ 405
8
Spis
tresei
Sodomia, czyli bestialitas
.......................... 406
Surowość kar
................................. 406
Kary śmierci
.................................. 412
Kary śmierci zwyczajne
.......................... 415
Kary śmierci kwalifikowane
........................ 418
Kary cielesne
................................. 422
Praca w kajdanach, pręgierz
.......................... 426
Relegacja
.................................... 426
Zakończenie
................................... 431
Summary
..................................... 441
Wykaz skrótów
.................................. 456
Bibliografia
.................................... 457
Spis tabel i wykresów
.............................. 466
Spis ilustracji
.................................. 467
The villains. Criminality in Poland
in the 16th and the first half of the 17th century
(according to urban judicial acts)
Summary
The territories covered by this study are confined to the western, central
and southern parts of the Polish Crown (the Kingdom of Poland as opposed to
the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; together these two countries formed the Polish-
Lithuanian Commonwealth). But the mobility of the persons belonging to the
criminal world who moved constantly from one part of the Commonwealth to
another and pursued their illicit trade (especially theft and robbery) in differ¬
ent whereabouts and in particular in the towns, inclines one to believe that the
events and circumstances described in this book were very similar also in the
regions, which remain outside the geographical boundaries set by the availability
of the source materials. The chronological limits of the study were dictated by
the state of preservation of the
libri maleficorum
-
the judicial records of munici¬
pal courts dealing with criminality. The majority of these comes from the city
of Cracow, the nearby
Kazimierz
township, Lublin in eastern and
Poznań
in
western Poland (where the records are best preserved). The towns of
Muszyna,
Sanok, Wiśnicz
and
Żywiec
in the south, on the foothills of the Carpathian
Mountains
(Beskidy),
also furnished considerable quantities of data. The archi¬
val materials from
Miechów, Przemyśl, Sieradz
and Warsaw (where criminal
court records are not extant) are much less plentiful, while the judicial acts of
a number of minor townships, chiefly from the
Wielkopolska
region, were only
of subsidiary character. A similar role can be ascribed to the other sources taken
under consideration: chronicles,
memoires,
or normative acts.
The information extracted from the source material comes
from c
2 600
judicial actions, in which there appeared
с
8 200
persons
(13%
of them women)
either as defendants or witnesses. In Cracow, Lublin and
Poznań
(only for these
towns we are able to come up with trustworthy statistical comparisons) peas¬
ant origin can be ascribed to
44%
of the total number of male criminals, while
42%
were townsmen; more than
10%
were Jewish and over
3%
belonged to
the nobility. Among females:
69%
stemmed from townsfolk,
25%
form peas¬
antry,
4%
were Jewish and
2% -
noble. Out of male criminals
45%
were con¬
nected with artisan professions or belonged to families performing such trades,
while the percentage of female offenders stemming from that background was
442
Summary
34%;
the same percentage came from the ranks of female household servants
(cf.
Tables
1-5).
Theft seems to be the dominating category of crime perpetrated by men:
63%
were accused of this offence.
11%
of all the men tried and appearing in
court records were summoned under charges of robbery, frequently combined
with homicide, while
8%
were accused of acting as accomplice to such crimes.
Homicide on grounds other than robbery, receiving of stolen goods and provid¬
ing shelter for criminals, all accounted for several percent each (Table
6).
In the
majority of cases women were also accused of theft
(35%),
acting as accom¬
plices
(23%),
adultery (nearly
8%),
prostitution (over
7%),
receiving goods and
sheltering criminals (both over
6%) -
Table
7.
In the towns of the Carpathian
foothill region
(Beskidy)
65%
of men were accused of robbery, while over
27%
were responsible of theft, chiefly of horses or cattle (Table
9).
Perpetrators of criminal offences are divided into two categories. The former
encompasses such persons who were professional wrongdoers, as a rule hav¬
ing no other occupation and who treated criminal activity (theft, robbery) as
their way of living and principal source of upkeep. The latter category consists
of occasional, one could say incidental, law-breakers who committed a misde¬
meanour usually only once, or in some instances several times. The first group
brings together serial thieves and robbers, receivers, prostitutes and pimps,
arsonists who deliberately set buildings on fire to rob them, and counterfeiters,
in particular counterfeiters of coins. Usually, these people spent many years or
their whole lives outside the law-abiding society. That category also encom¬
passes offenders who operated on their own, having no contact with other
criminals, but who committed crimes, chiefly theft, frequently enough and for
sufficiently long a period of time, to be classified as professional felons. It can
be estimated that the percentage of court trials in Cracow, Lublin and
Poznań
in which professional criminals were tried, ranged at different times between
30%
and
40%.
The percentage of all criminals who are included in this category
is much higher (reaching above
60%)
because during the enquiries the convicts
would enumerate their companions and accomplices, sometimes in large num¬
bers, which seldom happened in trials conducted against occasional offenders.
The latter usually led a stable life and transgressed against the law somewhat
in an incidental manner, lured by opportunity of easy theft, often carried away
by emotions or stupidity. The chief representatives of this category are thieves
of both sexes, who committed larceny singularly or sporadically (often to the
disadvantage of their employer), numerous types of murders and troublemak¬
ers who invaded private homesteads (but with no intention of robbery), and
persons guilty of misdemeanours seldom brought before court with respect to
members of the criminal world, chiefly cases relative to proper conduct like
adultery, sexual intercourse between single persons, infanticide, or occasional
purchase of stolen property.
Professional criminality. This category of criminal activities encompassed pre¬
dominantly theft, burglary, and robbery (often combined with homicide); among
Summary
443
women: prostitution and profiting from prostitution of other persons, receiving
of stolen goods, den-keeping, and organising of illegal prostitution (which was
necessary for relative safety of the prostitutes). In bigger towns the criminal
element tended to keep to the outskirts. Their placement beyond the city walls
(which allowed for free passing of city gates at night
-
an important aspect in
illegal activities), loose arrangement of housing, lesser degree of prosperity of
inhabitants in comparison with the central parts of the city (hence only occa¬
sionally victimised by theft), and less strict observation by the police authori¬
ties, all combined to provide circumstances opportune for criminal pursuits.
City outskirts also provided the majority of inns and taverns, where profes¬
sional felons could spend nights, numerous cellars peddling beer and liquors
frequented by such people, dens, where companions were met and shelter was
sought, places of illicit love and the operating points of the receivers.
Thieves usually operated in groups of four to six men known as com¬
panies . Only in singular instances would female companies be encountered.
Companies of the sort were active either for longer periods, or would immedi¬
ately break up after accomplishing their goal to form new groups only slightly
changed in membership. Such companies, exchanging members and forming
a wide circle up to tens of members and former members, who were familiar
with each other and capable of temporary cooperation, would operate for peri¬
ods of many years.
In towns theft was predominantly committed in all kinds of gathering points:
market places with booths and stalls, crowded streets (e.g. in the vicinity of
city gates), bridges, wagons loaded with goods standing or on the move, open
hallways and downstairs rooms of houses left unguarded by their owners. At
night professional criminals would break into cellars of opulent burghers in
order to spoil various goods stored there; sometimes even money kept in chests.
Rooms on higher stories were entered through windows with the help of lad¬
ders; clothing hung out for drying was frequently removed by means of long
rods. After a night-time burglary the thieves faced a serious problem with get¬
ting their spoils out of the city: the gates were closed, the streets were guarded
by guardians, friendly taverns and inns were closed. Thus the city had to be
exited through river outlets or through ruined parts of city walls, sometimes
the robbers waited until the gates were opened in the morning. The majority
of the thieves looted everything possible at any time. However in bigger towns
like Cracow or Lublin, one observes specialisation among professional thieves:
some were daytime pickpockets, others were night-time burglars. In some
instances thieves would take up a regular job in order to ran away after a time
with their employers property on his horse and in livery. Churches were also
victimized: silver and golden liturgical vessels, monstrances and crosses were
stolen (what was considered sacrilege, always punished by burning at stake),
not to mention candlesticks, altar cloths,
frontals
and various votive offerings
(e.g. necklaces, chains, pictures). Eastern-Orthodox churches were despoiled in
the eastern parts of the country. The elite of professional thieves communicated
444
Summary
among themselves in a special secret language, the so called waltar language
(of which we are now familiar with the meaning of only
35
terms).
Another feature characteristic of professional thieves who operated in com¬
panies is traversing the whole country
-
from Cracow to
Gdańsk
and Vilnius,
from
Poznań
to Lviv
-
from town to town, from one fair to another. They com¬
mitted thefts at a given location and when the danger of arrest by city police
forces was growing, they moved to other places. On the way of course they did
not refrain from stealing minor items in the villages they passed through (in
particular foodstuffs, chicken, clothing left drying on fences, sometimes horses
from pastures); sometimes they would break into houses too. Churches, as
easily accessible places and deprived of strict guarding, were also frequently
robbed.
Horses and cattle were a particular object of theft. Both categories of thieves,
professionals and amateurs, stole them alike, just like the robbers. But horse
theft was also a specialisation among criminal activities. There were certain
individuals who stole exclusively horses, subsequently trading them in far away
parts of the country (to avoid recognition)
.
There are also especially interest¬
ing instances of theft on commission from members of the gentry, owners of
villages. Such commissions were executed by specialized companies (in the
instance tried before a Cracovian court in
1596
consisting of
Romani
people).
The horses delivered were either sold, or used by the landowner who commis¬
sioned the theft, in his own manor. In the
Sanok
region (southern Poland),
both Polish and
Ruthenian
peasants (frequently with the assistance of Eastern-
Orthodox clerics) committed horse and cattle theft on mass scale. The inhab¬
itants of theses villages were collaborating with their counterparts beyond the
Polish-Hungarian border. The livestock was driven across the border to Hungary
and sold there at markets and fairs. Similarly, animals stolen on the Hungarian
side found their way to Poland to be traded here, sometimes far away from
the borderlands.
Robbery was the most drastic form of professional criminality. Robber com¬
panies primarily assaulted merchants, but attacked also any other travellers
who were an easy target, or who seemed not to put up an effective resistance.
Three types of robbery prevailed. The most frequent category were assaults on
incidentally encountered merchant wagons or travellers, executed on highways
and roads. Such actions were usually undertaken far away from villages and
towns, especially on roads leading to large cities with fairs, which attracted all
sorts of traders. Of minor importance was harassment of encountered by inci¬
dent individual people journeying from one place to another, frequently poor,
who were deprived of their modest belongings, sometimes even clothing. The
second category encompassed ambushes organised beforehand and executed in
appropriately situated places (in the lowlands in vast forests or at rivers fords;
in the mountains
-
in gorges and valleys, which could not be avoided by the
travellers and also by bridges and water crossings). The third type of robbery
consists of assaults performed on merchants or other people, of whom it was
Summary
445
known to the attackers that they are carrying considerable amounts of cash or
jewellery. Such victims could be selected during overnight stays in villages or
at roadside inns, where professional companies had their spies and informers
-
frequently Jews, who were innkeepers or stolen-goods receivers. A discrete type
of robbery were attacks on solitary walkers in towns, usually at night, performed
by two or three bandits. Highway robbery encompassed not only depriving of
money, but also of all other precious items and wares, which could be carried
away; horses would frequently be left on the spot, not infrequently with sliced
fetlocks. Victims of robber assaults were usually murdered in cold blood (nearly
always when they resisted); only seldom would they survive.
Highland robbery was a particular type of criminal activity, committed on
a mass scale by the highlanders of the
Beskidy
region (which stretches along
the southern border of Poland from the vicinity of
Żywiec
to the territories east
of the
Bieszczady
Mountains). Highland robbers operated in bands, which were
also dubbed companies . We can discern two types of such criminal compa¬
nies. The first type consisted of men who operated constantly from spring until
autumn. These bands were usually quite strong in numbers (over
10
persons);
the leader of such a company was called
hetman .
The rank and file spent the
winter individually in places prepared beforehand. The second type of highland
robber bands encompassed companies, the members of which would come
together for only short periods of time (a single action or several at the most);
afterwards they would disperse, returning to their homesteads and everyday
farming or shepherding activities. Highland robbers attacked merchants and
travellers (who usually were murdered), manor houses, granges, farms belong¬
ing to wealthier peasantry (e.g. millers, blacksmiths, village leaders), even whole
villages or houses situated on the outskirts of towns and sometimes churches,
either Catholic or belonging to the Eastern Rite). People journeying individu¬
ally were easy prey
-
even poor peasants were attacked at times to be deprived
of the few pennies they possessed, or their cheap clothing. Assaults on manor
houses or villages were carried out by relatively large parties, sometimes as
strong as
20
to
30
men; in
1614,
a very large company (allegedly numbering
98
bandits) took hold of and despoiled the village of Smerek in the
Sanok
region.
Owners of the plundered manors and homesteads at times were killed (usually
when they resisted), but as a rule they were tortured (women also) in order
to extort the information where they hid their money and valuables. Highland
robbery was such a problem that local diets (in particular around mid-seven¬
teenth century) passed considerable taxation and enlisted armed detachments
to deal with the bands.
The phenomenon which discerned highland robbery form similar banditry
in the lowlands, was the unusual degree of approval of the perpetrators by the
local population. A very high percentage of the inhabitants of the villages from
the
Beskidy
region was involved in the dealings of the robbers: the source mate¬
rials related to highland criminality (which indubitably cover only a minor part
of the phenomenon) brings forward over
1 500
cases of men tried and accused
446
Summary
in the inquiries, who stemmed from circa
470
places in the
Beskidy
region. The
robbers were linked by strong family, friendship, or neighbourhood ties, which
resulted in their widespread approval among the highlanders in general. On
the one hand they can be categorised as professional wrongdoers, because they
persisted in criminal activities years on end, while on the other the vast major¬
ity of them in everyday life were toiling in farms belonging to themselves, or
to their family members. In the lowlands however robbers met with common
contempt and rejection. They were opposed both by the inhabitants of towns
and of the villages. The peasants would sometimes pursue individual bandits
and capture them.
The activities of the so called inordinate crowds were another type of ban¬
ditry. Those consisted of up to several tens of armed horsemen, usually former
soldiers. In the first half of the seventeenth century it was not uncommon to
find among them the Lisowczycy, former members of the infamous outfit led
by colonel Alexander
Józef Lisowski,
and other veterans of the Thirty Years
War, the conflicts with Russia, or the Polish-Swedish struggles in Prussia. The
inordinate crowds were usually led by former regular officers and attracted
all kinds of volatile elements, who joined the soldiers drawn by hope of easy
prey. The crowds roamed around south-eastern Poland, extorting contribu¬
tions from villages and little townships in food provisions, cash and quar¬
ters. Sometimes they robbed on the roads or even assaulted whole towns (the
despoiling of
Dukla
in
1628).
At several moments they were hunted down by
the regular army.
The loot acquired through theft, break in, or robbery could be various. In
most cases the criminals had to satisfy themselves with small amounts of cash,
reaching up to several or little more
zloty
(sometimes even
groszy).
But it also
happened at times that the spoils were enormous: up to hundreds or even thou¬
sands of
zloty. In
1604,
in Cracow, the merchant by the name
Jakub
Biechter
complained of being robbed of jewellery and other items made of gold, silver,
pearls and precious stones worth circa
15 000
zloty.
During another incident
of the sort in Cracow, this time in
1611,
two thieves deprived their victims of
various valuables worth
2500
zloty.
In
1623
a usurer from the city of
Kazimierz
(adjoining Cracow) was deprived of currency, gold, jewellery, various garments
(all pawned by his clients), worth
5000
zloty.
Robbers counted on biggest spoils
when assaulting merchant wagons full of valuable wares, or merchants return¬
ing from marketplaces with money. Cash was the most coveted loot, but valu¬
ables were also welcome; merchant wares, often difficult in transporting and
quiet disposing of were not the loot favoured most. Sometimes the robbers
would only take precious cloth like silk, damask or velvet, also very valuable
(and light to carry) spices. In
1645
a robber testified in a Lublin court that the
band he belonged to acquired during several escapades
2900
zloty
(not to men¬
tion the horses and probably other valuables). It is more than probable that he
mentioned only a part of the robberies they committed. Another bandit con¬
fessed that he robbed nearly
3000
zloty. In
1628,
a band of highland robbers,
Summary
447
which operated in the
Beskidy
Mountains, looted from a blacksmith in
Sucha
3000
zloty
(the cut of the person appearing before court was
500
zloty). In
1617,
a company of twenty bandits robbed
4000
zloty
from a manor belonging
to a nobleman in the vicinity of
Żywiec.
Those sums were huge
-
the average
yearly income of a noble manor (manorial farm and
4-6
peasant farmsteads)
in the second half of the 16th century is estimated at nearly
190
zloty. But
the
usual gain of a band during a single act of robbery would equal several tens of
zloty, or
less. It was not uncommon that robbers attacked to deprive (and kill)
the victim for the loot of several
groszy
and the poor clothing.
Professional thieves and bandits had no problems with setting buildings in
towns or villages on fire in order to loot them during the fire fighting. Some
of such attempts of arson didn t work, because people were extremely cautious
with respect to fire; unfortunately in other cases arson did bring the calculated
results. Although the plans of setting
Kazimierz
by Cracow on fire in
1602
failed,
the similar attempt to burn
Mikołaj
ska Street in Cracow around the year
1570
worked perfectly. Similarly, circa
1640
arsonists succeeded in burning down six
houses in
Żywiec,
or ten houses in a small town near Beresteczko. From the
year
1624
we have information that highland robbers burnt and robbed a part
of the village
Rzeki
in the
Beskidy
Mountains. It was also no exception that
manors and manorial farmsteads were set on fire during bandit assaults.
Money counterfeiting was rarely tried in court. Coins were either cast of
tin, using two authentic coins as the mould, or previously cast round pieces
of metal were treated with a wooden or a metallic stamp on the obverse and
reverse sides. The moulds and the stamps for counterfeiting coins were made
of iron or lead, and sometimes even of clay or wood. They were shaped with
the aid of authentic coins.
Dens and receivers. The den was a necessary element for the effective func¬
tioning of professional criminals in towns and cities. The den was the place
where shelter or cover was sought; where spoils could be left for keeping or
exchanged for money; finally, where comrades met and turned to for entertain¬
ment. Dens were located almost exclusively on municipal outskirts, outside
the city walls, and were ran by persons who had citizen rights, usually mar¬
ried couples. Cracovian court acts provide information on the existence of
44
dens; Lublin
- 27;
Poznań
- 23
(and possibly
17
other). The most important
for the criminal world were the great dens, which were chiefly frequented by
professional wrongdoers and provided assistance for whole gangs of thieves
or robbers. In Cracow for instance such a den was run by
Krzysztof Bała
in
Pozdzamcze (mentioned in the acts from the years
1584-1589),
Jan Drygunt
in Kleparz, later on in
Podzamcze
(1595-1608),
Adam
Rączka
in Podbrzezie
(1597-1604);
of the more important dens in Lublin we know of the operation
run by
Walerian
Grot and his wife
Zofia
(1639-1646),
of
Aleksander Wudka,
Woysza and his wife
Zofia
in
Czechówka;
in
Poznań Jan Szeląg
with his wife
had their secret place at the back of St. Martin s Church
(1573-1582),
and the
den of
Bożymęczyna
(1591-1599).
The hosts in such places were also active
448
Summary
receivers, who bought stolen or robbed goods from the crooks, or accepted
them in return for food and shelter. Sometimes they would keep prostitutes in
the places and sometimes they collaborated in the thefts and assaults by spy¬
ing on behalf of the bands, organised criminal escapades or even participated
in such enterprises themselves. Small dens, capable of sheltering several crimi¬
nals at the most, were less numerous. Their hosts were also deeply involved in
unlawful activities, but these facilities functioned only as overnight hideouts
and storage and vending places for illegally acquired goods. Normal inns, pubs
and beer cellars were a third type of places frequented by felons. Professional
and amateur criminals looked there for lodging, food and drink, gambling, and
frequently prostitutes, who either came there in search of clients to be brought
away to their own places, or rented rooms on the spot. It was not uncommon
for the innkeepers and the women running taverns to cooperate with profes¬
sional wrongdoers, or even with large companies , providing shelter, informa¬
tion and storage facilities for their loot.
Persons who made their living as professional receivers (not running dens
simultaneously) were of capital importance to thieves and robbers, because
of their willingness to purchase stolen goods at every moment of the day or
night. Predominantly Jewish
(90%
of men), they were preoccupied with trading,
usually as small retailers, what easily encompassed receiving illegally acquired
wares. Moreover, receiving, in the case of Jews, did not bring about the risk
of penal sanctions or financial losses. Jews were exempt from municipal juris¬
diction, and only reselling ecclesiastic goods (especially things coming from
sacrilege, the selling of which was always difficult and risky) could bring them
to court.
Among the receivers one repeatedly finds innkeepers, women tending bars
in cities, stallholders, second-hand dealers, sometimes also artisans who pur¬
chased goods related to their trade (e.g. tailors bought stolen clothing, tanners
-
leather, goldsmiths
-
jewellery and items made of precious metals).
The executioner; city police services. But not only den-keepers and receivers
supported professional criminal activity. An important role in this respect
was also played by the fact that there were frequent connections between the
criminal element and the city law enforcement services, especially the execu¬
tioner and his wife who tended to have links with the thieves and robbers.
The concentration of felons on in relatively small city grounds combined with
their frequent contacts with police forces created favourable conditions for
corruption and cooperation. The specificity of the executioners trade practi¬
cally eliminated him from the society of honourable professions, placing near
the margin and the underworld. The mutual connections are easy to trace in
the source materials. The executioner, and in particular his wife (who run
the city brothel, which was often patronised by various criminals), frequently
purchased stolen goods or facilitated their sale. The executioners home some¬
times became the shelter for a night or two for a hunted felon, though that
doesn t mean that it functioned as a regular den. The executioner seldom stole
Summary
449
things himself, but his apprentices (at times recruited from former convicts) did
so quite frequently.
Much more destructive than occasional receiving committed by the exe¬
cutioner or his wife was the cooperation between the municipal or royal law
enforcement services with crooks. Corruption (bribes in money or participation
in the loot) sometimes reached relatively high ranks, which enabled the crimi¬
nals impunity in townships. The sources tell that watchmen employed by the
cities were often seen drinking with the lawbreakers and made no secret of it;
hence these contacts must have been commonly known, also to their supervi¬
sors. Cracow and Lublin court records show that the thieves bribed the watch¬
men and other persons in law enforcement, even the castle prefects (burgrabia).
The bribes came from the thieving companies, den-keepers, receivers, pimps, in
regular intervals coterminous with local fairs, weekly, or every several weeks.
Bigger successful criminal escapades also called for cuts for the police authori¬
ties. The sources unfortunately do not allow for a more precise evaluation of the
frequency of those connections and their actual extent. There were also cases
of releasing imprisoned felons (for money), or those just caught. Jailbreaks
were also facilitated by the generally poor state of locks and other securities in
detention facilities in the cities, not to mention the carelessness of the appro¬
priate servicemen. Contacts between the convicts and the outside world were
common, hence the acquisition of keys or tools enabling escape was fairly easy.
Thus jailbreaks without the aid of prison wardens were also frequent.
Prostitution. A particular place in criminal activities was held by prostitu¬
tion. Women in that trade were socially condemned, but nevertheless employed
brothels, which were legal, thus admitting their indispensability. Women prosti¬
tuting themselves illegally in theory should have been prosecuted, but in reality
this seldom happened. Legal brothels were in every bigger city and the person
responsible for their running was the executioner; although in practice it was
always his wife. Alongside the main city brothel, located within the walls in
the executioners house, there functioned one or two filial institutions of the
sort on the outskirts. It is estimated that city brothels employed from several
to more then ten prostitutes. The illegal brothels on the outskirts were far
more numerous. We are aware of circa ten such places in Cracow, function¬
ing from the sixteen-nineties to the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth
century. The Lublin records from the years
1644-1645
reveal at least twelve
brothels;
Poznań
-
seventeen
(1579-1631).
Illegal whorehouses, employing at
least several prostitutes, functioned most probably for several yeas (sometimes
longer) and were tolerated by the city authorities, which were well aware of
their existence. In many instances brothels functioned in criminal dens; as
a rule, the women keeping them were also active as stolen goods receivers.
The city whorehouses were patronized both by men away from homes and by
the locals, whereas the illegal places, one can assume, were open to persons
connected with the criminal underworld and the social margin in the broader
understanding of the term. These houses, apart from their basic function, also
450
Summary
played the role of meeting places, provided shelter after a successful break-in
or robbery, and a trading point to get rid of the loot.
Apart from organised prostitution in steady functioning whorehouses, there
flourished individual prostitution. Women of ill repute operated in specially
rented to this end rooms or in rooms adjacent to cellars vending liquors, in
rooms rented by the customers and in their houses. Prostitutes looked for their
clients on their own, or were advertised by procuresses. Among the clients of
individual prostitutes in private houses were to be found clerics and (some¬
times) rich noblemen. We know of instances when young girls were brought in
by procuresses from villages and little towns allegedly to work as housemaids,
but on the spot they were coerced to prostitute themselves. There was also the
phenomenon of itinerant prostitution. Prostitutes, and women who organised
prostitution with their dependents, went offering their services from town to
town, form fair to fair, and one noblemen gathering (diets, tribunal sittings,
royal and aristocratic weddings and funerals) to another. It seems that all pros¬
titutes were also thieves, who took advantage of their clients (they were chiefly
tried for theft); the girls working in illegal whorehouses usually gave cuts of
their loot to the madam.
Sporadic criminality. This category encompasses misdemeanours committed
by persons outside the world of professional criminality. Also here the domi¬
nant transgression was theft. Stealing went with men and women of all social
status: from beggars and impoverished artisans to relatively wealthy nobles.
Petty theft, perpetrated whenever circumstances seemed opportune, prevailed.
Anything could be the object of theft: in the marketplaces small items were
lifted from the stalls, incidentally noticed money was picked from pockets,
purses loosely hanging from the belts were cut off. Linen and clothing left for
drying in hallways and on fences, cooking vessels, handicraft tools, agricultural
tools, wagon wheels, foodstuffs of various kinds, and meat and fat in particular,
fruit and herbs from gardens
-
all this was stolen. Occasional theft of money,
jewellery, now and then weaponry, happened during overnight stays in taverns.
Larger sums of money or valuables were also stolen by unprofessional thieves.
From time to time, a guest invited to a reception in a wealthy burgher or noble
household returned with a silver plate, cup or spoon. A large proportion of the
tried thieves were household servants
-
maids, farm hands etc. stole when cir¬
cumstances allowed: small sums of money, clothing, linen, scarves; sometimes
a ring, a belt, or a necklace. Workshop boys and apprentices stole from their
superiors; servants working for nobles
-
even the most trustworthy
-
deprived
their masters of small amounts of money or jewellery. Peasants were tried for
running away from their villages with their master s cows, oxen, and sheep, or
stealing them along the way to the town. There were instances of oxen being
stolen on order of the Jewish butchers. Fires were a good occasion for sporadic
thieves to loot, while people were salvaging goods from burning houses. Also
assaults on
protestant
churches (Cracow, end of 16th century;
Poznań,
beginning
of 17th century) provided opportunities for passers by (frequently students) to
Summary
451
grab what only they could lay their hands on. Times when epidemics plagued
cities and villages, leaving whole homesteads vacant, easily turned to moments
of uncontrolled plunder. The gravediggers stole from the dead; oblivious to the
danger they frequently caught the disease in the process.
Assaults on private households were a relatively frequent phenomenon
in the cities. They were usually caused by hope of plunder, but other reasons
were also possible: grudges against the owners, attempts to force the host
to provide liquor at night (when public houses were already closed), some¬
times search for prostitutes
-
we have records of such instances in
Poznań
and
Warsaw, when prostitutes were never to be found in the place attacked
-
also
simple troublemaking by noblemen who came into town and had one drink too
many. Frequently, behaviour of this kind proved effective: when the doors and
the windows were broken, and the hosts appropriately terrorised, the attack¬
ers received the coveted drink. Compliance with the wishes of the assailants
not always proved enough to placate the villains; instances of beating up the
hosts, inflicting injuries, rape of the women in the house, more rarely theft,
are not unknown.
Accusations of manslaughter or murder of persons, which did not belong to
the criminal underworld, in Cracow, Lublin and
Poznań
encompassed
-
among
men nearly
5%,
among women less than
1%
of the total amount of the persons
tried. Accidental homicide made up the majority of the cases. The killings most
frequently happened during brawls (e.g. over card or dice games; during quar¬
rels while drinking beer or spirits; over money), family (marital) squabbles, or
street fights. Planned murder usually was connected with robbery or removal
of husband by the wife (by the lover). Infanticide comprised a particular por¬
tion of the homicide cases. In the majority of the cases it was committed by
single, unmarried women, who worked in the towns as housemaids. Having no
backing form their families, afraid of being sacked and socially condemned by
their milieus in case of discovery of their pregnancy, they gave birth secretly in
hiding in extremely unfavourable conditions and immediately disposed of the
baby. Their behaviour was conditioned by shame, or the psychological strain
too hard to bear; but at least in some of the cases it must have been the post¬
natal depression.
Among the trials in sporadic criminality an important place was held by
cases of transgression against morality and the sacrament of matrimony: adul¬
tery, relationships between unmarried persons (considered unlawful), bigamy,
and incest. The motives and circumstances of adulterous acts in those days were
similar as today: passion (frequent incidents of wife cheating on her husband
with his apprentice), deserting of wife by husband (rarely vice-versa), falling
apart of the marriage, cruel treatment of wife by husband. Sexual relationships
between unmarried persons were very rarely punished, and if so, very leniently.
The only exception was the involvement of a Christian woman with a Jew, which
was treated with no compassion. Bigamy, and especially incest, appeared before
court very rarely. Infrequent accusations are to be found of rape of women.
452
Summary
Relatively common admitting to rape by the robbers submitted to questioning
were usually passed by in court. These confessions must have seemed of little
importance in comparison with the major crimes these men committed
-
rob¬
bery, homicide etc. Trials in cases of sodomy (called bestialitas in the source
materials), homosexuality and paedophilia were extremely rare.
Torture. Inflicting pain was an important element of judicial inquiry. Usually
application of tortures inclined the interrogated person to add new data to the
previous statements or revealing of accomplices and participants. In result it was
decided whether the person was guilty or not (in rare cases the charges were
dropped), and of the type of punishment to be ruled. The use of pain delib¬
erately inflicted in judicial inquiries raised protests among Polish lawyers and
political writers, who doubted in the veracity of extorted testimonies, already
at by end of the fifteenth century. Detailed analysis was performed on Cracow,
Lublin and
Poznań
records, which provide the fullest data (Table
11).
Torture
was applied in
375
cases
(16,4%)
out of
2 300
tried;
423
persons
(17%)
were
involved in those procedures out of a total of
2 500.
Poznań
(1478
cases) stands
out in this respect, because torture was reverted to only in
7%
of the trials.
In Cracow trials in minor offences (in which torture was not used as a rule)
were not inscribed into the records at all. In Lublin only some of such cases
were recorded. Hence we can assume that municipal courts of the three cities
in question put to torture not more than
7-10%
of the total of the defend¬
ants tried in criminal cases. The records of the towns of located in the
Beskidy
region show that in
60-80%
of the cases torture was introduced. But the vast
majority of the cases tried there were related with robbery and highland rob¬
bery (in which cases torture was common also in other centres); but trials in
minor offences or relative to morality are practically not recorded. Thus the
data from these towns does not convey actual proportions of use of torture and
cannot be analysed statistically.
Tortures were administered predominantly to persons accused of robbery
and highland robbery, murder during robbery, major theft and break-ins. Persons
who committed such crimes were usually professional crooks, members of crimi¬
nal companies. But sometimes torture was meted with respect to sporadic law¬
breakers, even those accused of relatively petty offences. The judges and the
prosecutors, who called for torturing of the defendant, were hoping that in the
face of painful experiences the delinquent would admit to other thefts or rob¬
beries, reveal his accomplices and the places where the loot was hidden. In most
cases the pain did its work and the accused enlarged their statements substan¬
tially. One can assume that in some cases the person undergoing torture in hope
of ending his ordeal confessed to uncommitted crimes too But the comparison
of tens of statements by criminals who belonged to the same companies and
at many times jointly stole and robbed, but were tried separately sometimes
years apart, confirms the veracity of numerous depositions, the circumstances
under which the crimes were committed and the enumeration of the accom¬
plices
-
also of these depositions, which afterwards were recalled as false and
Summary
453
extorted under pressure of pain. There were nevertheless instances of persons
(women included) who withstood the suffering and admitted to nothing; if no
other evidence was available, such persons were acquitted and set free.
Torture was performed by the executioner in the torture-chamber, which
was located in the cellars of the city hall, and had no windows. Torturing was
administered in the presence of two members and the notary of the city court.
Two types of torture are to be found in the records of the municipal courts:
stretching and burning (to make the pain less tolerable). The delinquent was
placed on the rack, with his hands tied to one side. Cords were attached to his
feet, which were gradually wound up on a roller, causing dislocation of joints.
Burning consisted in frying of the delinquents sides, more rarely feet by candle
flames, or other devices. Sometimes one torturing session sufficed (even without
introducing burning). Normally there were two or three sessions. In rare cases
the number could be increased to five or six times (stretching and burning).
Punisment. The basic division line among the ruled sentences separates the
capital punishment from all other penalties (Tables
12
and
13).
The death
sentences can be put into two categories: normal and the so called qualified
death. Normal sentences were usually executed through hanging or drown¬
ing (practiced chiefly on women); both considered dishonouring. The normal
death penalty, which did not bring dishonour was decapitation by sword. The
qualified death sentences were: quartering, breaking with a wheel together
with weaving in between the spikes of the wheel (presumably posthumous),
burying alive in the ground and piercing with a stake, burning at stake, impale¬
ment
-
extremely rare in Poland (only one instance in the researched records).
Other punishment administered in the cities was: flogging (public, at the pil¬
lory or in the city hall cellars); mutilation
-
cutting off of one, sometimes two
ears, very rarely one hand; branding; public humiliation
-
putting on public
display at the pillar, in chains, also labour in chains for the benefit of the city.
Another type of punishment, also dishonouring, was relegation from the town
and its territories. Prison terms were not ruled in these times as punishment
for criminal offences.
Among the death penalties the most often type issued was hanging
(23%
of all sentences;
44%
of capital punishments). The felons who met this fate
were in most cases thieves and robbers, who did not commit murder simulta¬
neously. The second place in these statistics is held by beheading (respectively
26%
and
14%),
ruled chiefly in cases of killers, adulterers, rapists, but also
women guilty of infanticide, sometimes also thieves and robbers. Occasionally,
in cases of particularly horrifying crimes, e.g. murder during robbery committed
with exceptional cruelty, beheading was preceded by public torturing
-
usually
pinching with red-hot pincers repeated on the four sides of the town square.
Drowning (in a sack) was applied exclusively to women-offenders
(1,5%
of
all sentences), for theft, den-keeping, receiving, complicity in theft; rarely in
cases of murder and infanticide. Among the types of death-and-torture capi¬
tal punishment, quartering was ruled the most often (respectively
4%
and
454
Summary
8%): usually torture preceded beheading, but sometimes vice versa. This type
of punishment was applied chiefly to robbers; in particular, if they murdered
their victims, the highland robbers in the
Beskidy
Mountains, felons guilty of
assaults on homesteads and manors, and murderers who acted with particu¬
lar cruelty. In some cases the person condemned to death would be driven in
a cart around the town square and pinched with red-hot pincers; in other cases
his hand would be truncated; only after this initial penalty he would be taken
to the place of the final punishment. Frequently, after the execution body pars
were hang on the gallows for public demonstration and the head was impaled.
Breaking with a wheel (the executioner raised above his head and slammed
on the victim s body a heavy wagon wheel shattering bones and causing slow
death) was reserved for men (respectively
1,5%
and
2,5%)
who were guilty of
the most hideous crimes; it was the equivalent of quartering. The punishment
of being buried alive and pierced with a stake was ruled only in some cities
(frequently in
Poznań),
and exclusively for women, who committed infanticide.
Burning at stake was reserved for sacrilege, arson, money counterfeiting, sod¬
omy and pederasty.
The sentence issued most frequently was flogging
(35%
of all sentences;
76%
of all short of capital punishment), ruled chiefly for petty theft and all kinds
of minor offences like prostitution and debauchery, receiving, fraud, gambling,
abetting, sometimes adultery. Flogging, executed on the pillory next to the city
hall had the additional character of public humiliation; flogging performed in the
cellars of the city hall by a junior city servant was not considered public humili¬
ation. Flogging on the pillory was usually followed by relegation from the city
and the cutting off of one, sporadically two ears; cases of additional branding
were extremely rare in Poland. Minor offences were punished in front of the
city hall, on a wooden block or a log (in
trunco).
Relegation meant chasing out
of the city limits, habitually forever; but there were cases when the duration
of the period was stated (e.g. one, three or five years), or the number of miles
from the city that could not be transgressed (usually five). Relegation in most
cases was combined with flogging. Return to the city of a relegated person was
threatened with death, but in practice this was nearly never realised. Basically
relegation (known also as casting out ) was to be carried out by ceremonial
leading the culprit by the executioner around the town square and publicizing
the sentence there, next taking him in a humiliating procession with burning
torches or bundles of hay, sometimes carrying fasces, outside the city limits. In
practice, frequently the promulgation of the sentence sufficed, and the person
sentenced left the city on his own (not always immediately).
The analysis of the sentences issued in Cracow,
Poznań
and Lublin for theft,
break-ins and robberies demonstrated that the same category of offence was
treated far less severely in
Poznań
than in the both other cities (Table
13).
The
division of the materials from Cracow and
Poznań
into two 50-year periods
(second half of 16th century and first half of 17th century) shows that the severity
of punishment in both centres was gradually declining. The percentage of the
Summary
455
ruled death penalties for all kinds of theft (the sentences for this type of crime
lend themselves the most to comparison) issued in Cracow decreased from
75
to
55;
in
Poznań
from
34
to
13.
Thieves caught repeatedly were put to death in
Cracow in the first period in
86%
of cases, in the second
-
in
71%;
respectively,
in
Poznań
-
in
71%
and
46%
of cases. In the case of petty, singular theft the
numbers in the first period in Cracow were
- 31%,
in
Poznań
-
below
1%,
in
the second period in both cities no petty thief was sentenced to death.
Translated by
Jacek Soszyński
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Kamler, Marcin 1935- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)173108644 |
| author_facet | Kamler, Marcin 1935- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kamler, Marcin 1935- |
| author_variant | m k mk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036799759 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)706011074 (DE-599)BVBBV036799759 |
| edition | Wyd. 1. |
| era | Geschichte 1600-1700 Geschichte 1500-1600 Geschichte 1550-1650 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1600-1700 Geschichte 1500-1600 Geschichte 1550-1650 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Polen Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV036799759 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:48:30Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788375431148 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020715974 |
| oclc_num | 706011074 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 465 p. ill. (some col.) 25 cm |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Wydawn. Neriton [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Kamler, Marcin 1935- Verfasser (DE-588)173108644 aut Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) Marcin Kamler Wyd. 1. Warszawa Wydawn. Neriton [u.a.] 2010 465 p. ill. (some col.) 25 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Villains Geschichte 1600-1700 Geschichte 1500-1600 Geschichte 1550-1650 gnd rswk-swf Crime / Poland / History / 16th century Crime / Poland / History / 17th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 16th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 17th century Geschichte Kriminalität (DE-588)4033178-7 gnd rswk-swf Polen Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Kriminalität (DE-588)4033178-7 s Geschichte 1550-1650 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020715974&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020715974&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Kamler, Marcin 1935- Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) Crime / Poland / History / 16th century Crime / Poland / History / 17th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 16th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 17th century Geschichte Kriminalität (DE-588)4033178-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4033178-7 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) |
| title_auth | Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) |
| title_exact_search | Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) |
| title_full | Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) Marcin Kamler |
| title_fullStr | Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) Marcin Kamler |
| title_full_unstemmed | Złoczyńcy przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) Marcin Kamler |
| title_short | Złoczyńcy |
| title_sort | zloczyncy przestepczosc w koronie w drugiej polowie xvi i w pierwszej polowie xvii wieku w swietle ksiag sadowych miejskich |
| title_sub | przestępczość w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVI i w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku (w świetle ksiąg sądowych miejskich) |
| topic | Crime / Poland / History / 16th century Crime / Poland / History / 17th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 16th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 17th century Geschichte Kriminalität (DE-588)4033178-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Crime / Poland / History / 16th century Crime / Poland / History / 17th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 16th century Justice, Administration of / Poland / History / 17th century Geschichte Kriminalität Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020715974&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020715974&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kamlermarcin złoczyncyprzestepczoscwkoroniewdrugiejpołowiexviiwpierwszejpołowiexviiwiekuwswietleksiagsadowychmiejskich |