The historical development of Japanese tone: from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan
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Wiesbaden
Harrassowitz
2010
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| Schriftenreihe: | Veröffentlichungen des Ostasien-Instituts der Ruhr-Universität, Bochum
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| Beschreibung: | XVIII, 600 S. Ill., Kt. 240 mm x 170 mm |
| ISBN: | 9783447062824 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS XIX I FROM PROTO-JAPANESE TO THE MODERN
DIALECTS 1 INTRODUCTION 3 0.1 THE SUBJECT AND AIM OF THIS STUDY 3 0.2
THE MIDDLE JAPANESE TONE SYSTEM AND THE TONE SYSTEM OF PROTO-JAPANESE 4
0.3 THE BASIS FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE MIDDLE JAPANESE TONE SYSTEM
4 0.3.1 THE DIFFERENT TYPES OF TONE MARKINGS IN OLD JAPANESE TEXTS 4
0.3.2 THE TONE SYSTEMS OF THE MODERN JAPANESE DIALECTS 6 0.3.3 THE LATE
MIDDLE CHINESE TONES AND THEIR RELATION TO THE VALUE OF THE JAPANESE
TONE DOTS 7 0.3.4 HISTORICAL DESCRIPTIONS OF THE LATE MIDDLE CHINESE
TONES IN JAPAN 7 0.4 MODERN RECONSTRUCTIONS OF THE VALUE OF THE JAPANESE
TONE DOTS 8 0.5 CONVENTIONS 9 0.5.1 TONE CLASSES, SYMBOLS AND SPELLING 9
0.5.2 TERMINOLOGY: PITCH-ACCENT OR TONE 11 0.5.2.1 WHAT IS PITCH-ACCENT?
12 0.5.2.2 WHAT IS RESTRICTED TONE? 14 0.5.2.3 TONE OR PITCH-ACCENT IN
MIDDLE JAPANESE 14 0.5.2.4 TONE OR PITCH-ACCENT IN THE MODERN DIALECTS
17 0.5.2.5 THE TONE SYSTEMS OF THE MODERN JAPANESE DIALECTS AS
'RESTRICTED TONE' 19 0.6. THE SELECTION OF THE CORPUS 20 0.6.1 SYLLABLE
AND MORA 20 0.6.1.1 OLD JAPANESE 21 0.6.1.2 EARLY MIDDLE JAPANESE 23
0.6.1.3 LATE MIDDLE JAPANESE 24 0.6.1.4 THE MODERN DIALECTS 25 0.6.1.5
THE EXCLUSION OF HEAVY SYLLABLES 27 1 THE TWO SETS OF COMPARATIVE DATA
29 1.1 THE MODEM JAPANESE TONE SYSTEMS 29 1.1.1 THE TOKYO TYPE TONE
SYSTEMS 29 1.1. BIBLIOGRAFISCHE INFORMATIONEN
HTTP://D-NB.INFO/1005222401 DIGITALISIERT DURCH VIII CONTENTS 1.3.2
DISYLLABIC NOUNS 45 1.3.3 TRISYLLABIC NOUNS 46 1.4 DIFFERENCES IN THE
ATTESTATION OF THE TONE OF THE MONOSYLLABIC CASE PARTICLES 47 2 THE
STANDARD RECONSTRUCTION OF THE MIDDLE JAPANESE TONE SYSTEM 50 2.1
KINDAICHI'S MIDDLE JAPANESE TONE SYSTEM RESEMBLES THE TONE SYSTEM OF
KYOTO 50 2.2 HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS ACCORDING TO KINDAICHI 52 2.3
KINDAICHI'S RECONSTRUCTION AND THE TONE SYSTEM OF PROTO-JAPANESE 55
2.3.1 HOW NATURAL IS THE DEVELOPMENT OF /H/ TONES IN TONE CLASSES 2.3,
3.4 AND 3.5? 56 2.3.2 HAYATA'S SOLUTION: UNRECORDED /ML TONES IN CLASSES
2.3, 3.4 AND 3.5 IN MIDDLE JAPANESE 58 2.3.3 HOW NATURAL IS THE CHANGE
OF INITIAL /TV TONE IN KYOTO TO INITIAL /HI TONE IN TOKYO IN CLASSES
2.4, 2.5, 3.6 AND 3.7? 60 2.3.4 HOW NATURAL IS THE SHIFT OF/H/ TONE TO
THE RIGHT IN THE TOKYO TYPE DIALECTS? 61 2.3.5 PROBLEMS CONCERNING THE
TONE OF CLASS 3.2 IN THE KYOTO TYPE DIALECTS. 62 2.4 HISTORICAL
BACKGROUND OF THE STANDARD THEORY 63 2.4.1 THE GEOGRAPHICAL DILEMMA 64
2.4.2 THE DIALECT AREA THEORY AND THE CIRCLE THEORY 66 2.4.3 THE
RESOLUTION OF THE DISPUTE 67 2.4.4 TURNING YANAGITA'S CIRCLES INSIDE-OUT
68 2.5 OTHER THEORIES THAT ARE BASED ON THE STANDARD RECONSTRUCTION 69
2.5.1 OEHARA'S THEORY: KYOTO TYPE TONE AS AN INNOVATION 72 2.6 CONCLUSION
75 3 RAMSEY'S RECONSTRUCTION OF THE MIDDLE JAPANESE TONE SYSTEM 77 3.
CONTENTS IX 3.3.1 REPORTS ON THE GEOGRAPHICAL SPREAD OF KYOTO TYPE TONE
IN EARLIER PERIODS 91 3.3.2 THE BLURRED DIVISION BETWEEN THE GAIRIN AND
CHUERIN AREAS AS AN INDICATION THAT THIS IS THE OLDEST DIALECT SPLIT IN
JAPAN 94 4 THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TONE SYSTEMS OF TOKYO, KYOTO AND
KAGOSHIMA 96 4.1 THE DEVELOPMENTS IN THE NAIRIN AND CHORIN TYPE DIALECTS
97 4.1.1 /H/TONE RESTRICTION 99 4.1.2 THE DEVELOPMENT OF [M] PITCH 100
4.1.3 THE DEVELOPMENT OF /HI TONE ANTICIPATION AND A %L PHRASE BOUNDARY
TONE 103 4.1.4 ANALOGY IN THE TONE CLASSES THAT LACK IHI TONE 104 4.1.5
IHI TONE ANTICIPATION AFFECTS THE REMAINING /L/ TONES 106 4.2 THE
DEVELOPMENTS IN THE KYOTO TYPE DIALECTS 106 4.2.1 HOW THE LEFTWARD SHIFT
CREATED THE /LI TONEME IN MODERN KYOTO 108 4.2.2 THE ORIGIN OF THE MIXED
REFLEXES OF TONE CLASS 3.2 IN THE KYOTO TYPE DIALECTS OF CENTRAL HONSHU
109 4.2.3 THE REALIZATION OF CLASSES WITH ALL 0 TONE AS [H] IN THE KYOTO
TYPE DIALECTS 109 4.2.4 THE REASON WHY THE DISTINCT TONE CLASSES 1.2,
2.5 AND 3.7 WERE LOST IN TOKYO BUT PRESERVED IN KYOTO 110 4.2.5 THE
DEVELOPMENTS IN THE KYOTO TYPE DIALECTS OF SHIKOKU AND THE SETO INLAND
SEA 112 4.3 THE DEVELOPMENTS IN THE GAIRIN TOKYO TYPE DIALECTS 114 4.4
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TWO KAGOSHIMA WORD-TONES 116 4.5 THE
RECONSTRUCTION OF THE TONE OF CLASS 3.3 118 4. X CONTENTS 5.4 THE ORIGIN
OF THE TWO TYPES OF REFLEXES OF TONE CLASS 2.3 IN TOKYO 138 5.5
COMPOUNDS WITH TONE CLASS 2.3 IN HIROSHIMA, KYOTO AND TOKYO 140 5.6 WHAT
DO THE COMPOUNDS IN HIROSHIMA, KYOTO AND TOKYO TELL US? 143 5.7 THE TONE
RULES FOR COMPOUND NOUNS IN THE GAIRIN TYPE DIALECTS 144 5.8 THE TONE
RULES FOR COMPOUND NOUNS IN MIDDLE JAPANESE 147 5.8.1 COMPOUNDS WITH
'LONG' SECOND ELEMENTS 147 5.8.2 COMPOUNDS WITH 'SHORT' SECOND ELEMENTS
149 5.9 HOW OLD ARE THE TONE RULES FOR COMPOUND NOUNS IN CENTRAL JAPAN?
152 5.10 HOW OLD ARE THE RULES FOR COMPOUND NOUNS IN THE GAIRIN TYPE
DIALECTS? 154 5.11 NOUN COMPOUNDING AND THE TONE CLASS DIVISIONS OF
PROTO-JAPANESE 155 5.12 THE RELATION BETWEEN SEQUENTIAL VOICING AND LACK
OF IHI TONE IN COMPOUNDS 156 5.13 THE ORIGIN OF THE IRREGULAR
CROSS-DIALECT CORRESPONDENCES OF LONGER NOUNS 159 6 A NEW LOOK AT
DIALECT TONE 160 6.1 TRANSITIONAL OR 'TARUITYPE' DIALECTS 160 6.2 THE
NOTO DIALECTS 165 6.2.1 KINDAICHI'S DATA 167 6.2.2 MCCAWLEY'S VIEW 169
6.2.3 NOTO TYPE TONE AND RAMSEY'S MIDDLE JAPANESE TONE SYSTEM 170 6.2.4
THE CONDITIONED VARIANTS AS REMNANTS OF EARLIER KYOTO TYPE TONE? 171
6.2.5 THE ORIGIN OF THE VARIANTS IN THE NOTO DIALECTS 174 6.2.6 THE TONE
OF MONOSYLLABIC NOUNS IN THE NOTO DIALECTS 175 6.2.7 THE TONE SYSTEM OF
TOYAMA 177 7 RIGHTWARD SPREADING AND TONE SHIFT IN THE JAPANESE DIALECTS
180 7.1 RIGHTWARD TONE SHIFT IN THE TOKYO TYPE DIALECTS 181 7.1.
CONTENTS XI 8.2.1 TONE CLASS 1.3B: /F/ TONE IN MIDDLE JAPANESE 198 8.2.2
TONE CLASS 3.5B (AND TONE CLASS 2.5): FINAL IRI TONE PRECEDED BY IHI
TONE IN MIDDLE JAPANESE 200 8.2.3 THE REASON WHY IRI TONE PRECEDED BY
IHI TONE IS STILL ATTESTED IN MIDDLE JAPANESE 202 8.2.4 WERE TONE
CLASSES 3.5B AND 2.5 LARGER THAN THE SMALL NUMBER OF ATTESTATIONS IN
MIDDLE JAPANESE WOULD MAKE US BELIEVE? 202 8.2.5 THE DEVELOPMENTS IN
CLASS 3.5B IN TOKYO 204 8.3 WERE THE FINAL IRI TONES AN INNOVATION OF
CENTRAL JAPAN? 205 8.4 RESTRICTIONS TO THE LOCATION OF IF/ AND IRI IN
MIDDLE JAPANESE 207 9 THE TONE SYSTEMS OF THE RYUEKYUES 208 9.1 RIGHTWARD
TONE SHIFT AND THE SHIFT FROM SYLLABLE-TONE TO WORD-TONE 209 9.2
HATTORI'S LATER RECONSTRUCTION OF THE PROTO-JAPANESE TONE SYSTEM 212 9.3
THE SPLIT IN CLASSES 2.3 AND 2.4/5 EXAMINED 215 9.3.1 WAS THERE NO
DISTINCT TONE CLASS 2.3 IN PROTO-RYUEKYOAN? 215 9.3.2 A COMPARISON OF THE
IKI-, ITA- AND MAN-GROUPS IN 12 DIALECTS 216 9.4 FROM VOWEL LENGTH TO
[H] PITCH OR FROM [H] PITCH TO VOWEL LENGTH? 222 9.4.1 OVERVIEW OF
WORD-TONES AND VOWEL LENGTH IN DISYLLABIC NOUNS 222 9.4.2 THE
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF VOWEL LENGTH IN THE RYUEKYUES 227 9.4. XII
CONTENTS 10.6 THE SETTLEMENT OF THE TOEHOKU REGION 252 10.7 THE STARTING
POINT OF THE IHI TONE RESTRICTION 254 10.8 FINAL DEVELOPMENTS 256 10.9
HATTORI'S IDEAS ON THE RELATION BETWEEN DIALECT BOUNDARIES BASED ON
TONAL DISTINCTIONS AND JAPANESE HISTORY 258 11 THE ACCENT OF JAPANESE
LOANWORDS IN AINU 259 11.1 THE BASIS OF THE AINU DIALECT COMPARISON 259
11.2 PHONOLOGICAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN SAKHALIN AINU AND HOKKAIDO AINU.
261 11.3 DISTINCTIVE VOWEL LENGTH IN SAKHALIN 266 11.4 DISTINCTIVE
ACCENT IN HOKKAIDO 267 11.5 SIMILARITIES BETWEEN THE TWO SYSTEMS 268
11.6 HATTORI'S RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-AINU PHONOLOGICAL STRUCTURE AND
ACCENT 269 11.6.1 EXCEPTIONS TO HATTORI'S CORRESPONDENCES 273 11.7 THE
LACK OF PITCH AND VOWEL LENGTH DISTINCTIONS IN MONOSYLLABLES 274 11.7.1
YAMAMOTO TASUKE'S DESCRIPTION 274 11.7.2 ASAI'S FINDINGS 276 11.8
EVIDENCE FOR THE DIRECTION OF CHANGE 277 11.8.1. THE HOKKAIDO AINU
SYSTEM AS A SIMPLIFICATION OF THE SAKHALIN AINU SYSTEM 277 11.8.2 THE
RELATION BETWEEN RETENTION OF ACCENT ON THE SECOND SYLLABLE IN YAKUMO
AND VOWEL LENGTH IN SAKHALIN 278 11.8.3 VOWEL LENGTH IN OLDER JAPANESE
SOURCES OF HOKKAIDO AINU 279 11.8.3.1 MATSUMAE NO KOTOBA (1626/1627) 279
11.8.3.2 MOSHIOGUSA( 1792) 282 11.8.3.3 EZO KOTOBA IROHABIKI (1848) 284
11.8. CONTENTS XIII 11.9.3.1 PROTO-AINU */LHL/ 303 11.9.3.2 PROTO-AINU
*/LLH/ 304 11.10 VOVIN'S EVIDENCE FROM JAPANESE LOANWORDS IN AINU FOR
THE STANDARD RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-JAPANESE TONE 305 11.11 WHAT CAN
THE JAPANESE LOANWORDS REALLY TELL US? 308 11.11.1 LOANWORDS THAT
INCLUDE VOICED CONSONANTS IN THE SECOND SYLLABLE IN JAPANESE 308 11.11.2
LOANWORDS THAT HAVE THE ACCENT ON THE SECOND SYLLABLE IN AINU 309
11.11.3 LOANWORDS THAT HAVE THE ACCENT ON THE INITIAL SYLLABLE IN AINU
311 11.11.4 TRADERS FROM OSAKA 313 11.12 EVALUATING THE EVIDENCE 314
11.12.1 THE LOANWORDS AND THE STANDARD RECONSTRUCTION 314 11.12.2 THE
LOANWORDS AND RAMSEY'S RECONSTRUCTION 314 11.12.3 ATTEMPTS TO DATE THE
EXAMPLES 315 11.12.4 THE ORIGIN OF THE TWO DIFFERENT SEGMENTAL SHAPES
FOR LOANWORDS WITH ACCENT ON THE INITIAL SYLLABLE 317 11.12.5 THE CVCCV
SHAPED LOANWORDS AS EVIDENCE FOR HATTORI'S RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-AINU
VOWEL LENGTH 318 11.12.6 THE SPECIAL CASE OF PASUY, KAMUY AND MUY 319
11.13 VOVIN'S RECONSTRUCTION OF PROTO-AINU CONSONANT CLUSTERS 321 11.14
CONCLUSION 325 II THE INTRODUCTION AND ADAPTATION OF THE MIDDLE CHINESE
TONES IN JAPAN 327 INTRODUCTION 329 0.1 RAMSEY'S THEORY AND THE EVIDENCE
FROM THE MODERN DIALECTS 329 0.2 RAMSEY'S THEORY AND LATE MIDDLE CHINESE
TONE, JAPANESE PHILOLOGY AND THE BUDDHIST SHOEMYOE TRADITION XIV CONTENTS
3 CHARACTER READING TRADITIONS IN JAPAN 341 3.1 EARLY SINO-JAPANESE 341
3.1.1 GO-ON AND SOUTHERN EARLY MIDDLE CHINESE 341 3.2 DIRECT CONTACTS
WITH CHINA 342 3.2.1 INTRODUCTION OF NEW CHARACTER READINGS 343 3.2.2
THE INTRODUCTION OF THE TONE DOTS 343 3.2.3 THE GOVERNMENT PROMOTES
FOREIGN CHINESE (HAN PRONUNCIATION) 344 3.2.4 THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NEW
STANDARD OF SINO-JAPANESE 345 3.3 CONFIISION AND OVERLAPPING OF TERMS
346 3.4 CONFUCIANIST AND BUDDHIST READING PRACTICE 347 3.4.1 BUDDHIST
READING METHODS 348 3.5 REORGANIZATION OF GO-ON 349 3.6 BUDDHIST KAN-ON
STUDY 349 3.7 BUDDHIST STUDY OF CHINESE PHONOLOGY 350 3.8 DIFFERENT
TYPES OF HISTORICAL MATERIAL 352 3.9 PRESENT DAY GO-ON AND KAN-ON
PRONUNCIATIONS 352 3.10 SUMMARY OF TERMS RELATING TO SINO-JAPANESE 352 4
THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE TONES OF GO-ON AND KAN-ON 354 4.1 THE GO-ON
TONES AND THE KAN-ON TONES ARE CONTRASTED TO EACH OTHER 354 4.2
CHARACTERS IN THE GO-ON PRONUNCIATION ARE MARKED WITH 'REVERSED' TONE
DOTS 356 4.3 THE TONAL VALUE OF THE TONE DOTS IS BASED ON THE KAN-ON
TONE TRADITION 358 4.4 THE SHIFT FROM QU TONE MARKINGS IN WA-ON TO SHANG
TONE MARKINGS IN GO-ON 358 4.5 TONE DESCRIPTIONS FROM THE TENDAI AND
SHINGON SCHOOLS CONCERN THE KAN-ON TONES 359 5 THE SHOEMYOE TRADITIONS OF
THE TENDAI AND SHINGON SCHOOLS 360 5. CONTENTS XV 6.2.1 HEAVY AND LIGHT
JTH 376 6.2.2 LOW/FALLING AND HIGH/RISING FSS^I 378 6.2.3 INNER AND OUTER
FW 379 6.2.4 THE TONES P^ 380 6.2.5 IVA-SOUNDS ?&P 381 6.2.6 ENUNCIATORY
STRENGTH MJJ 383 6.3 THE TONE SYSTEMS OF ISEI AND CHISO 384 6.4 WHICH OF
ANNEN'S TONE SYSTEMS REPRESENTS THE LMC STANDARD LANGUAGE? 387 6.5
REMAINING PROBLEMS 389 7 LATER JAPANESE TONE THEORIES 392 7.1 OVERVIEW
OF THE KINDS OF TONE DOTS USED IN JAPAN 393 7.1.1 TONE SYSTEMS IN WHICH
NOT ALL DISTINCTIONS MAY HAVE BEEN BASED ON PITCH 393 7.1.2 TONE SYSTEMS
IN WHICH THE DISTINCTIONS WERE BASED ON PITCH 394 7.1.3 THE QUASI
EIGHT-TONE SYSTEM OF THE TENDAI SCHOOL 396 7.2 MYOGAKU AND THE STATE OF
SIDDHAM STUDY IN MYOEGAKU'S TIME 399 7.3 THE DESCRIPTIONS OF THE TONES
400 7.3.1 HEIAN PERIOD (794-1185) 400 7.3.1.1 CHUZAN W% (HOSSOE SCHOOL)
400 7.3.1.2 MYOEGAKU *FT% (TENDAI SCHOOL) 402 7.3.1.3 FUJIWARA MUNETADA
WWMLFC- 418 7.3.1.4 EIJUE MIT (SHINGON SCHOOL): 421 7.3.1.5 (KOEMYOE-SAN)
JUEYO 0T$M\U) J!# (TENDAI SCHOOL) 423 7.3.1.6 SHINREN KW (SHINGON
SCHOOL) 424 7.3. XVI CONTENTS 8.2 THE TONES OF THE SIDDHAM SCHOLARS DO
NOT REPRESENT THE TONES OF MIDDLE JAPANESE 449 8.3 THE INFLUENCE OF
MYOEGAKU'S INNOVATIONS 450 8.3.1 MYOEGAKU'SFANQIE THEORY 451 8.3.2 MYOEGAKU
DIVIDES THE TONES IN TWO PARTS 452 8.3.2.1 THE TONE CONTOUR OF THE
'INITIAL TONE' 453 8.3.2.2 THE TONE CONTOUR OF THE 'FINAL SOUND' 455
8.3.3 MYOEGAKU'S EIGHT-TONE THEORY: A TONE SYSTEM THAT HAD NO HISTORICAL
BASIS 455 8.3.4 MYOEGAKU ADAPTS THE TONE CONTOUR OF THE QU TONE IN THE
SIX-TONE THEORY 456 8.4 MYOEGAKU'S INFLUENCE ON THE SHINGON TONE THEORIES
458 8.5 SUMMARY 459 9 WHICH RECONSTRUCTION AGREES BETTER WITH THE TONES
OF THE SIDDHAM SCHOLARS?. 461 9.1 THE TONES OF THE SIDDHAM SCHOLARS
AND THE STANDARD RECONSTRUCTION 461 9.2 THE TONES OF THE SIDDHAM
SCHOLARS AND RAMSEY'S RECONSTRUCTION 464 9.3 THE SHINGON QU TONE AND THE
BACKGROUND OF RUIJU MYOEGI-SHOE 466 9.4 THE LIGHT PING TONE DOT 467 9.4.1
THE ABANDONMENT OF THE USE OF THE LIGHT PING TONE TO MARK JAPANESE WORDS
468 9.4.2 WAS THE USE OF THE LIGHT PING TONE ABANDONED BECAUSE OF
MYOEGAKU'S THEORIES? 470 9.4.3 THE ORIGIN OF THE RISING CONTOUR OF THE
LIGHT PING TONE AN CONTENTS XVII 12.2 CONFUSION IN THE 15 TH CENTURY 500
12.2.1 YUEKAI #R (KOGI SHINGON SCHOOL) 500 12.3 REANALYSIS AT THE END OF
THE 15 TH CENTURY 501 12.3.1 IN'YU RJGI (KOGI SHINGON SCHOOL) 502 12.4
THE ANNOTATION 'ATARU' IN THE 16 TH CENTURY 505 12.5 SUMMARY 507 13 THE
JAPANESE TONE THEORIES AFTER THE SHIFT 509 13.1 THE SHOEMYOE REVIVAL IN
THE 17 TH CENTURY 509 13.1.1 KANNOE TLJA (SHINGI SHINGON SCHOOL) 509
13.1.2 PITCH READJUSTMENT RULES AFTER THE SHIFT: IDEAI TU-A" 512 13.1.3
KEICHUE MN (KOGI SHINGON SCHOOL) 514 13.1.4 ANONYMOUS (KOGI SHINGON
SCHOOL) 517 13.2 DIVERSITY IN THE TONE THEORIES OF THE 18 TH CENTURY 517
13.2.1 MONNOE JCTFE (1700-1763, JOEDO SCHOOL) 518 13.2.2 ISE SADATAKE
FFI§$M (1715-1784) 518 13.2.3 MOTOORI NORINAGA ;FCIG\&AE (1730-1801) 518
13.3 THE BUDDHIST TONE THEORIES IN THE 19 TH CENTURY 519 13.3.1
ANONYMOUS (SHINGI SHINGON) 520 13.3.2 THE TENDAI TONE SYSTEM AFTER THE
SHIFT: RAI TSUTOMU'S STUDY OF THE KAN-ON SHOEMYOE OF THE TENDAI SCHOOL 520
13. XVIII CONTENTS 14.4.3 WHY IS THE VOCABULARY PART OF BUMOE-KI REGARDED
AS YOMIKUSEL 553 14.5 THE TONE SYSTEM REFLECTED IN THE OLD RONGI
MATERIAL AND BUTSUYUIGYOE-KYOE 556 14.6 THE READING OF THE KO-HAKASE
MATERIALS THE 16 TH CENTURY AND LATER 559 14.7 THE MUSICAL NOTATION
SYSTEMS OF NOE AND THE HEIKE MONOGATARI 560 14.7.1 YOEKYOKU 561 14.7.2
HEIKYOKU 562 14.7.3 THE VALUE OF THE MARKS IN NOE AND HEIKYOKU: REVERSAL
OR PRESERVATION? 563 14.8 SUMMARY 564 15 CONCLUSION 566 REFERENCES 571
INDEX 587 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Boer, Elisabeth M. de 1966-2023 |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1150408839 |
| author_facet | Boer, Elisabeth M. de 1966-2023 |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Boer, Elisabeth M. de 1966-2023 |
| author_variant | e m d b emd emdb |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036793694 |
| classification_rvk | EI 4620 EI 4670 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)696031408 (DE-599)DNB1005222401 |
| dewey-full | 495.616 |
| dewey-hundreds | 400 - Language |
| dewey-ones | 495 - Languages of east and southeast Asia |
| dewey-raw | 495.616 |
| dewey-search | 495.616 |
| dewey-sort | 3495.616 |
| dewey-tens | 490 - Other languages |
| discipline | Außereuropäische Sprachen und Literaturen Literaturwissenschaft |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV036793694 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-23T12:02:04Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9783447062824 |
| language | English |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020710050 |
| oclc_num | 696031408 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-11 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-11 |
| physical | XVIII, 600 S. Ill., Kt. 240 mm x 170 mm |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Harrassowitz |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Veröffentlichungen des Ostasien-Instituts der Ruhr-Universität, Bochum |
| series2 | Veröffentlichungen des Ostasien-Instituts der Ruhr-Universität, Bochum |
| spelling | Boer, Elisabeth M. de 1966-2023 Verfasser (DE-588)1150408839 aut The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan Elisabeth M. de Boer Wiesbaden Harrassowitz 2010 XVIII, 600 S. Ill., Kt. 240 mm x 170 mm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Veröffentlichungen des Ostasien-Instituts der Ruhr-Universität, Bochum 59 Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Mittelchinesisch (DE-588)4120258-2 gnd rswk-swf Ton Phonologie (DE-588)4650237-3 gnd rswk-swf Japanisch (DE-588)4114069-2 gnd rswk-swf Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 gnd rswk-swf Einfluss (DE-588)4151276-5 gnd rswk-swf Intonation Linguistik (DE-588)4129204-2 gnd rswk-swf Sprachwandel (DE-588)4056508-7 gnd rswk-swf Japanisch (DE-588)4114069-2 s Ton Phonologie (DE-588)4650237-3 s Geschichte z DE-604 Mittelchinesisch (DE-588)4120258-2 s Intonation Linguistik (DE-588)4129204-2 s Einfluss (DE-588)4151276-5 s Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 s Sprachwandel (DE-588)4056508-7 s Veröffentlichungen des Ostasien-Instituts der Ruhr-Universität, Bochum 59 (DE-604)BV000012685 59 DNB Datenaustausch application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020710050&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Boer, Elisabeth M. de 1966-2023 The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan Veröffentlichungen des Ostasien-Instituts der Ruhr-Universität, Bochum Mittelchinesisch (DE-588)4120258-2 gnd Ton Phonologie (DE-588)4650237-3 gnd Japanisch (DE-588)4114069-2 gnd Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 gnd Einfluss (DE-588)4151276-5 gnd Intonation Linguistik (DE-588)4129204-2 gnd Sprachwandel (DE-588)4056508-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4120258-2 (DE-588)4650237-3 (DE-588)4114069-2 (DE-588)4040725-1 (DE-588)4151276-5 (DE-588)4129204-2 (DE-588)4056508-7 |
| title | The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan |
| title_auth | The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan |
| title_exact_search | The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan |
| title_full | The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan Elisabeth M. de Boer |
| title_fullStr | The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan Elisabeth M. de Boer |
| title_full_unstemmed | The historical development of Japanese tone from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan Elisabeth M. de Boer |
| title_short | The historical development of Japanese tone |
| title_sort | the historical development of japanese tone from proto japanese to the modern dialects the introduction and adaptation of the middle chinese tones in japan |
| title_sub | from proto-Japanese to the modern dialects ; the introduction and adaptation of the Middle Chinese tones in Japan |
| topic | Mittelchinesisch (DE-588)4120258-2 gnd Ton Phonologie (DE-588)4650237-3 gnd Japanisch (DE-588)4114069-2 gnd Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 gnd Einfluss (DE-588)4151276-5 gnd Intonation Linguistik (DE-588)4129204-2 gnd Sprachwandel (DE-588)4056508-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Mittelchinesisch Ton Phonologie Japanisch Mundart Einfluss Intonation Linguistik Sprachwandel |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020710050&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000012685 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT boerelisabethmde thehistoricaldevelopmentofjapanesetonefromprotojapanesetothemoderndialectstheintroductionandadaptationofthemiddlechinesetonesinjapan |