Twierdza czy wspólnota?: Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Lublin
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
2010
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in dt. u. engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 148 s. 24 cm. |
| ISBN: | 9788322729991 |
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SPIS TREŚCI
WSTĘP
. 7
Rozdział I
OBRAZ EUROPY W ŚWIADOMOŚCI JĘZYKOWO-KULTUROWEJ POLAKÓW
1.
Europa w świetle danych systemu językowego
. 13
1.1.
Pochodzenie nazwy Europa i jej pierwotne znaczenie
. 13
1.2.
Nazwa Europa i jej rozumienie w języku polskim
. 17
1.2.1.
Definicje Europy
. Ig
1.2.2.
Słowa pochodne od Europy (derywaty)
. 24
1.2.3.
Wyrażenia i zwroty frazeologiczne
. 37
2.
Europa jako centrum świata
.
3g
3.
Europa w świetle badań ankietowych ASA
1990
i ASA
2000. 42
4.
Podsumowanie
-
próba rekonstrukcji potocznego obrazu Europy
.
4g
Rozdział
II
OBLICZA INTEGRACJI
-
EUROPA W WYBRANYCH TEKSTACH
1.
Polska a wschodnia granica Europy
. 53
2.
Historycznie i kulturowo ukształtowane profile Europy w kontekście integracji
. 58
2.1.
Europa jako twierdza
. 58
2.2.
Europa jako wspólnota
. 63
2.3.
Podsumowanie
. 66
3.
Dlaczego Europa dąży do jedności?
. 67
Rozdział III
DYLEMATY WSPÓŁCZESNOŚCI
-
POLSKA I UNIA EUROPEJSKA
W DYSKURSIE INTEGRACYJNYM
1.
Integracja europejska w oczach jej przeciwników
. 71
1.1.
Humor a polityka
. 71
1.2.
Zagrożenia dla Polski w świetle tekstów humorystycznych oraz publicystyki
75
1.3.
Podsumowanie
. 90
2.
Integracja europejska w oczach jej zwolenników
. 93
2.1.
Metafora w służbie publicystyki
. 93
2.2.
Modele metaforyczne integracji europejskiej w dyskursie prasowym
. 99
2.3.
Podsumowanie
. 108
6
Spis
tresei
3.
Polacy
-
domownicy czy goście w europejskim domu?
. 112
3.1.
Metafora Europa jako dom w dyskursie publicznym
. 112
3.2.
„Czuć się sobą u siebie"
-
o postrzeganiu miejsca Polski w jednoczącej się
Europie
. 113
3.3.
Podsumowanie
. 118
ZAKOŃCZENIE
. 121
Summary
. 125
Zusammenfassung. 131
Wykaz źródeł
-
teksty historyczne, literackie i publicystyczne
. 139
Wykaz słowników języka polskiego, słowników specjalistycznych oraz encyklopedii
141
Bibliografia prac cytowanych i przywoływanych
. 143
SUMMARY
In my book I attempt to reconstruct the idea of Europe and European integration present in
Poles' minds. The reconstruction is based on semantic analyses of linguistic data in the context
of Polish and European cultures.
Until
2004,
the political discourse on Poland's foreign policy was focused on the issue of
Poland joining the European Union. It was the priority of subsequent Polish governments,
regardless of their political programs
.
The accession of Poland to the
EU
has become the reason
for forming in public opinions on Europe in general
-
its history, place, and relations with other
continents or civilizations, as well as the place of Poland in the European civilization and in the
European Union.
The public debate on the accession of Poland to the
EU was
followed by two events: the
first one was the nationwide poll on
9
June
2003
when Polish citizens were asked: "Do you
Sir/Madam approve Polish Republic's accession to the European Union?", (there were only
two possible answers: "yes" or "no"); the second event was the actual accession on
1
May
2004.
The need to achieve a unanimous position on the issue divided the country into
supporters and avid opponents of the idea of Poland as a member of the institutional framework
of the
EU.
This is why I base the analysis of the contemporary discourse in chapter
3
on the data
that refers to both of the opposing camps.
Over the last several years issues that can be generally called "European" have been
gaining more and more attention of the media and the society. This is reflected in the increasing
occurrence of the
formant
europ-
in articles published by the leading opinion-forming dailies:
Rzeczpospolita
and
Gazeta Wyborcza,
and brought about the need to add new words to our
vocabulary which would allow us to name, explain and judge the often elaborate issues of
Poland joining the
EU,
or more generally
-
the issues of Europe's unification.
In my book, I use the methodology of the linguistic picture of the world (LPW), based on
the reconstruction of a particular element of reality using language analysed and interpreted in
the context of the culture where it was created and where it functions. According to
Jerzy
Bartmiński
and
Ryszard Tokarski, LPW
is "a set of judgements, more or less established
within the language and expressed or implied by the meanings of words that describe objects
outside the linguistic world"
(Bartmiński, Tokarski
1986; 72).
Public opinion polls, popular and often used by the media and politicians, differ from the
research on LPW in that they are temporary in nature as they reflect social moods only at the
time when they are carried out, so. Linguistic-cultural research, on the other hand, provides us
with a more solid representation of the Polish society's political moods. The importance
126 _
Summary
of linguistic research for analyzing social phenomena was stressed by Edward
Sapir,
who said:
'
'for a researcher of the fundamental problems of human culture the knowledge of linguistic
mechanisms will become more and more important as the analysis of social phenomena
progresses. From this point of view
-
he says
-
we can regard language as a symbolic guide to
culture."
In the first chapter of my book, I organize the lexical material taken from dictionaries and
encyclopaedias in order to form a set of features presenting a fairly broad image of Europe
present in the linguistic-cultural consciousness of Polish society.
By reconstructing the picture of Europe in the consciousness of the Polish society I try to
explore the myth of Europe as well as the etymology of the very name. As a result, a number of
features are singled out pertaining to the myth that account for the name Europe; these are:
Europe is the most important and the most valuable of all civilizations; it is chosen by god Zeus
and later on by the Christian God and rules above all others. In the next stage, I trace the
changes in the meaning of the word "Europe" in Polish language starting from
16
century,
when the earliest existing records of the word come from. I use
19
meanings of this lexeme
found in dictionaries and encyclopaedias, and on their basis I single out their constant elements:
the recognition of Europe as a continent or a part of the world, its location, size and relation
with Asia. The majority of these definitions, especially those published before
1939,
is
Europocentric in character. Thus, I also use the encyclopaedic definitions to find out why
Europe was
-
and perhaps still is
-
viewed in this way. The third stage is the analysis of
meanings found in
europ*
formations which indirectly suggest the meanings of the underlying
term
-
Europe. I pay closer attention to such formations as
Europejczyk
(European
-
noun),
europejski
(European
-
adjective), europocentryzm (Eurocentrism), euro- compounds and
semantic derivatives, whose very existence in Polish language points to the fact that the name
"Europe" is deeply rooted in the consciousness of Poles. A lot of useful information comes
form the analysis of such collocations as: a true European, a European in every way, or in the
European way. On the basis of the etymological data from the word Europe and the myth of
Europe, but first and foremost
-
the linguistic data, I have singled out and organized the
features forming the general picture of Europe according to
3
profiles: geographical,
civilizational and institutional. The first profile stresses the greatness
-
or rather the smallness
-
of the European continent and its geographical connection to Asia. The second profile
stressed the civilizational domination over other civilizations, while the third one
-
the
integration tendencies of the present Europe, its free market economy and the resulting
prosperity.
ASA
'90
and ASA
2000
(Bartmiński,
red.
2006) -
surveys carried out in the 1990's among
students in Lublin
-
turned out to be an important source of information on the Poles' attitude
towards Europe. What do the results of these surveys add to the picture of Europe? Europe is
associated mainly with its culture
(20%
of answers in both surveys) and politics. In the first
survey, however, Europe'
s
political division was stressed, while in the second
-
its aspiration
to unification and the international cooperation.
So, how does an average Polish speaker, a representative of Polish culture, picture Europe?
I've gathered over
100
features of the term "Europe" which account for its general picture;
Summary J27
features which I find important for the linguistic-cultural aspect of Europe. This set of features
is a result of an analysis of the system linguistic as well as survey data. I'vegrouped the features
according to the three, already mentioned profiles: geographical, civilizational and in¬
stitutional. I assume that none of them is marked ideologically; rather they demonstrate various
points of view which depend on the context of the communication and can be represented by
the same speaker. The features which account for these profiles constitute collectively a part of
a common cultural base
-
they state what Europe is.
In the second chapter
- '
'Integration
-
Europe in selected texts"
-
I deal with the issue of
two of Europe's profiles in the context of integration which have been present in the Polish
social life over the centuries: Europe as a stronghold and Europe as a community. I've singled
out these two profiles on the basis of analysing textual materials which prove the existence of
two basic points of view on this problem: international processes have been revolving around
viewing Europe as a stronghold and as a community. When viewing Europe as a stronghold is
a form of a judgement of reality, viewing it as a community has been only postulative in nature.
In the third chapter, I set out to find out how the historically and culturally shaped profiles
of Europe are realised by means of the discourse about European integration. Europe- or the
European Union, to be more precise
-
is showed as a stronghold by the opponents of European
integration in their humorous texts, which
1
analyse as well as quote relevant anti-EU articles.
The analysis reveals the division and conflicts of interests present in the life of Polish society,
viewed by the opponents of the integration as real threats: atheization of life, moral relativism,
bureaucracy, propaganda, economic decline and eventually loss on independence. The basis
for all anti-EU jokes is the opposition POLISH NORMS vs. EUROPEAN NORMS: the Polish
norms are shaped by our centuries-old traditions and social norms that have been verified by
generations. The
EU
norms, on the other hand, are an artificial product of bureaucracy, never
put to the test of time; they are something alien destructive that is imposed on us by force. In the
political struggle, mainly before the nationwide referendum on the accession of Poland to the
EU, such
jokes were among the tools used by the opposition to win support.
A fragment of the book titled
'
'European integration in the eyes of its supporters" contains
an analysis of the metaphorical models most commonly found in the articles published by the
supporters of the
EU in
the weekly
"Polityka".
Using the cognitive theory of metaphor by
Lakoff and Johnson
( 1998),
I wanted to take a closer look at how the linguistic picture of the
EU
integration is created and I concluded that this is, first and foremost, a rivalry between the
countries which apply for the membership and those which are already among the members,
but most of all
-
between Poland and the
EU
(metaphors using military expressions,
expressions connected with sport, etc.). There are also metaphors about creating a group of
people with common relations
-
that of a family, house, or an elite social club. European
integration is also regarded as a business opportunity where the sides of the negotiations are the
EU
members and the applicants and the relation between them is that of barter. Europe is also
represented here as a stronghold, but one which instead of fear, raises desire: you just have to be
a member, whatever it takes. It is not really important that Poles are neither a partner nor even
somebody particularly welcome. The only thing that matters is the very presence within the
walls of that stronghold, which will provide wealth and safety.
128_
Summary
I decided to devote a separate section of the book to the metaphor of home, present in the
Polish debate on the
EU, as
it very often occurs in articles on political subjects, also by the
words of Father
Józef
Tischner,
who said:
'
'We often hear that Europe is supposed to be
a common home
f
or all Europeans. The metaphor of "a common home" is a metaphor of
freedom. It therefore means that the new European freedom is supposed to be similar to the one
we have in our own home, where we feel like "ourselves in our own place"
(1998; 23).
By
analysing some of the statements by the Catholic Church hierarchs, following the teachings of
Jan Paul II, and by the journalists from
'
'Gazeta Wyborcza"
and
'
'Polityka"
who represent the
secular discourse, I tried to answer the following question: "do Poles feel in the
EU
like
"themselves in their own place?". Having analysed the metaphors, I concluded that it is the
representatives of the Catholic Church who feel like hosts in the
EU
and they reckon that this is
Poles' rightful place. On the other hand, left-wing secular journalists think that we are mere
guests. Only by analysing the metaphor of the
EU as a
home, can we discern in the social
discourse the presence of another profile of the
EU - '
'Europe as a community"
.
Such a Europe
can ensure equal status for all its members, which means that Poland will also be regarded an
equal. This profile can be found in the
EU
discourse among the Polish clergymen and in
comments inspired by the teachings of the Catholic Church.
Depending on the intentions of its author, a metaphor can have multiple interpretations.
The various
EU
profiles are present in comments by both secular and clerical authors. The
clergymen regard Europe as a cultural formation, to which Poland has belonged from the 10th
century. For the left-wing laymen, on the other hand, Europe is an institution
-
the European
Union
-
whose member we wanted to become. Just like in historical texts, the first profile is
a diagnosis of the reality while the second one is postulative in character. The lack of a common
stance on the place of Poland in Europe makes the dialogue between Poles about the future of
Europe difficult, maybe even impossible.
On the basis of the profiles of Europe defined in the book in the context of European
integration, I tried to take a closer look at the Polish-European relations. The humorous texts
and the corresponding anti-EU journalism present Europe as a stronghold: it strives to broaden
its territory at Poland'sexpense. It is regarded as so dangerous for Poland as it used to be for the
colonized countries; it is as expansive as Prussia or the Nazi Germany used to be on the territory
of Poland. That kind of a stronghold raises fear in Poles and the only defensive reaction we are
capable of is either total ignorance
-
a sign of isolation
-
or attack. However, fear has many
faces, and is also present in the hearts of those within the stronghold
-
most of the
EU was
against the accession of new countries, like Poland. This opposition was caused by the fear that
the
EU
labour market would be flooded with cheap workforce from the new member countries,
which would weaken the Eastern Europeans' sense of security and would lower their status of
living. Thus, Poland was regarded as a threat, which shows that fear was present on both sides.
We can present this situation using the metaphor of "house" created by Father
Józef
Tischner
in his book titled
'
'Filozofia dramatu" (
'
'The Philosophy of Drama"):
'
'Man builds the walls of
a house. The walls become thicker and thicker in direct proportion to the fear gathering within
them. The house turns into a castle, a stronghold. It is no longer just a place of living. Now its
role is to dominate over the surrounding area and everyone who lives there. Now its
Summary
1 29
purpose is to raise fear. It is no longer a house
-
it is a warning and a threat at the same time"
(Tischner 1990; 198).
Europe as a stronghold protecting the safety and well-being of its
dwellers raises fear as well as is itself afraid. Its main constituent is fear. The opponents of
Poland's entering such a stronghold try to create some sort of an alternative; they try to lock
themselves in their own stronghold in order to start, in due time, unifying Europe
-
and maybe
even the world
-
on their own. This is the message in the comments of many politicians and
journalists who oppose the integration of the
EU
which, by denying Europe'
s
Christian identity,
is not its rightful heir, although such is its claim.
It is interesting that the
EU, just
like Europe from the end of
XVIII
and throughout
XIX
century
-
the time when Poland lost its independence
-
is also the object of admiration (mainly
by the Left) and criticism (mainly by the Right). It seems that it is a continuation of certain
traditions, heritage of the common relations with Western Europe. What is more, the Left
regards the
EU as
the heir of Europe-the stronghold, while the Right denies it by pointing to all
EU's
vices, and to the fact that the
EU
is not yet ready to be the heir of the Europe that, among
other things, saw Poland as Europe's bulwark and a bridge between the East and the West.
Depending on the point of view, Poland is regarded in the social discourse either as
Europe
'
s
bul
wark
-
a part of the
EU,
the stronghold, protecting the safety and well-being of its
dwellers; or as the centre of Europe, its heart, a bridge between two Christian and European
traditions: the East and the West. This opposition stems from the multiple interpretations of the
very term "Europe": for some of us, it is tantamount to the "European Union" which Poland
joined a few years ago, for others
-
it stands for the civilization shaped in the Middle Ages,
whose part Poland has been for over a millennium. This difference is important for the role of
Poland in Europe and for the power of its vote in debates on the future of the Old Continent.
Thus, we have two profiles of Europe represented by two socially based points of view.
They are the following:
1.
Europe is viewed as a stronghold by a realist (pragmatist)
-
a person whose judgements
are based on reality, who takes facts into consideration, represents a commonsensical approach
to the process of European integration in the institutional framework of the
EU.
He knows all
the limitations
-
especially the economic ones
-
of this process. It is typical of
EU
officials
(liberal discourse).
2.
Europe is viewed as a community by an idealist (visionary)
-
a man who judges the
situation as better that it really is, who strongly believes that European integration can one day
engulf all the countries belonging to the European civilization
-
the East and the West of the
continent. He knows the history of the European culture, the ideal and values he wants to realize
in a common Europe. He shares the mode of thinking represented by the Catholic Church,
especially that following the teachings of John Paul II (conservative discourse).
In the social discourse until
2004,
the institutional Europe was regarded as a stronghold by
the supporters of the
EU as
well as by its opponents. The former desired it as the place where
you just have to be for your own benefit. For the latter it was a stronghold of fear, threatening
Polish morality, economy and sovereignty.
After
2004,
when Poland became
a EU
member, the discourse in Poland changed: now we
look at the
EU
from the point of view of a dweller of that stronghold. However, many of us
130
Summary
remain still true to John Paul II'
s
words that Europe must be regarded as a community of
countries and nations which come from a common, eastern and western, Christian tradition.
The ancient opposition of spirit against matter is clearly visible here: the spirit strives to unity,
the matter
-
to division.
Translating:
Bartłomiej Czuwam |
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| format | Book |
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| geographic | Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 gnd Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Europa Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV036778465 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-01-02T11:32:58Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788322729991 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020695169 |
| oclc_num | 705972654 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 148 s. 24 cm. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Żuk, Grzegorz Verfasser (DE-588)1034623397 aut Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym Grzegorz Żuk Lublin Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej 2010 148 s. 24 cm. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in dt. u. engl. Sprache Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd rswk-swf Wahrnehmung (DE-588)4064317-7 gnd rswk-swf Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Europa (DE-588)4015701-5 g Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Wahrnehmung (DE-588)4064317-7 s DE-604 Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 b Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020695169&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020695169&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Żuk, Grzegorz Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd Wahrnehmung (DE-588)4064317-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)5098525-5 (DE-588)4064317-7 (DE-588)4015701-5 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym |
| title_auth | Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym |
| title_exact_search | Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym |
| title_full | Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym Grzegorz Żuk |
| title_fullStr | Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym Grzegorz Żuk |
| title_full_unstemmed | Twierdza czy wspólnota? Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym Grzegorz Żuk |
| title_short | Twierdza czy wspólnota? |
| title_sort | twierdza czy wspolnota europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym |
| title_sub | Europa w polskim dyskursie publicznym |
| topic | Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd Wahrnehmung (DE-588)4064317-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Europäische Union Wahrnehmung Europa Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020695169&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020695169&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT zukgrzegorz twierdzaczywspolnotaeuropawpolskimdyskursiepublicznym |