Imeto Makedonija: istorija, pravo, politika
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Macedonian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Skopje
Jugoreklam
2009
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., mazedon. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 442 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789989521027 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text |
СОДРЖИНА
Кратенки
9
Предговор
13
Вовед
15
1.
Митот, народ от и
нацијата
21
2.
Територија,
народ и име
51
3.
Аспирации
врз
Македонија
низ
историјата
69
4.
Името
-
оска на
опстојување
и
разликување
91
5.
Традицијата
и државно-правните форми
109
6.
Осамостојувањето
и отпорите
128
7.
Балканските „игри без граници"
150
8.
Реалниот проблем
-
малцинството и бегалците
189
9.
Меѓународно-правниот третман
218
10.
„Преговорите"
во
рамките
на ОН
243
11.
Неименувањето
во
Привремената спогодба
273
12.
Притисок на
јавното мислење
и на
дијаспората
283
13.
Последиците по
развојот
313
14.
Антиинтеграциски
тенденции
325
15.
Политичката манипулација
355
16.
Неизбежное™ на „резултатот"
379
17.
Заклучок
397
18.
Summary
403
Прилози
409
Индекс на
имиња
425
Користена
литература
435
Медиуми
441
Веб-страници
443
Други извори
444
SUMMARY
"We must change
-
so we can keep something"
Franklin D. Roosevelt
The decades-long, the relentless and persistent campaign waged by official Athens,
or rather Greece's governing parties and clerical structures, in defining and imposing
the irrational and already lost battle to monopolize the name "Macedonia", used all
available resources and "arguments" in the name dispute with the Republic of
Macedonia to uphold its imagined dominant position in this part of the Balkans.
During the disintegration of the former Yugoslav federation
(1991-1993),
the Greek
approach to the new state
-
the Republic of Macedonia
-
rested on its irrational con¬
viction that the northern neighbor would not survive, complemented by its historical
obsession that the Serbian and Greek occupation and partition of the greatest part of
Macedonia's territory after the Balkan Wars was definite as verified by a number of
international treaties. Consequently, after the Republic of Macedonia declared its in¬
dependence in
1991,
official Athens continuously insisted on its new neighbor's eco¬
nomic weakness, internal political conditions and especially tensions in interethnic
relations. But whenever the name dispute came to the forefront, Athens, although not
always publically and with an inconstant success record, resorted to repeated denial
of the Macedonian national identity (the denomination of its nation, language, Church,
*·)
as manifested by some neighboring communities in the region, and especially
the denials coming from Sofia.
Identifying itself with the name Macedonia over the centuries, but especially after
the appearance of the first cracks in the Ottoman Empire and the issuing announce¬
ments for encroachment of Macedonian territory by neighboring kingdoms, the
Macedonian population reinforced the idea of independent arrangement of its mat-
tos- it was clear that the emancipation of the Macedonian uniqueness was consider-
Щ
boosted by the unambiguous determination of the central Macedonian popula-
on f°r maintaining the territorial integrity of the historical region Macedonia that
stretched back to Antiquity. The peak of this centennial determination was the cre¬
ation of a state called Macedonia on that very geographical territory, established
404
Виктор Габер
ИМЕТО
МАКЕДОНИЈА
_
through the cultural and cognitive processes for preservation of the Macedonian
uniqueness in relation to its neighbors, and especially the other Slavic peoples.
Greek insistence on exclusivity in the right to use the term Macedonia and its par¬
allel denial of use of this term as a basis for the right to self-determination of identity
of a non-Greek ethnic community inhabiting that same territory derived, among else,
from its need and expectations to circle the process of assimilation of non-Greek
speaking population in the southern, Aegean part of Macedonia that Greece first beset
in
1913.
The Greek conviction that by resorting to their more advanced economic
status and state organization, as well as the insistence on ripping the "laurels" of
"their" Hellenistic contribution to civilization will help them in Hellenizing the ortho¬
dox population in Macedonia, Thrace and Southern Epirus collided with the reality of
the fixed Macedonian national belonging and the struggle of the Macedonian nation
to establish its own state. This struggle and the establishment of the Macedonian state
after World War II opened Pandora's Box of minority rights in Greece, making it one
of the few states failing to ratify both the Convention for the Protection of Minorities
and the Charter on Regional and Minority Languages.
International relations will continue to be burdened for years to come by demands
for application of standards promulgated in international conventions in the area of
human and especially minority rights. Congruous application is most often demanded
by nongovernmental organizations, but also specialized state and international bodies
and forums. A dilemma remains
-
Why are states, whose representatives participated
in the adoption of those very standards, far more restrictive in their implementation,
constantly devising modalities to avoid their practical execution? The answer can
partially and indirectly be pinned to the success, defined as the highest economic and
social achievement, of those very few that successfully implement the standards on
daily basis, such as the Scandinavian states for example.
The present analysis opens an additional question
-
How is it that the most impor¬
tant international players impose upon the Republic of Macedonia a series of so-far
unrecorded obligations in its process of Euro-Atlantic integration, while being utterly
incapable of forcing Greece implement international standards on minority protec¬
tion, and thus eliminating the only real problem in the name dispute with the Republic
of Macedonia? And what are the limits of international community intervention in
narrowing certain state sovereignty to secure the implementation of widely accepted
international conventions?
Consequently, the minority question remains a major element in narrowing down
the room for maneuvering, impeding Greece to position itself constructively in the
name dispute with the Republic of Macedonia. Seen though Greek lenses, the name
of the country should have defined, portrayed a state occupying certain geographical
SUMMARY
405
space, never to be associated with the identity of the largest number of citizens in the
Republic of Macedonia or even the same-speaking element of citizens in Greece who
consider themselves ethnic Macedonians. The reality, whereby the name describes
the identity of the Macedonian nation and the Macedonian ethnic community in
Greece, apart from the historical connotation of the non-Hellenic character of ancient
Macedonians, raises doubts around Athens' century-long official policy of denial of
the existence of a Macedonian ethnic community in Greece. Contrary to this, by ac¬
cepting this reality, it will have to come to terms with the resulting corrections of the
inherited historical "truths" related to its distant and more recent past that had been
unwrapping on the territory of modern Greece, revise the period linked to all war and
post-war events, reinstate citizenship to all Macedonian refugees (and their descen-
dents) from the Greek Civil War, which translates into their right to regain property
rights and the right to enjoy that property. Property and territory represent
inextir¬
pable
part of the stereotypical reading of concepts like nation and identity, stemming
from the nationalistic psychology that characterized the last two centuries and pro¬
duced innumerable tragedies, a psychology that is presently seriously challenged and
restrained by the wave of modem, European, liberal and multinational psychology.
When will the Balkan barricades against the penetration of this European future be
finally lifted?
The inevitable involvement of official European Union and US representatives in
the treatment of the Republic of Macedonia name dispute in the past
17
years has
fluctuated according to their prevailing interests of the day, although there has always
been one constant: after each meeting and talks with representatives of the "party of
Ље
first part" (Greece) or the "party of the second part" (Republic of Macedonia) they
wre
"understanding" of the positions held by their interlocutors. Statement intona¬
tion in both Athens and Skopje was not very much different from that of the host
government. They were always understanding of their host's position, passingly stat¬
ing their
"expectation that the differences on the name will be overcome soon; contribut¬
ing to a faster development of bilateral ties and regional stability.
"
Their position was awkward, to say the least. One of the parties was member of the
European club, portraying the name dispute as an existential danger first, and degra¬
dation of its cultural tradition later. On the other hand, although conscious that the
geo-strategic relevance of Greece had objectively declined after the end of the Cold
War. the Americans were still not ready for major turbulences in vicinity of the per¬
cent Arab (Palestinian)-Israeli conflict and the potential "return" of Russian influ-
йсе
in the Mediterranean and the Arab world. A common denominator, although not
406
Виктор Габер
ИМЕТО
МАКЕДОНИЈА
_
always clearly defined in their public appearances, was their effort to separate be¬
tween the Macedonian state name issue and the denomination of the Macedonian
people (nation) and its language.
Faced by political opposition criticism, complemented by the opinion of important
individuals who felt relevant enough to present to the public their own views on the
dispute, the steps taken by all Macedonian governments in the past
17
years have led
to a moderate and non-conflicting impact on the wider identification of national iden¬
tity with the term Macedonia. After every single "battle" in the Republic of Macedonia
name dispute, the "generals" assertively notified the mistakes and gathered the lau¬
rels. They exhausted themselves with "analyses" and comments on the mistakes made
by the highest state representatives involved in the dispute. There were fierce attacks
on UN Security Council Resolution
817
of
1993,
the signing of the Interim Agreement
with the "party of the first part" (Greece), the decision not to file lawsuit at the
International Court of Justice prior and after UN membership, the insistence/aban¬
donment of the "double formula", granting concessions, claiming that the dispute is
pf bilateral character, contemplating whether results will ensue by resorting to politi¬
cal means or by waging legal (court) battles, and so on and so forth.
.
Even if, academically speaking, discussions on the measures undertaken by the
Macedonian leadership had been minimally grounded, they, contrary to Greek prac¬
tice, reflected the incoherent state of understanding how foreign policy is conducted
and national interests defended. The behavior of elected representatives was particu¬
larly worrying as they perceived the dispute over the name of the country they repre¬
sent as an additional tool in the effort to debase their political opponents. The trend
was intensified by enormous media coverage and journalists who in their daily mar¬
ket-oriented engagement often commented indiscreetly and emotionally on issues
highly sensitive to the name dispute process and engagement. The verbal and written
traces left behind in the treatment of the name dispute are incomprehensible (the word
"negotiations" is used on almost daily basis, the reference grew into "name", no dis¬
tinction was made between recognition of state and "recognition" of language
äad
nation, differing views among Cabinets were elevated to national tragedy so we end¬
ed up with "traitors" and "patriots".
.).
In this light, the highly incomprehensible be¬
havior of Brussels bureaucrats in implementing the policies of European elites re¬
garding the Euro-Atlantic integration of the Republic of Macedonia only added to the
increased interest on the Macedonian citizens in the process, their inhibition and obvi¬
ous national exclusiveness that unavoidably reflected both on the country's internal
political, democratic and economic development and its interethnic relations.
The resulting unavoidable longevity of the dispute over the name of the Republic
of Macedonia does not bring good prospects in the relations between the two neigh-
SUMMARY
407
bors,
the Macedonians and the Greeks. The dispute definitely influences negatively
their economic and democratic development, despite the present economic dispropor¬
tion on the Greek side. Yet, despite the obvious political polarization of the national
Macedonian body, the dispute over their country's name brought about an unparal¬
leled process of national homogenization perpetuated by the exposition of enormous
energy in the definition of identity, which in the case of other nations, was often al¬
most exclusively obtained after great tragedies and liberation wars. Following the
peaceful dissociation from the former federation, it seems like this dispute is yet an¬
other confirmation of the mentality of the common Macedonian, his/her perception of
relations with the neighbors and the conviction that due to his/her peculiar existence,
there is no force that could impose any identity change upon him. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
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| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-03-28T17:02:38Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789989521027 |
| language | Macedonian |
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| spellingShingle | Gaber, Viktor Imeto Makedonija istorija, pravo, politika Ländername (DE-588)4166408-5 gnd Kontroverse (DE-588)4128337-5 gnd Politische Identität (DE-588)4129611-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4166408-5 (DE-588)4128337-5 (DE-588)4129611-4 (DE-588)1181214262 (DE-588)4022047-3 |
| title | Imeto Makedonija istorija, pravo, politika |
| title_auth | Imeto Makedonija istorija, pravo, politika |
| title_exact_search | Imeto Makedonija istorija, pravo, politika |
| title_full | Imeto Makedonija istorija, pravo, politika Viktor Gaber |
| title_fullStr | Imeto Makedonija istorija, pravo, politika Viktor Gaber |
| title_full_unstemmed | Imeto Makedonija istorija, pravo, politika Viktor Gaber |
| title_short | Imeto Makedonija |
| title_sort | imeto makedonija istorija pravo politika |
| title_sub | istorija, pravo, politika |
| topic | Ländername (DE-588)4166408-5 gnd Kontroverse (DE-588)4128337-5 gnd Politische Identität (DE-588)4129611-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Ländername Kontroverse Politische Identität Nordmazedonien Griechenland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020688093&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020688093&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT gaberviktor imetomakedonijaistorijapravopolitika |