Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m.: neutraliteto iliuzijos
Saved in:
| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Lithuanian |
| Published: |
Vilnius
Baltos Lankos
2010
|
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T։ Lithuania in 1938 and 1939: illusions of neutrality |
| Physical Description: | 391 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789955233718 |
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Record in the Search Index
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|---|---|
| adam_text |
тіш
Pratarmé
. 9
I.
ţvadas:
trys klausimai viena
tema
.„. 13
II.
IŠorinis posukio
j
neutralitet^ diskursas
it
potekstés
. 23
III.
Naujojo kurso agentai, motyvai
if
slenksčiai.
46
IV.
Kovo
ydos ir
baltiškojo neutraliteto
asimetrijos ženklai
. 91
V.
1939
met\j vasaros politinés aktualijos
. 146
VI.
Alternatyva paieškos
ir gaümybés
pasipriešinti
neutraliteto politikos regimybei
. 180
VII.
Epilogas,
árba kodéi
1939
m. Baltijos
juros
šiaurryčiuose
nerasta geopolitinio
sãugumo
Arkadija?
. 250
Pfiedai (dokumentál)
. 255
Saltiniai
ir literatura
. 363
Asmenvardžiii rodyklé
. 374
Santrauka anglu.
kaiba .
378
SUMMARY
The political history of the three Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia and
Estonia) in the so-called short twentieth century was dynamic and
impressive. After the Great War
(1914—1918)
the three empires that
formerly dominated Eastern and Central Europe, namely Russia,
Germany and
Au s
tro
-Hungary, disappeared. Meanwhile, the political
systems and international relations in Europe and the world took a
more liberal and democratic turn, and the Baltic States won a seemin¬
gly unique opportunity to appear on the political stage of Europe.
Lithuania freed itself from its domination by Russia, which had las¬
ted for over a hundred years, and eventually restored its sovereignty,
whereas the Latvians and Estonians, for the first time in the political
history of their nations, established independent nation-states. Thus,
with the different balance of power that formed in Europe after the
Great War, which suited better the expectations of enslaved nations,
and with the principle of the self-determination of nations enshrined
in international law, on the political map of Europe, in addition to
other new nation-states, the three independent Baltic States emerged
on the northeast shores of the Baltic Sea intending to hold a position
Ín
the political pantheon of Europe for a long time.
Unfortunately, the hopes of great minds and architects of the
post-war international politics of the early twentieth century, such as
the US president Woodrow Wilson, the British prime minister Lloyd
George and the French prime minister
Aristide Briand,
that the new
post-war Europe would be more peaceful, politically secure and just,
only materialised with great difficulty. The geopolitical foundations
of the Versailles settlement born backstage at the Paris Peace Confer¬
ence in the spring and summer of
1919
were too narrow and fragile,
and the idea of a collective security doctrine, which was intended as
a strengthening factor, seemed too idealistic, impractical and unfea-
384
sible
to players on the European political scene, including both the
leading and the minor players. Therefore, the publicly declared noble
principles and idealism in the so-called high politics (particularly in its
secret undercurrents) and international relations soon began to be
replaced by a more pragmatic yet tested trend, though with a whiff
of moral emptiness and even cynicism, that is, the politics of realism
(Rea/poBik).
The British were looking back to the history of their weakening
empíre,
and quite rapidly drifted towards a policy with the traditional
balance of power. The French, exhausted and frightened by the war,
could not decide what was more important to them: whether to create
a vast anti-German front of willing states and to hold the defeated
but still strong and dangerous former enemy down, or to forget past
injuries in a magnanimous way and seek only the political leadership
of continental Europe. It seemed that British nostalgia for history and
French doubts, along with a political inferiority complex, could be
appeased by the United States of America, which was rising rapidly in
the high politics of the period, or rather by the invasion of Europe
by American moral and political authority and economic power. How¬
ever, almost immediately after the Paris Peace Conference, American
political and moral potential 'returned' across the Atlantic. The USA
took the road of missionary poHtics, and hid from the world. like a
medieval knight after a successful crusade to the Promised Land, the
USA returned to its castle and raised the drawbridge: the government
of the United States did not sign the Treaty of Versailles, and even
rejected the idea of participating in the
activités
of the League of
Nations. Supporters of the USA's isolation triumphed, while Europe,
burdened with post-war debt, was left to get bogged down in the
quagmire of its internal geopolitical contradictions.
The political horizon of Europe became even further clouded
when Bolshevism showed that it was going to be around for a long
time in Russia, and this Eurasian power turned away quite radically
from the cultural traditions of liberal politics that were characteristic
of Western Europe, whereas the economic engine of the Old Conti¬
nent, that is, defeated, humiliated and ambitious Germany, remained
385
on the threshold of the newly designed palace of collective security
in Europe. All these facts clearly indicated that the Old Continent had
lost the immanent geopolitical balance that it had possessed before
the Great War, and was unable to create a new one on its own, since
nearly a dozen new states that were created as a consequence of the
war, and agreeing little among themselves geopolitically, could not
counterbalance the stabilising potential of the three undemocratic
empires which had gone up in flames in the war. The core of the
situation was such that Europe (which even
Ín
the nineteenth century
proudly considered itself to be an almost perfect and the most stable
form of historic progress), along with nearly the rest of the world,
appeared to be on the brink of international anarchy when the fear
of a new war in the minds and imaginations of Europeans was grow¬
ing much faster than the hopes of maintaining a long-term peace.
It became quite obvious in the late
1920s
and early
1930s,
when the
silence of the liberal economy and proprietary individualism were
suddenly shattered by the great depression, international relations
were more and more often disrupted by regional military conflicts
(Japan against China, Italy against Abyssinia/Ethiopia, the Spanish
Civil War), and on
31
August
1935
the American president Franklin
Roosevelt signed a law on neutrality. Before long, the 'triumph' of
this policy in the USA was echoed in Europe. In
1936,
declaring its
neutrality, Belgium shed its armour of a collective security doctrine.
Slightly later, this path was also chosen by a string of Scandinavian
countries, followed by the three Baltic States, which, disregarding
their geopolitical positions, principles of balancing and consistency
Ín
foreign policy, joined the neutrality policy parade.
The international position of the Baltic States, their foreign policy
and their geopolitical orientations in the inter-war period and on the
eve of the Second World War, have all been discussed in Lithuanian
and foreign historiography many times. Various research-based arti¬
cles and monographs, as weU as valuable documents relating to the
subject, have been published. In the last few years, the problems
of Baltic political history have also attracted substantial attention,
when after the nearly simultaneous collapse of the Iron Curtain and
386
the Soviet Union, the archives of the Russian Federation were made
more open and important new historical sources became available
to scholars, which produced new opinions, interpretations and gene¬
ralisations on events, facts and the work of famous political figures.
But it seems that creators of the academic theatre of history in their
synthetic and generalising studies reconstructing the history
oí
Eu¬
ropean international relations in the mid-twentieth century, as weH
as the genesis and progress of the international crisis of
1938—1939,
sometimes fail to duly notice and reflect on relevant issues in the
Baltic States. In some instances, the three countries seem to be left
on the periphery, or even outside political events in Europe. This
position can be understood when interpreting history from the typical
position of foreign researchers where the issue of the Baltic States in
the context of high politics is indeed not as conspicuous and interest¬
ing. However, the situation changes radically if this issue is analysed
within the framework of the geopolitical tensions of Lithuania or the
three Baltic States, since any aspect of a shift in the high politics of
all of Europe has always been important to the Baltic region. Thus,
the methodological credo of this study is a consistent analysis of
Lithuanian foreign policy during the international crisis of
1939
and
the interaction of the context of the crisis with the foreign policy that
was then pursued by the Baltic States, as well as the possibilities for a
consensus. Metaphorically speaking, this book is an attempt to look
from the foot of international relations to the peak, and vice versa.
This study has been constructed on the basis of the relevant his-
toriographical discourse, old and new historical sources, and provo¬
king an unofficial polylogue with other authors. It intends to answer
three underlying questions:
1)
What external factors on the eve of the
international crisis affected most the international position and the
foreign policy of the Baltic States?
2)
Was the passive nature of the
policy of neutrality pursued in
1939
in that geopolitical area justifiable
and rational, given the continually changing balance and relations of
external powers?
3)
Did the Baltic States feel they were a sufficiently
autonomous and functional subject of international relations during
the international crisis when the Versailles settlement started to crack.
387
Did they see alternatives for their foreign policy, or did they view the
surrounding events as a certain^r«
majeure,
and merely inertly drifted
in the backwater of high politics? In other words, the question is
whether, on the eve and in the early stages of the Second World War
(when the former political map of Europe was torn up and its politi¬
cal course altered), the fates of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia were
determined only by the clashes of interests of great political powers
(unfavourable to the three Baltic States), or whether the conjuncture
of their forces, their differentiation and transformation or maybe
their fates were also determined by the public political maturity of the
three Baltic States, their political will, their readiness for active steps
and the professional sophistication of their leaders (the efficiency of
the diplomatic interplay between the three states, the ability to listen
and understand their neighbours' arguments, the art of adjusting dif¬
ferent positions and efforts, as well as their capability to grasp and
react appropriately to the rapidly changing political processes and the
threatening international challenges).
The research indicates that the statement often appearing in histo-
ricaJ scholarship that, with the international crisis gradually deepening
on the eve of the Second World War, the three Baltic States did not
have any real political choices in the international framework, and
were merely hostages o£ the inauspicious high politics and the geo¬
political situation, is not actually substantiated by any facts, and as
such is historiographically incorrect. The elites and governments of
Lithuania and its northern neighbours saw and discussed the pos¬
sible alternatives for their foreign policy, explored their feasibility via
diplomatic channels, but, for several internal and external reasons,
the countries in question were unable to implement the projected
alternatives in their foreign policy.
Firstly, the fact that the Baltic States had some room for political
manoeuvre and used it to some extent is evidenced at least by their
quite radical but determined withdrawal from the cracking collec¬
tive security system of Europe, which happened after analysing and
discussing (though for rather different reasons) the international si¬
tuation, and by a certain political vegetation, that is, the politics of
388
passive neutrahty,
chosen at the critical moment. It would be quite
difficult to claim that they did not participate at all in determining the
international climate in Europe, and did not have any choices in the
broader political framework. On the contrary, given the political and
diplomatic opinions in Europe at that time, that is, the position of
foreign states concerning their choice, it ought to be stated that the
Baltic States showed determination, courage and strength by turning
towards neutrality, because supporters of the neutrality alternative
were greatly outnumbered by harsh, or at least moderate, opponents.
Thus, during the international crisis in Europe in
1938
and
1939,
Lith¬
uania, Latvia and Estonia actually had the possibility to remain loyal
to the security system set up by the League of Nations, the imperative
of chapter
16
of its treaty, and thereby to block the erosion of that
pacification system as well as they could. Whether such a position
would have formed a worse international position for the Baltic States
than the one into which they plunged with their policy of neutrality
from the autumn of
1939
to the summer of
1940
is doubtful, and
it remains only a hypothesis. However, looking at the issue from the
position of post-modern historiography, and evaluating it in terms of
the so-called alternative history» a scenario can be discussed by which
a similar or the exact approach as the one hypothesised above could
have helped to prevent the tragic consequences of the Molotov-Ri-
bentropp Pact, and after the crisis and the war, the Baltic States could
have emerged into a more advantageous international situation.
Secondly, upon choosing neutrality, the Baltic States did not have
to remain as passive extras in international processes and act only
according to the scenario set by those who directed high politics. We
must agree with the opinion, often expressed in historiography, that
the Baltic Entente could have strengthened considerably its interna¬
tional standing by consolidating its military forces and tightening its
internal political integration. It must also be noted that after their
relatively epigonous mutual polemic, one more parallel in establishing
the politics of neutrality remained unimplemented, that is, the initia¬
tive to fortify the unilaterally declared neutrality with the support of
foreign states and international guarantees.
Attempńng
to maintain a
389
balance
between the respectful attitude of traditional historiography
towards facts and the increasingly pervasive moral rhetoric of the last
few decades, it can be concluded that in
І938
and
1939
the security
of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, as well as their foreign policy alter¬
natives, were corrupted both by the adverse Germany-Poland-USSR
political balance and by the internal problems of the Baltic Entente
itself. The main factors preventing the Baltic States from weathering
the rough seas of that period were frequently overly different ge¬
opolitical tendencies, uneven relationships with larger neighbours,
the consequences of previous political disintegration, the insufficient
maturity of civil and democratic institutions, undemocratic internal
regimes in the three Baltic States (which inter alia affected negatively
their foreign policy) and the often incompatible interests, as well as
the relatively minor political, economic and cultural integration of the
three states: competition verging on mistrust or even irrational envy,
and insufficient political and cultural ties with democratic Western
Europe (which, accordingly, conditioned the latter's passive attitude
towards the three countries).
Thirdly, on the eve of the Second World War, the policy and its
alternatives in the three Baltic States were clearly determined not
only by the Machiavellian political struggle of the large totalitarian
neighbours, that
Ís,
the Third Reich and the USSR, for a better stra¬
tegic position before the crucial fight, or the hopeless hesitation of
Poland, but also by the failed attempts and the rather disreputable
methods of the large democratic powers of Europe (particularly the
policy of appeasement)
Ín
solving the deepening international crisis,
curbing potential aggressors and pacifying Europe. Therefore, the
controversial choice of the policy of neutrality by Lithuania, Latvia
and Estonia, along with its equally controversial progress and other
unapplied political alternatives on the eve of the war, seemed to de¬
epen the political crisis all over Europe and the chain of failures in
the high politics of the Old Continent democracies.
Considering the policy pursued by Lithuania and the other Baltic
States in
1939
from such an angle of critical self-reflection, even in
the face of the eventual international crisis, the metaphysical (sup-
390
posedly
fateful or apocalyptic) description of their geopolitical posi¬
tion falters with the developing possibility of prevailing over adverse
external factors or coincidences along with the emerging prospect of
historical survival for the three small states on the northeast shores
of the Baltic Sea. Thus, whether the security dimension of the three
Baltic States will gain momentum and become an organic part of
the security system of Western Europe in the future wiU depend not
only on the ambitions of Brussels, Washington and other acknowl¬
edged epicentres of the so-called high politics, but also on Vilnius'
Riga's and Tallinn's political will, insight, geopolitical leaning, their
evaluation of international processes and their modelling, and their
readiness to act today efficiently and naturally on the memories of
the lessons of history. Optimism strengthened by hope seems to
be in order. Today's post-modern information technology culture
Ín
the early twenty-first century has evolved from various controversial
problematical parallels of globalisation, including economic, financial,
political, ethnic and security issues, also bound by Western democracy
and the future destination to ensure that the national identity requires
united political efforts by all of the civilised community. However,
even contemplating such optimistic categories of historic futurism,
the question of where well-rounded, 'civilised', enlightened and civic
communities are to be found remains rhetorical.
Vérié
Una
Guobienè
391 |
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| indexdate | 2025-01-07T13:11:25Z |
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| publisher | Baltos Lankos |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Kasparavičius, Algimantas 1962- Verfasser (DE-588)132778297 aut Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos Algimantas Kasparavičius Vilnius Baltos Lankos 2010 391 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T։ Lithuania in 1938 and 1939: illusions of neutrality Geschichte 1938-1939 gnd rswk-swf Neutralität (DE-588)4041958-7 gnd rswk-swf Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd rswk-swf Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 gnd rswk-swf Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 g Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 s Neutralität (DE-588)4041958-7 s Geschichte 1938-1939 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020646186&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020646186&sequence=000006&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Kasparavičius, Algimantas 1962- Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos Neutralität (DE-588)4041958-7 gnd Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4041958-7 (DE-588)4072885-7 (DE-588)4074266-0 |
| title | Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos |
| title_auth | Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos |
| title_exact_search | Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos |
| title_full | Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos Algimantas Kasparavičius |
| title_fullStr | Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos Algimantas Kasparavičius |
| title_full_unstemmed | Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. neutraliteto iliuzijos Algimantas Kasparavičius |
| title_short | Lietuva 1938 - 1939 m. |
| title_sort | lietuva 1938 1939 m neutraliteto iliuzijos |
| title_sub | neutraliteto iliuzijos |
| topic | Neutralität (DE-588)4041958-7 gnd Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Neutralität Internationale Politik Litauen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020646186&sequence=000005&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020646186&sequence=000006&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kasparaviciusalgimantas lietuva19381939mneutralitetoiliuzijos |