Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Inst. za Međunarodnu Politiku i Privredu
2010
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Repression in the post-participative order |
| Beschreibung: | 259 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788670671324 |
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| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b Inst. za Međunarodnu Politiku i Privredu |c 2010 | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | САДРЖАЈ:
УВОД
.................................................................................................. 7
1.
КАЗНЕНА ПОЛИТИКА
KAO
ФОРМА
СТРУКТУРНОГ
НАСИЉА
Перспектива прозирности политичког система
........................ 16
Структурно насшье
...................................................................... 19
Однос насшьа и легитимних потреба
........................................ 23
Систематичност и недискриминативност
.................................. 35
Социјалне
околности структурног
насшьа
................................ 37
2.
ПОРЕДАК
KAO
ОСНОВА
ОПРАВДАВАЊА
КОНТРОЛНЕ ПОЛИТИКЕ
Феномени „отете
државе и „пропале државе
као
граничне
категорије
за расправу
.......................................... 46
Грађанска
непослушност као
колективна
акција......................
49
Реаговање
државе на друштвени бунт
са тачке гледишта
колективне
акције.........................................
53
Политичко насшье као изазов за контролну политику
............ 63
Проблеми
у вези са
стратификацијом
и
рестратификацијом
.. 67
3.
„ОРГАНИЗОВАНИ КРИМИНАЛ
KAO
ПРЕДЛОЖАК
ЗА КОНТРОЛНУ ПОЛИТИКУ
Карактеристике и
дефиниције организованог
криминала
....... 75
Друштвени
услови
за
развој
организованог криминала
кроз трговину наркотицима: САД и
Латинска
Америка
.......... 86
Културолошки условлен организовани криминал:
азијски
модел................................................................................
98
5
Улога казне
у
савременој полиархичној демократији
Последние економских и
културних узрока
организованог
криминала за контролну политику..................
103
4.
СЕКУРИТИЗАЦИЈА ОБАВЕШТАЈНОГ
СЕКТОРА
И
„КРИМИНАЛИСТИЧКИ ОБАВЕШТАШИ
РАД
Методе
преузете
из класичног
у
криминалистички обавештајни
рад
....................................... 110
Sigint
у традиционалном безбедносном контексту
.................. 110
Специфичности и ризици криминалистичког
обавештајног
рада
....................................................................... 119
Основно
питанье о
појму
тероризма
као одредници
безбедносне политике САД
....................................................... 125
Морализаторска
реторика
о
тероризму
и
њен спољнополитички значај.................................................
134
„Секуритизација
Балкана
......................................................... 138
Импликације
ратничке антитерористичке
стратегије
САД за Балкан
.......................................................... 146
Замка
репресије
........................................................................... 159
5.
„БЕЗБЕДНОСНА ДРЖАВА И
ЈАВНА
ПОЛИТИКА
„Закон и „законитост
............................................................... 164
Заједништво
или „саборност :
ослањајући
се на
Николаја Лоског
................................................................ 170
Институције
................................................................................. 188
Грађанско друштво
..................................................................... 195
Јавна
политика
............................................................................. 205
Смисао поретка
........................................................................... 217
Толеранција
.................................................................................. 228
Потреба за афирмативном државом
.......................................... 236
SUMMARY
....................................................................................... 245
ИНДЕКС
............................................................................................ 249
SUMMARY
REPRESSION IN THE POST-PARTCCIPATIVE
ORDER
The book deals with the models of repression as they have evolved through
the modern history of democratic governance, from the classical liberal
democratic states to the modern post-liberal security or police states marked by
fear of terrorism and organized crime, and by the respective narrowing down of
civil rights and the quality of democratic participation.
The author discusses repression (with legal punishment taken only as the
extreme of it
wimin
a political system) as essentially a structural part of social
organization. According to the logic of what sociology knows as structural
violence , such structurally caused repression is more pronounced in more
austere systems of social norms and social controls. The very emergence of the
liberal state and liberal ideology itself was due to concerns over the role and
limits of legitimacy of the state in exercising its right to structural violence or
repression, including penalties. However, the modem security threats, including
organized crime and terrorism, have shifted the constellations of values of
modern democracies, and have reversed the liberal trend of insisting on the
minimal state. Slates that have once championed liberal democracy have today
become post-liberal societies, with dramatically swollen security and repressive
systems and increasing tendencies to further diminish the realm of human and
civil rights, including the right to privacy. Perhaps the most important theoretical
consequence of such societal and institutional change is the defeat of liberalism.
At the same time, the emergence of post-liberal security states highlights generic
issues cocnerning the nature of human society, including the concept of organic
society and the range of requisite citizen-participation in institutional decision-
making. The author argues mat organic societies have not only proven their
capacity to survive the long modern period of liberal dominance, but remain alive
245
Repression in
the Post-Participative
Order
and active at the present time of onslaught of the authoritarian post-liberal state.
Organic communities are represented by small units of social organization based
on shared fundamental values and on the similarities between its members, an
example of which are religious communities in large urban environments across
the modern liberal an post-liberal world. Such communities are structured
differently from the liberal model of negative liberties , which arises from an
essentially negative attitude to other members of the community. Instead of
tolerance of the others, organic communities rest on an inherent cross-
identification between members of the community and a positive outlook by each
individual to others, rooted in a perception of the need for the presence of others
in order for a full realization of one s human capacity to be possible in the first
place. This human capacity is described by some communitarian theories as
ones ability to contribute to common projects and to participate in collective
action. These abilities are taken to be reliable indicators of the harmonious
development of one s social personality..
The book starts from a broad discussion of structural violence and punishment
as an extreme form of it, to proceed to a discussion of the models
Uberal
states
have adopted to deal with the new security threats, focusing on the example of
organized crime. The author proposes that both major strategies to address the
emergence and development of organized crime have not only failed, but have in
fact helped organized crime to become firmly entrenched in the modem liberal
societies. The first such strategy was that of prohibition, and it is commonly
associated with the
1920-1933
US Constitution-mandated prohibition of sale,
manufacture and transportation of alcohol. Arguably
Ulis was
the same period to
which the lasting entrenchment of organized crime in America can be historically
assigned. In fact, as the strategy of prohibition targeted only the supply side of
what was seen as the problem commodity (liquor), without at the same time
addressing me demand side, the market conditions created by the strategy made it
possible for the criminal industry to prosper quickly and generate wealth that
егшЬЫ
it to resist further control efforts by »he state. Such profits would not have
been possible should alcohol not have been banned on such broad terms, nor
would criminal entrepreneurs have been able to establish a monopoly on the liquor
industry. In just
13
years,
tihe
prohibition policy succeeded in helping create a
powerful criminal economy based almost solely on supplying liquor, but
spreading quickly into numerous auxiliary activities, including transportation and
protection of transports, professional assassinations and an elaborate strategy of
violent intimidation aimed to deter a decisive repressive effort by state officials.
246
Repression in
the Post-Participative
Order
Many of these criminal pathways that sprang from the criminal business with
liquor early in the twentieth century are considered signature activities of
organized crime today, and have since entered into a number of enumerative
definitions of organized crime starting with M.D. Maltz s definition.
The second strategy was similar in structure, and included the US
interception policy to prevent the trafficking of Latin American cocaine into
North America in the second half of the
20*°
century that culminated in the
1970s
and
1980s.
This strategy, like that of prohibition, failed for the same
reasons. Namely, during the interception policy the demand for drugs in the US
remained stable. As a consequence, the high margin of profit for the criminal
syndicates allowed those who were able to navigate around the American
interception operations to establish such a strong position in the American
market that eventually the cocaine industry became a permanent part of the
internal American organized criminal environment.
The author discusses the extent to which these models of prevention, known
to have been inadequate, are being replicated in the highly intrusive policies of
intelligence work, or intelligence-led policing . The emergence of a new security
state is precipitated by such increasing use of intelligence towards one s own
citizens, and the security state itself can thus be seen as the ideological and
institutional result of policy confusion. This is why the author feels mat a
methodologically adequate way of capturing the conceptual link between security
policy with regard to the new security threats, on the one hand, and the crisis of the
liberal order, on the other, requires a composite approach that combines highly
empirical and highly theoretical consideration in a single volume. He argues that
the strategic mistakes made by the building of the post-liberal security states are
essentially the same as with
lhe
policies of prohibition and interception. The reason
for this repeated strategic failure is the absence of constructive social policy geared
to provide alternatives to criminal careers and to curb the demand for black goods
and services ,
ramer
than merely targeting the import of such criminal products
and industries. In the last chapter the author expands on the theoretical
consequences of the post-liberal security state with a view of the fundamental
values envisioned by
àie
logic of development of political democracies.
The crux of the arguments, developed in detail in the concluding and longest
chapter of the book, is that liberalism has, in a sense, abolished itself through the
gradual evolution of me logic of negative liberties and of human singularity
encapsulated in the seemingly positive, yet essentially negative values such as
those of tolerance and rights . These values have gradually evolved into
247
Repression in
the Post-Participative
Order
openly
negative
and anti-social sentiments of radicalized social controls, and
were openly introduced as an official culture of generalized mutual distrust at
the onset of the post-liberal era, after
9/11.
While the terrorist attacks on
American soil have triggered the emergence of the full shape of a security state,
its seeds had been present in the concept of the liberal state to start with.
Dahl s notion of polyarchic democracy ,
Habermas
participative and
Elster s deliberative democracy are all attempts to couch liberal democracy in
more positive, pro-social and constructive sentiments than are those envisioned
by the traditional, restrictive liberal framework based on the notion of a minimal
state. However, these concepts, while representing noble theoretical efforts,
have fallen short of establishing the proper context for an organic community
that ought to found a viable theoretical account of the essential human
sociability. Organic communities are based on mutual similarities between their
members and on the strongly shared values. They are thus fundamentally
different in structure from the liberal communities, which are based on an
elaborate system of mutual protections from interference, and treat capacity for
collective action as only a secondary aspect of political communities, which is
desirable but less important than the assured mutual respect for the boundaries
of the supposed primal solitude. The author argues that organic communities
have proven more resilient and vital than would seem at first sight, and that they
have remained essential, if neglected, parts of even the largest and most
liberalized modern institutional environments, in much the same form as at
the time of far less institutionally elaborate social arrangements.
248
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| id | DE-604.BV036719951 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:46:33Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788670671324 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020637855 |
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| publisher | Inst. za Međunarodnu Politiku i Privredu |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Fatić, Aleksandar Verfasser aut Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji Aleksandar Fatić Beograd Inst. za Međunarodnu Politiku i Privredu 2010 259 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Repression in the post-participative order Justizpolitik (DE-588)4162951-6 gnd rswk-swf Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd rswk-swf Innere Sicherheit (DE-588)4127888-4 gnd rswk-swf Organisiertes Verbrechen (DE-588)4043830-2 gnd rswk-swf Soziale Kontrolle (DE-588)4055719-4 gnd rswk-swf Strafrecht (DE-588)4057795-8 gnd rswk-swf Polyarchie (DE-588)7556750-7 gnd rswk-swf Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 s Polyarchie (DE-588)7556750-7 s Justizpolitik (DE-588)4162951-6 s Strafrecht (DE-588)4057795-8 s Innere Sicherheit (DE-588)4127888-4 s Organisiertes Verbrechen (DE-588)4043830-2 s DE-604 Soziale Kontrolle (DE-588)4055719-4 s Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020637855&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020637855&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Fatić, Aleksandar Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji Justizpolitik (DE-588)4162951-6 gnd Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd Innere Sicherheit (DE-588)4127888-4 gnd Organisiertes Verbrechen (DE-588)4043830-2 gnd Soziale Kontrolle (DE-588)4055719-4 gnd Strafrecht (DE-588)4057795-8 gnd Polyarchie (DE-588)7556750-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4162951-6 (DE-588)4124941-0 (DE-588)4127888-4 (DE-588)4043830-2 (DE-588)4055719-4 (DE-588)4057795-8 (DE-588)7556750-7 |
| title | Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji |
| title_auth | Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji |
| title_exact_search | Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji |
| title_full | Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji Aleksandar Fatić |
| title_fullStr | Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji Aleksandar Fatić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji Aleksandar Fatić |
| title_short | Uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhičnoj demokratiji |
| title_sort | uloga kazne u savremenoj poliarhicnoj demokratiji |
| topic | Justizpolitik (DE-588)4162951-6 gnd Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd Innere Sicherheit (DE-588)4127888-4 gnd Organisiertes Verbrechen (DE-588)4043830-2 gnd Soziale Kontrolle (DE-588)4055719-4 gnd Strafrecht (DE-588)4057795-8 gnd Polyarchie (DE-588)7556750-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Justizpolitik Demokratisierung Innere Sicherheit Organisiertes Verbrechen Soziale Kontrolle Strafrecht Polyarchie |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020637855&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020637855&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT faticaleksandar ulogakazneusavremenojpoliarhicnojdemokratiji |