Explorând un ritual:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Cluj-Napoca
Ed. Limes
2007
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Colecţia Paradigme
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. und franz. Sprache u.d.T.: Exploring a ritual |
| Beschreibung: | 291 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789737262677 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804143322637271040 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | CUPRINS
I.
INTRODUCERE
................................................................11
1.
Un ritual necercetat...?
.........................................................13
2.
Dinamica raporturilor observat
-
observant
........................15
3.
Reţele de colaborare
.............................................................18
II.
O DESCRIERE ETNOGRAFICĂ
..................................21
1.
Ritualul
.................................................................................23
2.
Simboluri
..............................................................................32
3.
Semnificaţii
..........................................................................57
III. CONTEXTUALIZĂRI
...................................................69
1.
Context geografic
:
o hartă diacronică a ritualului
...............71
2.
Context etnic şi confesional
.................................................78
3.
Context social: raporturi rural/urban,
...................................19
medii sociale şi căi de transmitere ale ritualului
......................79
4.
Context temporal
..................................................................81
IV.
INTERFERENŢE ŞI RELAŢIONĂRI
.........................83
1.
Relaţionări cu practici magice
..............................................85
2.
Relaţionări cu practici din zona de interferenţă:
................125
juridic, religios, magic
...........................................................125
3.
Relaţionări ale procedurilor de judecată cu date
obţinute în cercetarea de teren
...............................................141
V.
INTERPRETĂRI ŞI DESCHIDERI
INTERDISCIPLINARE
......................................................147
1.
Limbaj şi acţiune
................................................................149
2.
Relaţii, roluri, imagini sociale
............................................157
VI.
CONCLUZII
..................................................................175
Semn şi context
......................................................................177
Un sistem simbolic
.................................................................177
Explorând un ritual
.................................................................179
VIL UN DOSAR ETNOGRAFIC
.......................................181
1.
Corpus de naraţiuni
............................................................184
2.
Cercetări personale:
transcrieri din caietele de teren
..............................................191
a. Naraţiuni
.........................................................................191
b. Interviuri
.........................................................................194
3.
Rapoarte de cercetare întocmite de colaboratori
................236
4.
Ritualul în presa contemporană
..........................................247
5.
Naraţiuni tematice pe situri de blog
..................................253
VIII. LISTA INTERLOCUTORILOR
..............................259
IX.
LISTA COLABORATORILOR
.................................265
X. SUMMARY
RESUME...............................................................................
269
XI.
BIBLIOGRAFIE
...........................................................287
EXPLORING A RITUAL
Summary
1.
Introduction
This paper presents
a frack
-
among the several possible
-
of exploration
of a ritual. At the same time, it shows a little from the apprenticeship of an
ethnologist. It is an ongoing course as the text gathers filed notes and subjective
comments, discoveries and questions, attempts at systematization, theories and
assumptions
-
everything that could be called „work in progress . The gerund in
the title
-
exploring
-
expresses precisely this idea
-
of
durative
action, that s
never finished.
The ritual is one to identify the culprit
-
either a thief or a murderer.
Since it is practiced only in case of need
-
when something gets stolen (a horse, a
lamb, a sheep, and more recently the wallet or the cell phone) or worse, when
someone dear died unexpectedly or in a mysterious way, there wasn t a good
enough chance to research it by means of questionnaires on customs taking place
on fixed, mobile or variable date. It simply „slipped through questionnaires! It is
indeed difficult to believe that in the 21st century we might still discover
something nothing has been written about. However, so far, in the Romanian
ethnology literature I haven t found any piece of study on this custom.
2.
An ethnographical description.
A brief presentation of the ritual
In case something was stolen or someone died unexpectedly, in many
localities (villages, but also a few towns) in Romania, especially inside the
Carpathian arc, people used to look for the culprit (and in some places they still
would) in a tube. On a Sunday morning, the victim s wife calls a few pure
children (their number, sex and age vary from village to village and from time to
time), in ritual purity (refraining from food and drink). In most cases they call
only little girls,
7
to
13
years old, sometimes even younger. The girls get help
from an old lady who is also clean for the ritual; she is a widow, and is known by
the village to be pious; in many places there is even an expert who is asked to
help re-establish symbolically the equilibrium in the community. In some
villages, several old women take part, up to
7.
Usually, the ritual takes place in
the victim s house while the Simday service is performed in church. The children
kneel around a tube filled with water and, led by the old woman (women), say
prayers in a single voice. They are covered with blankets or sheets. Often,
preparing for the ritual means to create a certain atmosphere: the room windows
270
are blinded, and the participants hold lit candles in their hands. In this setting,
after some prayer and focus (the time may vary from
halfan
hour to two hoursX
the participants claim that revelation takes place: the children see in the tube the
entire sequence of events (theft or murder). The revelation is directed through the
questions of the old woman and takes shape like a puzzle from bits of images that
the participants claim to see in the tube, from words, from subsequent
completions. The words uttered in the room are immediately spread through the
village by the victim family, by its neighbors and relatives, by the families of the
children who took part, by their neighbors and relatives. The story spreads fast
and is not thought to be a simple rumor, but a truth revealed through a godly
miracle: the people I spoke to say that everything the little girls see in the tube is
from God . The suspect, whether (s)he stole (killed) or not, becomes the
symbolic culprit. (S)he will be marginalized, stigmatized and blamed by the
community. The balance is re-established on a symbolic level.
The book is based on the field research carried out during September
2005 -
July
2007,
relying on my own means, in
15
localities from Transylvania
(Romania), where the ritual is still practiced or where it was practiced until
recently. For the other localities, I used the indirect method: I wrote a
questionnaire to be given out by the members of a network of collaborators:
students from
Babeş-Bolyai
University of Cluj-Napoca, students enrolled in
master s and Ph.D. programs, teachers from rural areas with an interest in
ethnology.
The book aims to provide an ethnographic description of the ritual, with
a number of variations. I have presented some constant and variable features,
taking into account the morphology, the course of the process and the plurality of
the symbolic practice, and I listed a series of transformations into diachrony, as
determined from the interviews taken. Of course, the description is only a partial
one for I was faced with a couple of obstacles. Since there is nothing in the
Romanian ethnological documents that refers to the practice under investigation
(neither published nor unpublished), I was able to find no information on older
variants, regional differences, etc.
This custom is still being practiced in the
25
of the
85
localities on the
diachronic map I drew, which clearly indicates a reduction of the area in which it
is used, but also a certain liveliness to the extent in which, in some places, it is
performed pretty often. I was able to notice a good adaptation to the changes that
took place in the rural areas: drop of the birth rate, ageing of the population,
abandonment of the wood culture, adoption of a culture that uses plastic,
ideological and social changes that occurred during the communist and post
communist time. As a result, the ritual suffered a couple of external, surface
transformations that allowed it to survive and adapt to the new realities. The fact
that it continues to be practiced might be linked to a certain cultural perception of
271
the social actors. The ritual encompasses several levels: a symbolic one
-
involving symbols, significations and practices; a social one
-
with social roles
and statuses, relations among the individuals in the community, etc.; a
psychological one
—
exerting pressure upon the criminal on the one hand, and
attempting to psychologically compensate the victim, on the other hand; and one
pertaining to mentality
-
built upon the faith in the power of absolute justice, a
divine justice, called upon to reveal the truth. These functional levels make up a
whole, unified by the cultural perception people share over the symbolic practice.
This kind of perception was able to preserve the ritual and to feed its
metamorphoses. Where the cultural perception changed radically, the custom
entered its terminal phase.
3.
Setting the context
I have analyzed the ritual in its multiple settings: geographical, ethnical,
religious, social and temporal.
In order to render the geographical setting, I have drawn up a diachronic
map of the ritual, which shows
85
localities (from counties
Sibiu, Braşov,
Alba,
Cluj, Bistriţa-Năsăud, Mureş, Sălaj, Covasna,
and one from
Vâlcea
county)
where the ritual is still being practiced.
In the localities where it is still practiced, the majority of the population
is Romanian, but there are Hungarians and Roma as well. There are no ethnical
restrictions to this ritual, but it is supposed to be a Romanian one, having been
borrowed from the Hungarians during the long cohabitation in the Transylvanian
Field.
(Keszeg,
1992,
p.
72)
As far as religion is concerned, most of my interlocutors were Orthodox.
There were a few Greek-Catholics, Catholics, Reformed, Pentecostals, etc.,
however, irrespective of their denomination, in case of theft (or murder), some
people will try to find the culprit by looking in a tube. Even when the custom
clearly polarizes around the Orthodox priest, the fact of belonging to a different
denomination does not prevent one to take part. More exactly, girls or women
belonging to a different form of worship (Reformed, Pentecostal, Catholic) may
participate. Several stories I heard told that the Orthodox priest has an active role
advising his parishioners about how to enact the ritual.
Most of the places where the custom exists are rural. But there are also
4
towns
(Sărmaş, Luduş, Turda
and Cluj-Napoca), which shows that this is a living
custom, to be found even in urban areas. Besides,
Sărmaş
and
Luduş
are recent
towns, with no cultural city tradition. People travel, taking along ideologies,
mentalities, cultural facts. From among the
50
people I interviewed,
8
had been
living in towns
(Turda, Cluj-Napoca, Sibiu)
for some while, but had participated
in the ritual (either before or after moving to the town), and a few of them
strongly believed the ritual to be effective. Two of the women kept a double
272
household, living in the country during the summer and in town during winter;
they too believed that the ritual has a power to uncover the truth. Thus, it is
obvious that we cannot draw a line between the rural and the urban, for it would
be artificial and quite useless. Changes in mentality do not occur all of a sudden
when people move from one geographical area to another. The way the ritual
unfolds on the map points to a pattern of thought consistent beyond the rural,
ethnic or religious barriers, a pattern that triggers a certain type of reaction when
faced with evil coming from outside and as such impossible to control.
All the people I interviewed know this custom of divination very well
and most of them are fully convinced of its accuracy. All except
3
people, that is
3
men
-
this holds its own significance. Out of the
50
people I interviewed,
17
(approximately one third) are peasants. The rest are:
4
female teachers,
1
male
teacher (former military officer),
2
female primary schoolteachers,
1
female
kindergarten teacher,
1
female accountant (former primary schoolteacher),
3
students,
4
pupils,
1
high school graduate (unemployed at the time of the
interview),
4
business people
(3
female and one male),
1
physician,
2
female
cooks,
4
female shop assistants,
1
female store manager,
1
housewife,
1
foreman
(constructions and installations),
1
constructions worker (retired farmer),
1
male
furrier,
1
male security guard,
1
male police officer. Some of them had or had had
management positions:
3
had been village mayors (one of them still was at the
time of the interview),
3
were principals
(2
had run a school, and
1
had run a
kindergarten). They were all different people
-
different as by their profession
and education
-
but they were united by a particular ideological and mental
horizon, by a particular culture. Out of these
50
people, half had been involved
directly
-
either as actors, in their childhood, or as victims, or even as experts of
the ritual; the rest knew about it from stories. In what concerns their age, my
respondents ranged from
1
1-year old to 84-year old. Based on the criteria above,
they could be grouped as follows:
4
teenage girls (of
11, 12, 13
and
16
years)
-
two having taken part directly in the ritual, and two having heard about it from
others;
8
young persons (between
20
and
40
years old) of which
4
had
participated directly, and
4
knew about it from stories,
17
adults (between
40
and
60
years old), of which
9
had participated directly, and
8
knew about it from
stories,
22
elderly people (between
60
and
84
years old), of which
10
had
participated directly, and
12
knew about it from stories.
Since I found no written records (neither published nor unpublished,
neither Romanian nor foreign, except for the two studies by
Keszeg Vilmos,
1992, 2002)
about this custom, the only clue about its age was in the memory of
my respondents
-
a precious yet fragile source. Many of the elderly people I
interviewed (between
60
and
84
years old) had known this custom from their
childhood and claimed that their mothers had used it. This confirmed both my
expectations and the bibliography in showing that verifiable memory covers
273
about one hundred years, beyond which it would be risky to try and speculate. It
is possible that during this time the ritual may have flourished, as certain elements
tend to suggest, (see
Keszeg,
1992,
p.
72).
I would rather not go farther than one century in time because the
memory of my respondents does not go beyond, and the written documents
(including those unpublished
-
consulted in the Archive of the
Cluj
Institute of
Folklore
—
a Branch of the Romanian Academy) make no reference to it
whatsoever. Besides, a golden rule in scientific research says to doubt the illusion
of archaism when it comes to beliefs or practices. Indeed, the instruments used
during the ritual and the entire scenario seem to be clearly archaic. And yet, in the
absence of proof, however fragile... I can make no speculations about age. On the
contrary: I believe that this custom is not as old as it may seem at first sight. If we
think logically, an old custom could not have slipped slipped through
questionnaires, been missed by ethnographical descriptions, and have evaded
archive documents! And we cannot rule out the possibility it was borrowed from
the Hungarians or other ethnic minorities, together with whom Romanians have
lived. Therefore, I could argue that this ritual was created in the last century; it
absorbed a number of ancient elements, grafted itself upon a certain mentality,
belief, and ideology, and put to use an entire arsenal confirmed by the folkloric
tradition of divination.
4.
Interferences and relations
This chapter presents interferences with a few other traditional practices
from the area of interference: legal, religious, magical. I relied on published
documents (Romanian and foreign works) as well as unpublished: manuscript
documents kept in the Archive of the
Cluj
Institute of Folklore, which is a Branch
of the Romanian Academy. At the end of the chapter I compared the method to
identify the culprit, as described in the texts (published and unpublished), with the
data I obtained in the field research, and I found that they share the same ideology
and mentality.
5.
Interpretations and interdisciplinary perspectives
Language and action
In this subchapter the approach I took to the ritual was a pragmatic one.
The starting point of this interpretation is an excellent study made by professor
Keszeg Vilmos
from
Cluj
(Keszeg
2002).
The original premise was that the ritual
produces a story, which then is spread in the community from mouth to mouth
creating such psychological pressure
-
almost like in Hamlet
-
that eventually the
culprit admits being guilty. It s all about the way in which a story (a product of
the language) acts, meaning that it leads to concrete facts (behavioral acts). I
274
believe that a pragmatic approach allows for a better interpretation of the ritual
and of its texts precisely because pragmatics describe the use of formulas by
interlocutors who intend to act one upon the other (Ducrot, Schaeffer,
1996: 500).
In the cases researched, this is exactly what happened: language has the function
to act upon those suspected of theft or murder; the ritual props and acting it out
serve to build a story by which a certain social group (representing the victim(s))
tries to influence the community and, implicitly, to act upon the criminal. Using
language, the actors:
describe the circumstances in which the crime took place;
name the culprit;
build a story that the community will believe to be a definite truth;
tell this story to the entire community;
shape public opinion against the designated culprit;
induce strong psychological pressure upon the latter;
in some cases, cause the accused to admit their guilt (even if it is only
imaginary) and compensate the victim.
The texts transcribed and analyzed in the body of this work prove that
along with its function to communicate, language also has a function to act, by
words and sentences. It is this pragmatic function of the language, to do things
with words (J.L. Austin), that becomes manifest both during and after the
divination. Actually, by the various linguistic expressions we use we aim, first
and foremost, to bring about a change in the world order (Cornea:
46).
The ritual
I explored aims to make a symbolic change, the kind that would re-establish the
balance in a social group.
Words convey much more than just their denotation. The context in
which they are uttered is essential. This is why I analyzed a few situations of
communication in which words instituted a (new) reality in the world.
Roles, relations, social images
Theft and murder are social facts as they bring into question the relation
between a criminal and a group of people. The entire process of identifying the
culprit takes on a social dimension because it involves not only the victim family,
but also the relatives, neighbors, the priest, the young girls participating in the
ritual and their families, one or several elderly women from the village, and often
the entire community.
Beside the social dimension of crime and its consequences, this practice
of divination also has an obvious cultural dimension; it is a symbolic ritual to
identify the culprit therefore it represents a certain manner of relating oneself to
the social fact (theft, murder): a way to understand, react, solve, explain, educate
—
through a certain cultural code, in the context of a particular culture. I believe
that the core of the ritual is extremely telling, according to the interpretation we
choose: from a rationalist scientific view, the phenomenon that takes place
275
around the tube means hypoxia
(5, 7, 9
or
11
children bend over a vessel, for half
an hour to two hours, being covered with blankets), but in the folklo-
ric-traditionalist perception, the same thing means revelation {they were shown).
The actual phenomenon is the same, but the code of interpretation differs. It
appears that it is extremely important to interpret it in a cultural context in order
to understand it. Because to live in society means to expect that...
(Tarot,
2001:
579,
apud
Mihãilescu,
2007: 26).
Or, the actors who carry out the ritual and their
communities do so because they expect something in particular: traditionally not
hypoxia, but to have the truth uncovered before them. They share a certain
learned knowledge
(Mihãilescu,
2007: 27):
the meaning of the white little spots
they see floating on the water in the tube falls within a cultural code; when the
code changes, their meaning is altered or becomes unintelligible. This is why I
chose to interpret this symbolic practice of divination in a both social and cultural
context.
6.
Conclusions
During the fieldwork, I noticed more than once in the attitude of many
respondents a certain feeling of outrage when it came to theft; outrage was not so
much because of the material prejudice
—
the value of the goods stolen
—
but
because of the moral prejudice caused by the thief. This was not extremely
visible at linguistic level (locutionar), but it was apparent through non-verbal and
para-verbal means (illocutionar). The victims were offended by the act in itself,
which is considered an offense against the family. It is seen as an offense against
the existing social order or as Mary Douglas put it, as a form of symbolic
pollution .
By performing the divination ritual, people identify the culprit
-
the
deviant element, the one who upset the order
-
and, at the same time, exposing
him before the rest of the community, before public opinion and judgment.
The punishment given by people often consists in marginalizing and
shaming the designated culprit; there are several ways to exclude the culprit from
the social life of the community. The culprit is identified in marginal circum¬
stances more than once, thus confirming the idea that the perturbing element is
outside of the system. The respondents were convinced that there is also a divine
punishment to be expected, harsher than theirs
-
either a physical stigma (an
illness, mutilation), or a physical elimination (death of the culprit). This too can
be understood as a form of exclusion from the system.
The rituals to identify the culprit work like a set of mechanisms, similar
to the defense mechanisms of the personality (Parson, Shils,
2001,
p.40),
allowing the social system to continue functioning.
The ritual I explored together with the other methods to identify the
culprit, presented in this work, give glimpse of a vision of the world, of justice
276
and of an entire symbolic system built to maintain the balance. They intersect
religion to the extent in which we consider religion not in its strict sense, but in
the secular sense of a unity of faith between a conception of the world and a
corresponding norm of conduct (Gramsci,
2001,
p.
49).
From the traditional
cultural perspective, the texts transcribed in this work reveal a perfectly orderly
world, preserved by God. The orderly social group also has well-developed
mechanisms in order to keep the order. All these can be summed up as follows:
Social group
-------------------
Perturbing, deviant element
(thief, murderer)
Social order
--------------------
Social disorder
Internal sphere
----------------
External sphere: the symbolic culprit:
either a stranger: is already marginal,
or (s)he will be marginalized (shame,
expulsion, illness, death)
This conception of the world
-
as an orderly social and cosmic system
-
is noticeable not only in the narrative texts transcribed, but also in the ritual
practice; it manifests into action in certain exceptional (crisis) situations when the
groups acts as an organic whole.
I have established that the traditional mechanisms to identify the culprit
have very old roots; they truly were cognitive maps of the social reality (Seid-
man,
2001,
p.
202),
working to maintain order, in the absence of an institu¬
tionalized legislative system. They continued to exist even after the new struc¬
tures of order and institutional authority appeared
-
often in parallel.
Thus, the ritual is only a part of a larger articulation designed to keep the
coherence of the system, being linked with several life areas of the community.
This is why it can be interpreted as a practice to eliminate pollution and restore
the symbolic order.
By exploring a ritual I ended up (as is often the case) somewhere else:
analyzing theme stories and the ways in which the folkloric tradition was
transmitted, as well as the functioning mechanisms of cultural and social systems.
I found that indeed culture is not only a set of symbols of communication, bvit
also a set of norms for action (Parson, Shils,
2001,
p.40).
And apart from all this, I also realized that more important than starting
in one place (discovering the ritual) and getting to another (this book), is that I
took the journey of exploration, the ongoing research.
277
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Sava, Eleonora |
| author_facet | Sava, Eleonora |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Sava, Eleonora |
| author_variant | e s es |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036689432 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)705869376 (DE-599)BVBBV036689432 |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Rumänien |
| id | DE-604.BV036689432 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:45:49Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789737262677 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020608108 |
| oclc_num | 705869376 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 291 S. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Ed. Limes |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Colecţia Paradigme |
| spelling | Sava, Eleonora Verfasser aut Explorând un ritual Eleonora Sava Cluj-Napoca Ed. Limes 2007 291 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Colecţia Paradigme Zsfassung in engl. und franz. Sprache u.d.T.: Exploring a ritual Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd rswk-swf Ritual (DE-588)4050164-4 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 g Ritual (DE-588)4050164-4 s Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 s Geschichte z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020608108&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020608108&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Sava, Eleonora Explorând un ritual Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Ritual (DE-588)4050164-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4008017-1 (DE-588)4050164-4 (DE-588)4050939-4 |
| title | Explorând un ritual |
| title_auth | Explorând un ritual |
| title_exact_search | Explorând un ritual |
| title_full | Explorând un ritual Eleonora Sava |
| title_fullStr | Explorând un ritual Eleonora Sava |
| title_full_unstemmed | Explorând un ritual Eleonora Sava |
| title_short | Explorând un ritual |
| title_sort | explorand un ritual |
| topic | Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Ritual (DE-588)4050164-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Brauch Ritual Rumänien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020608108&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020608108&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT savaeleonora explorandunritual |