Osimska pogajanja:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Slovenian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Koper
Založba Annales
2007
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in ital. und engl. Sprache. - Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T: Osimo negotiations Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-354) and index |
| Beschreibung: | 382 S. Ill., Kt. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9789616033978 |
Internformat
MARC
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| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in ital. und engl. Sprache. - Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T: Osimo negotiations | ||
| 500 | |a Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-354) and index | ||
| 610 | 1 | 4 | |a Italy / Treaties, etc / Yugoslavia / 1975 Nov. 10 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1820158220723814400 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
Kazalo
Predgovor
/ 9
Uvod/
11
Dostopnost
in
problematika virov
/ 14
Mejno vprašanje
1915-1954 / 17
Jugoslovansko-Italijanski odnosi
1954-1973 /
Ъ7
Nastanek vzporednega kanala
/ 50
Priprave na pogajanja
1974 / 65
Oživitev drugega kanala
/ 68
Pooblastila
/ 72
Iskanje slovenske
podpore
/ 77
Dokončno sprejetje italijanske pobude
/ 79
Pogajanja na Strmolu
/ 83
Priprave na Strmolu
/ 83
Julijski sklop pogajanj
/ 88
Pogajanja
v
avgustu
in
septembru
/96
Zapleti z manjšinskim vprašanjem
/ 101
Vzporednost pogajanj na
lokalni
ravni /
103
Strmol v
oktobru
/104
Novembrska končna pogajanja
/ 106
Analiza
pogajanj na Strmolu
/110
Pogajanja v letu
1975 /119
Sestanki v
Dubrovniku
/ 122
Zastoj po Dubrovniku
/135
Nova italíjanska
strategija
/ 137
Stališča jugoslovanskega predsedstva
/ 140
Končno usklajevanje tekstov v Strunjanu
/ 144
Zapleti po Strunjanu
/ 155
Parafiranje
tekstov
sporazuma
v
Beogradu
/ 165
Odmevi na
parafirani sporazum /
179
Nove italijanske zahteve
/ 187
Podpis
sporazuma
v Osimu
/194
Od podpisa do
ratifikacije sporazuma /
207
Odmevi na
podpisani
sporazum /
208
Na
poti
к
ratifikaciji sporazuma
/ 210
Zadnje italijanske zahteve pred ratifikacijo
/211
Odlikovanja
/ 230
Ratifikacija sporazuma
/ 232
Osimski sporazumi po ratifikaciji
/ 243
Osimski sporazumi po osamosvojitvi
/ 265
Zaključek
/ 285
Beležka
о
pogovoru
z Milošem
Minićem
/ 286
Intervju
z
Borisom Šnuderlom
/ 294
Sklep
/ 311
Riassunto /
315
Abstract
/ 319
Viri in
literatura /
323
Biografije
/ 355
Kratice
in okrajšave
/ 361
Imensko kazalo
/ 365
7
Riassunto
I
TRATTATI DI OSIMO
Le costanti delle trattative, ricono¬
scibili nella relazione con la confinante Italia nel
XX
secolo, hanno le
radici già nel
1915,
quando l'Italia con il Patto di Londra entrò tra le
forze dell'Intesa e si obbligò a dichiarare guerra all'Impero austroun¬
garico, ricevendo in cambio
і
territori delle Alpi, dell'Adriatico e della
Dalmazia e ottenendo un vantaggio nelle successive trattative.
Dopo il Memorandum d'Intesa di Londra
(MIL) del
1954,
la parte
italiana si richiamò all'aspetto legale dell'accordo sostenendo che la si¬
tuazione della Zona
В
del Territorio Libero di Trieste era provvisoria; in
questo modo cercò di ritardare una soluzione definitiva della questione
del confine. Pretese poi di apportare ulteriori modifiche al confine già
definito dopo il trattato di pace di Parigi. Il Memorandum di Londra fu
solamente siglato, ma non firmato
о
ratificato. Un'analisi approfondita
di queste azioni suscitò nella parte jugoslava il dubbio sulla risolutezza
delle intenzioni italiane fino alla ratifica dei Trattati di Osimo, dubbi
che, quando la
Slovenia
ottenne l'indipendenza, s'insinuarono anche
nella parte slovena.
Dopo gli eventi in Cecoslovacchia nel
1968,
il governo italiano ri¬
conobbe che le relazioni con la Jugoslavia sarebbero potuto divenire un
focolaio di crisi in Europa. La guerra fredda e l'età avanzata del pre-
315
Osimska pogajanja
sidente
Tito
contribuirono alla decisione del governo italiano di voler
risolvere le questioni aperte con la Jugoslavia. Nel
1968
il ministro degli
esteri italiano Medici propose un pacchetto di diciotto punti che pre¬
vedeva la conversione della linea di demarcazione del
MIL in
un con¬
fine nazionale; esso fu accolto come piattaforma di base per le ulteriori
trattative all'incontro dei ministri Medici e
Minie
nel marzo del
1973
a
Dubrovnik
(Ragusa).
A
Dubrovnik
la parte italiana, dopo aver tem¬
poreggiato per anni, accettò che al posto dei precedenti esperti fossero
nominati due delegati che avrebbero preparato la proposta di un accor¬
do definitivo, contemporaneamente si fissarono anche delle scadenze
precise per l'adempimento degli oneri italiani. Parallelamente al canale
diplomatico ufficiale,
і
due ministri si accordarono per l'utilizzo di un
secondo canale per
і
negoziati segreti dei delegati politici come forma
di continuità nelle trattative nel caso in cui
і
negoziati diplomatici non
avessero portato a una soluzione. L'influsso delle strutture politiche di
confine sull'opinione pubblica e il potere della diplomazia italiana, che
voleva una soluzione diversa, ostacolarono qualsiasi progresso.
Il metodo di lavoro della diplomazia jugoslava per tutta la durata
delle trattative rivela le preparazioni esaurienti e le analisi approfondite
della tattica italiana di indugio e temporeggiamento durante gli incontri
individuali dei delegati. Benché
Minie
già a
Dubrovnik
avesse ritenuto
l'iniziativa italiana dei negoziatori politici segreti come l'unica possibi¬
lità reale per arrivare a un accordo, per volontà italiana le trattative dei
rappresentanti diplomatici tuttavia continuarono senza successo fino
alla fine del
1973.
In questo periodo il secondo canale non era ancora
avviato, e dopo la sua istituzione si arrivò a un blocco di un anno. Dopo
alcune note diplomatiche estremamente critiche e dopo il discorso del
maresciallo
Tito, il
premier Andreotti nel
1974
fece un discorso a Udine
in cui espresse pubblicamente le intenzioni dell'Italia di voler arrivare
a un accordo con la Jugoslavia. Sotto la pressione dell'amministrazione
europea e statunitense e nello spirito dell'imminente Conferenza sulla
Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa di Helsinki e del principio di
una definizione dei confini nazionali, il vertice della Democrazia Cri¬
stiana si convinse che la mancata soluzione della questione dei confini
nuoceva alla politica globale italiana. Dopo la modifica della delega
italiana e l'arrivo della delegazione italiana nel castello di Strmol la par¬
te jugoslava accettò definitivamente l'iniziativa di aprire delle nuove
trattative tra delegati speciali. La prima fase di queste trattative, portate
avanti in gran segreto e con alcune interruzioni, si protrasse fino al
316
Riassunto
novembre del
1974.
Oltre alla coordinazione di
Minie,
la parte slovena
ebbe un ruolo importante nelle trattative e sostenne il loro peso anche
in seguito. Il fulcro dei negoziati fu rappresentato da questa triade. La
parte italiana influenzava la definizione dell'accordo sui confini con la
creazione della zona industriale, la parte jugoslava pretendeva la tutela
della minoranza slovena in Italia e a Strmol ottenne un accordo adegua¬
to dell'articolo sulla minoranza, elemento che minacciò più volte di ro¬
vinare le trattative. Furono preparati
і
testi comuni dell'accordo su tutte
le questioni aperte tra
і
due stati e le trattative avrebbero potuto conclu¬
dersi. La parte italiana doveva solo confermare l'accordo, ma in verità
pretese una seconda fase dei negoziati nel marzo del
1975
a
Dubrovnik,
nonostante il fatto che inizialmente avesse richiesto un semplice incon¬
tro formale di natura procedurale tra le parti. In seguito la Jugoslavia
dovette acconsentire al contenuto ridotto dell'articolo sulla minoranza.
Nonostante la promessa del delegato italiano di non avanzare ulteriori
pretese, durante la revisione dei testi la Farnesina tentò di modificare
і
contenuti già accordati, nella terza fase dei negoziati tenutasi a
Stru-
gnano,
la parte italiana invece non cercò più di modificare
і
contenuti
degli accordi- La Jugoslavia accettò la modifica territoriale sul Sabotino
in favore dell'Italia e così in giugno, durante l'incontro di Strugnano,
acconsentì alla sigla dei testi dell'accordo. Su proposta dell'Italia venne
quindi eliminata la fase di trattative diplomatiche che venne sostituita
con il processo di siglatura ufficiale che si tenne a Belgrado in agosto.
Dopo la discussione nell'Assemblea della Repubblica Socialista Federa¬
le di Jugoslavia e nella Camera dei Deputati italiana, dove ì due ministri
degli esteri furono autorizzati alla sottoscrizione dell'accordo, la parte
italiana volle nuovamente influenzare la firma con modifiche dell'ormai
tracciata linea di confine e con l'allargamento della zona industriale,
tuttavia a causa anche di problemi interni, alla fine di ottobre l'Italia si
decise a voler arrivare al più presto alla firma del trattato.
Con
і
Trattati di Osimo fu definitivamente risolta la questione del
confine tra
і
due stati. L'articolo
8
per la tutela della minoranza diven¬
ne, nonostante l'opposizione italiana, una parte integrante dell'accordo.
Prima e dopo la ratifica dell'accordo nel
1977
la parte italiana continuò
ad avanzare nuove pretese che, però, non ebbero successo.
Uno dei requisiti fondamentali per il successo degli accordi furono
le trattative segrete fuori dall'ambito istituzionale, quando
і
due stati
esclusero dalle trattative
і
propri ministeri dell'estero. Siccome in Italia
l'opinione della diplomazia è quella che normalmente viene considerata
317
Osimska pogajanja
nelle decisioni politiche esterne, questa decisione del vertice della De¬
mocrazia Cristiana suscitò molte reazioni negative. Soprattutto a Trieste
e nelle province di confine crebbe l'avversione contro
і
trattati di Osimo
e la politica di Roma. In tal senso fu molto attivo il movimento politico
La Lista per Trieste, mentre gli esuli si organizzarono in associazioni.
La zona industriale libera, con la quale la parte italiana condizionava
l'accordo finale, non fu mai realizzata, sebbene la sua località fosse già
stabilita. Il governo italiano ritirò il suo impegno riguardo alla sua rea¬
lizzazione.
L'idea italiana di conferire gli Osimi d'Oro, benché fosse realizzata
una sola volta nel
1980,
rifletteva l'atmosfera positiva e le aspettative
di un nuovo slancio nelle relazioni tra
і
due stati. La parte italiana ri¬
conobbe la validità dei trattati di Osimo anche con lo stato sloveno e
croato. In seguito fece la richiesta per la revisione dei trattati soprattutto
per la questione dell'indennizzo agli esuli, il che fu rifiutato dal governo
sloveno. Influenzò pure la ratifica per l'adesione della
Slovenia
come
membro associato all'Unione Europea e ottenne con il Compromesso
di Spagna
і
cambiamenti della legislazione slovena. L'Italia
ancor
oggi
non usufruisce dei fondi sul conto depositario stabilito con l'Accordo
di Roma, sul quale la
Slovenia
depositò le proprie obbligazioni finan¬
ziarie per la retribuzione della proprietà nazionalizzata nella ex-Zona
В
del Territorio Libero di Trieste. L'esempio della ritardata approvazione
della legge a tutela della minoranza slovena in Italia mostra ancora oggi
il ricorrente atteggiamento e influsso dell'irredentismo italiano, l'Italia
vuole assicurare con l'Ostpolitik l'influsso economico e politico sull'Est
dell'Europa.
I
trattati di Osimo rappresentano, insieme con le disposizioni otte¬
nute nei negoziati, il massimo di ciò che allora era possibile raggiungere,
e, a livello concreto, la costituzione delle relazioni tra
і
due stati. L'inos¬
servanza del principio
pacta
sunt
servanda
nel
XX
secolo fa pensare a un
vicinato difficile anche in futuro.
318
Abstract
OSIMO
NEGOTIATIONS
1
he origins of the negotiation con¬
stant that characterized the relations between Yugoslavia and then Slov¬
enia and neighbouring Italy throughout the 20th century can be dated
back to the year
1915
when
—
after signing the Pact of London
—
Italy
joined the Entente. In exchange for declaring war against the Austro-
Hungarian Empire as decided by the Pact, it was awarded the territories
in the Alps-Adriatic region and
Dalmaţia,
thus gaining an advantage in
later negotiations.
Following the
1954
Memorandum of Understanding signed in Lon¬
don, Italy emphasized the legal aspects of the agreement, claimed that
the situation in Zone
В
of the Free Territory of Trieste was only tempo¬
rary, and delayed the final solution to the border issue. In addition, mi¬
nor corrections to the border already defined by the Paris Peace Treaty
were requested. The London Memorandum of Understanding was only
initialed, not signed nor ratified. Until the ratification of the Treaty of
Osimo, in Yugoslavia (and in the
1990s
after its independence also in
Slovenia), the Italian attitude triggered doubts regarding the trustwor¬
thiness of their intentions.
After the
1968
events in Czechoslovakia the Italian government real¬
ized that the relations with Yugoslavia could lead to a nev/ conflict area
319
Osimska pogajanja
in Europe. The Cold War and primarily the advanced age of Yugoslav
President
Josip Broz
Tito stimulated the decision that all open ques¬
tions with Yugoslavia had to be resolved. As a result, in
1968
the Italian
minister of foreign affairs, Giuseppe Medici, proposed a set of eighteen
points, including the transformation of the demarcation line as defined
by the London Memorandum of Understanding into a border with ter¬
ritorial provisions between two states. His proposal was accepted as
the platform for further negotiations to be conducted at the meeting
between the Italian and Yugoslav foreign ministers, Medici and
Miloš
Minie,
in
Dubrovnik
in March,
1973.
After a standstill of several years,
in
Dubrovnik
the Italian side agreed that instead of the two existing
experts two other mandataries should be authorized for the preparation
of the draft of the final agreement. In addition, Italy was given precise
deadlines by which its obligations had to be fulfilled. Along with the of¬
ficial secret diplomatic channel the two ministers secretly agreed upon
the formation of a parallel unofficial channel for secret negotiations
between political mandataries that would provide for the continuity
of negotiations should the
official
secret diplomatic negotiations fail to
progress. The advancement of the negotiations was obstructed by the
influence of Italian border political structures and the power of the Ital¬
ian diplomats looking for a different solution.
The working methods adopted by Yugoslav diplomats throughout
the negotiation process indicate thorough preparation and high qual¬
ity analyses of the Italian tactics of deferment and making one step
forward and
rwo
backward between every two meetings of the manda¬
taries. Even though as early as the meeting in
Dubrovnik Minić
esti¬
mated that the Italian proposal for secret political negotiators was the
only realistic option toward an agreement, ineffective negotiations of
diplomatic representatives continued until the end of
1973.
In addition,
the activities of the parallel secret channel came to a yearlong standstill.
After increasing bilateral tension, poignant diplomatic notes, and the
speech delivered by President Tito, in May,
1974,
Giulio
Andreo
tti held
a speech in
Udine in
which he publicly announced the Italian intention
to reach an adequate agreement with Yugoslavia. Pressurized by the Eu¬
ropean and American administration and in view of the forthcoming
Conference on European Security and Cooperation to be held in Hel¬
sinki as well as the fundamental principle of finality of state borders, the
leadership of the Christian Democrats determined that the unresolved
border issue was compromising global Italian politics. After a correc-
320
Abstract
tion
to the Italian mandate and the arrival of the Italian delegation at
Strmol, the Yugoslav side finally accepted the initiative for negotiations
between special political mandataries; initially (until November,
1974)
these entirely secret meetings were held at intervals at Strmol. Under
Minić's
coordination an important role in the negotiations was played
by the Slovene side and also later the burden of the negotiations was
mostly borne by the Slovene side. The essence of negotiations was repre¬
sented by the negotiation triad. The Italian side conditioned the finality
of the border agreement with the establishment of an industrial zone
while the Yugoslav side demanded the protection of the Slovene minor¬
ity in Italy. At Strmol, the minority article, which could have caused the
failure of the negotiations on several occasions, was agreed upon. Joint
texts of the agreement examining all open issues between the two states
were prepared and the negotiations could have been concluded. The
Italian side only had to confirm what was agreed upon. Yet a second
phase of repeated negotiations to be held in
Dubrovnik
in March,
1975,
was demanded even though only a formal procedural meeting between
the two mandataries had initially been asked for. Later the Yugoslav
side had to consent to weakened content of the minority article. Despite
the assurance of the Italian mandatary that all their demands had been
met, in April, when the Italian ministry of foreign affairs was editing
the texts, an attempt was made to introduce changes to content already
agreed upon. Nevertheless, during the third phase of negotiations held
between the two mandataries in Strunjan, the Italian side did not de¬
mand any changes to the texts. The Yugoslav side finally accepted a
territorial correction on Sabotin (to the advantage of the Italian side)
and the texts of the agreement were initialed in Strunjan in June. Fol¬
lowing a proposal made by Italy, the previously planned further phase
of diplomatic negotiations was discontinued and replaced by the official
initialing of the text of the agreement in Belgrade in August. After
discussions held at the Assembly of the Socialist Federative Republic
of Yugoslavia and at the Italian House of Deputies that authorized the
ministers of foreign affairs to sign the agreement, the Italian side made
a further attempt to condition the signature with corrections to the
agreed national border and expansion of the industrial zone; yet, also
as a result of internal problems, since the end of October Italy wanted
the agreement to be signed as soon as possible. The Treaty of Osimo
finally resolved the border issue between the two states. Despite Italian
resistance, the minority article (Article
8)
became a constituent part
321
Osimska pogajanja
of the agreement. However, until the ratification of the agreement in
1977
and even later new and unsuccessful demands were put forth by
the Italian side.
One of the key aspects conditioning the success of the negotiations
was the introduction of secret negotiations outside institutional frame¬
works, which meant that both foreign ministries were excluded from
the process. Given that in Italy diplomacy in relation to foreign affairs
is traditionally highly valued, the decision made by the leadership of
the Christian Democrats later triggered numerous negative reactions.
In Trieste and border provinces in particular the hostile atmosphere
against the Treaty of Osimo and the policy conducted by the govern¬
ment in Rome intensified. The 'List for Trieste'
—
a political movement
—
was active, and Istrian exiles founded their associations. Although its
location had been defined, the free industrial zone, an Italian condi¬
tion for a final agreement, was never brought to life because the Italian
government renounced its establishment.
Despite a single event held in
1980,
the Italian initiative of award¬
ing 'Golden Osimos' reflected a positive atmosphere and expectations
that bilateral relations would improve. The Italian side acknowledged
the continuity of the validity of the Treaty of Osimo with the states of
Slovenia and Croatia. Soon after that, however, it demanded a revision
of the agreement, primarily with reference to compensation for exiles,
which the Slovene government refused. Then Italy obstructed Slovenia's
attempt to obtain
EU
associate membership and
—
through the 'Spanish
Compromise'
—
managed to introduce changes into Slovene legislation.
Up to the present day Italy has yet to begin drawing funds from the ac¬
count opened in compliance with the provisions of the Treaty of Rome
into which Slovenia deposited funds to be used as compensation for na¬
tionalized property in former Zone
В
of the Free Territory of Trieste. The
deferred adoption of the Protection Act for Slovenes living in Italy indi¬
cates the iterating behaviour and presence of the influence of the Italian
irredentists, while through 'Ost-Politics' Italy strives for the intensifica¬
tion of its economic and political influence in the European east.
The provisions of the Treaty of Osimo represent the realization of
what was feasible at that time and, at the actual level, the constitution
of the relations between the two states. Failure to comply with the prin¬
ciple
pacta
sunt
servanda
in the 20th century certainly can be viewed as
an indicator of problematic international relations in the future.
322 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Škorjanec, Viljenka 1960- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1068247924 |
| author_facet | Škorjanec, Viljenka 1960- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Škorjanec, Viljenka 1960- |
| author_variant | v š vš |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036600601 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)475597469 (DE-599)BVBBV036600601 |
| era | Geschichte gnd Geschichte 1915-1992 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte Geschichte 1915-1992 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Yugoslavia / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Italy Yugoslavia / Boundaries / Italy Italy / Boundaries / Yugoslavia Italien Jugoslawien Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Yugoslavia / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Italy Yugoslavia / Boundaries / Italy Italy / Boundaries / Yugoslavia Italien Jugoslawien |
| id | DE-604.BV036600601 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-01-02T17:15:46Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789616033978 |
| language | Slovenian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020521118 |
| oclc_num | 475597469 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| physical | 382 S. Ill., Kt. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Založba Annales |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Škorjanec, Viljenka 1960- Verfasser (DE-588)1068247924 aut Osimska pogajanja Viljenka Škorjanec Koper Založba Annales 2007 382 S. Ill., Kt. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in ital. und engl. Sprache. - Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T: Osimo negotiations Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-354) and index Italy / Treaties, etc / Yugoslavia / 1975 Nov. 10 Vertrag von Osimo (DE-588)7577696-0 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1915-1992 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 gnd rswk-swf Yugoslavia / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Italy Yugoslavia / Boundaries / Italy Italy / Boundaries / Yugoslavia Italien Jugoslawien Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd rswk-swf Vertrag von Osimo (DE-588)7577696-0 u Geschichte z DE-604 Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 g Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 s Geschichte 1915-1992 z Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020521118&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020521118&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Škorjanec, Viljenka 1960- Osimska pogajanja Italy / Treaties, etc / Yugoslavia / 1975 Nov. 10 Vertrag von Osimo (DE-588)7577696-0 gnd Außenpolitik Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)7577696-0 (DE-588)4130793-8 (DE-588)4028966-7 (DE-588)4027833-5 |
| title | Osimska pogajanja |
| title_auth | Osimska pogajanja |
| title_exact_search | Osimska pogajanja |
| title_full | Osimska pogajanja Viljenka Škorjanec |
| title_fullStr | Osimska pogajanja Viljenka Škorjanec |
| title_full_unstemmed | Osimska pogajanja Viljenka Škorjanec |
| title_short | Osimska pogajanja |
| title_sort | osimska pogajanja |
| topic | Italy / Treaties, etc / Yugoslavia / 1975 Nov. 10 Vertrag von Osimo (DE-588)7577696-0 gnd Außenpolitik Grenze (DE-588)4130793-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Italy / Treaties, etc / Yugoslavia / 1975 Nov. 10 Vertrag von Osimo Außenpolitik Grenze Yugoslavia / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Italy Yugoslavia / Boundaries / Italy Italy / Boundaries / Yugoslavia Italien Jugoslawien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020521118&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020521118&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT skorjanecviljenka osimskapogajanja |