Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte: od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu
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| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Slovak |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bratislava
SAP - Slovak Acad. Press
2010
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| Ausgabe: | 1. vyd. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Rezension |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in dt., engl. und russ. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 459 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788080950590 |
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| 648 | 4 | |a Geschichte 1800-1900 | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1820-1939 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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| 650 | 4 | |a Slovaks / Hungary / History / 20th century | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804143194166788096 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Obsah
Uvod
........................................................................................................ 7
Zoznam skratiek, archívov a použitých publikovaných prameňov
........... 13
A. Slovanský a stredoeurópsky kontext národného vývinu
Slovákov a uhorských Slovanov za rastúceho nacionálneho
útlaku v
19.
storočí
................................................................ 17
L kapitola: Slovenské národné hnutie v prvej polovici
19.
storočia
v stredoeurópskom a slovanskom kontexte
.......................................... 19
1.
Vplyv Slovákov na obrodenie Juhoslovanov v kontexte
slovanskej renesancie
...................................................................... 19
2.
Za revolúcie
1848-1849.
Projekty autonómie
.................................. 38
3.
Slovensko-juhoslovanské vzťahy za neoabsolutizmu
..................... 52
П.
kapitola: Vrcholenie mocensko-politickej krízy
1860-1867
v stredoeurópskom kontexte
................................................................ 61
1.
Národný vývin uhorských Slovanov (Chorvátov, Srbov a Slovákov)
v podmienkach provizória a medzinárodnej krízy.
......................... 61
2.
Zintenzívnenie chorvátsko-slovenských-juhoslovanských
vzťahov v období štátoprávnych vystúpení
..................................... 70
Ш.
kapitola: Koncepcia
67:
Kompromisy vládnucich na úkor utláčaných
v kontexte strednej a juhovýchodnej Európy
1867-1878-1885................ 115
1.
Hnutie odporu voči vyrovnaniu
...................................................... 115
2.
Slováci a južní Slovania. Veľká východná kríza
1868 - 1878
a jej ruské aspekty
........................................................................... 145
3.
Pacifikácia národných hnutí po balkánskej kríze
1879 - 1885.
Strossmayer
a Slováci
...................................................................... 187
B. Na ceste k národnému oslobodeniu a sociálnej emancipácii
v európskom kontexte
........................................................ 205
IV.
kapitola: Od oživenia k aktivizácii a aktivite
1886 - 1901
v kontexte
habsburskej monarchie a jej vnútorných a vonkajších súvislostí.
Rumuni v medzinárodnom kontexte slovenskej otázky
.......................... 207
1.
Národnoemancipačný zápas na počiatku krízy dualizmu
............... 207
2.
Európa
-
Slovania
-
Chorváti a
aliančně
hnutie Rumunov,
Slovákova Srbov
............................................................................. 224
3.
Nástup pokrokárskej mládeže naprednjakov a hlasistov.
Oživovanie česko-slovenskej vzájomnosti. S
.
Radić
a Slováci
......... 245
4.
Národný vývin v Chorvátsku. Slováci a vzájomné
kultúrno-politické vzťahy na prelome storočí
.................................. 262
V. kapitola: Genéza a vyvrcholenie nového aktivizmu v rokoch
1901 -1908......................................................................................... 275
1.
Genéza nového aktivizmu
1901 - 1904.
Medzinárodné dimenzie
slovenského hnutia v USA
.............................................................. 275
2.
Kulminácia národnodemokratických a sociálnych hnutí vo veľkej
uhorskej kríze
1905 - 1908.
Internacionalizácia národnostného
útlaku a odporu Nemaďarov v Uhorsku. Odraz novej aktivity
v medzinárodnej politike a diplomacii, korelácie v zahraničnej
politike Srbska
................................................................................. 299
3.
Vrcholenie národnostnej aktivity. Vstup chorvátsko-srbskej
koalície na uhorskú politickú scénu, postoj Srbska a pokusy
o koordináciu so
Sněmovou
stranou Rumunov, Slovákov a Srbov
(1907 -1908)................................................................................... 325
VI.
kapitola: V predvečer prvej svetovej vojny
1908 - 1914.
Stredoeurópske a balkánske súvislosti slovenskej otázky.
Zvýrazňovanie česko-slovenských súvislostí
......................................... 337
1.
Slovenská otázka v medzinárodnom kontexte. Úloha Srbska
v dobe anekčnej a uhorskej krízy a aktivity národnostnej koalície
...... 337
2.
Medzinárodné súvislosti, aliancia národností pred začínajúcim
rozkladom monarchie
1910 - 1914.
Juhoslovanská otázka a Slováci
358
Vn. kapitola: Za prvej svetovej vojny
1914 -
WlS-Americkí
Slováci
....... 381
1.
Medzinárodné koncepcie riešenia slovenskej otázky
...................... 381
2.
Národné hnutia v štatariálnych pomeroch Uhorska
a zahraničný odboj
.......................................................................... 398
4
VIII.
kapitola:
Medzinárodný kontext slovenského národného hnutia
1820 - 1918.
Resumé
............................................................................. 413
IX.
kapitola: Dodatok
-
Emancipačné snahy po roku
1918 .................... 421
1.
Na úvod
........................................................................................... 421
2.
Belehradské prímerie
....................................................................... 422
3.
Mierové zmluvy. Medzinárodnoprávne uznanie hraníc Slovenska
na mierovej konferencii v Paríži
...................................................... 431
4.
Po
Trianoné.
Zahraničnopolitické koncepcie troch smerov
slovenskej politiky
........................................................................... 433
5.
Emancipačné snahy v medzivojnovom období. Slovensko
v medzinárodnej politike
................................................................. 438
X. kapitola:
Summary
.......................................................................... 449
Abstract:
deutsch.................................................................................. 455
Abstract:
rusky
..................................................................................... 457
Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte
X. KAPITOLA
Summary1
The movements of small and middle-size, primarily Slavic peoples, known as the
Slavic Renaissance, marked the European history of the first third of the 19th cen¬
tury. The men of special distinction of that epochal ideological movement came
also from the Slovakian ethnic society, and through their advanced activities (in
Pesta
J.
Kollár,
in
Novi
Sad, P.
J. Šafárik,
and in Bratislava
L. Štúr)
they greatly
influenced the national movement of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Together
with V. Karadzic, Lj.
Gaj
and J.
Kopitar,
they also belonged to the Yugoslav move¬
ment, which was particularly around
1835
marked in the Croatian history by
the advanced
Ilirski preporod
(Illyrian Movement). During the pre-Revolutionary
period, the manifestation of these connections and influences was indicative
-
assistance of Slovakia to the great men of the Yugoslav movement, who had
been educated in the well-known schools in Bratislava,
Modra, Trnava, Prešov,
Kežmarok, Košice and in Banská Štiavnica.
The Croats were educated mainly in
catholic schools in Bratislava and
Trnava,
as well as at the Mining Academy in
Banská Štiavnica.
Influential Croatian nobility and their junior secretaries were
coming to the Hungarian assemblies in Bratislava, getting acquainted with the
movement of the young Slovakia. The Croatian youth left Bratislava in
1844,
after
the exile of
L. Štúr.
In his relations towards the Croats special place belonged to J.
Kollar,
who
was in
1829,
in
Pesta
closely connected with Lj.
Gaj,
and whom Ban J.
Jelačić,
in
1844,
tried to assign together with
Kukuljević
to Zagreb. The specific relations
towards the Yugoslav people within the historical context refer to the social and
political emigration of the Slovaks to the south. The famous personalities were
re-evaluated: active among Croats, as Illyrian supporters, were S. Moyses from
1830
(in
1851
he left for Slovakia), for two decades, and from the year
1835
a great
mark in their history was left by the Illyrian representative and
Stúr-supporter,
1
Anglického
resumé
s poznámkami
je
zverejnené
online
http://histmkrajco.spaces.Uve.com
449
В.
Šulek.
In literature, special place in these relations is given to the histori¬
cal personalities of Slovak origin from the religious hierarchy: the archbishop J.
Haulik and the bishop
A. Alagović.
It seems that only with the help of the Croat
baron Kulmer, they managed to obtain from Vienna the permission for
L. Štúr
to publish the first Slovakian national newspapers. On the eve of the Revolution,
J. M.
Húrban
left also the Slavic Congress in Prague and went to Zagreb, spoke out
in the
Sabor
and asked for help both in Belgrade and in
Srijemski Karlovci,
like
Ľ. Štúr
and the poet J. Krai. It may be concluded that our contacts in political
ideas, internally, were of the highest intensity during the times of romanticism.
Within international relations, considering the Slovakian national movement in
the 19th century in general, the Slovakian-Yugoslav connections, and especially
the Croats, represented by their statehood in the Hungarian circumstances such
a symbol of support for the Slovaks, as the Czechs in the 20th century, during the
years just before World War I. My research papers clearly confirm the continuity
of the Slovakian-Yugoslav connections during more than one century.
The evaluation of the scope of Slovakian-Croatian connections during the
development of revolution from
1848
to
1849,
within the
Habsburg
Monarchy
is very positive. The Slovakian September riot in
1848
engaged
27
thousand
Hungarian soldiers, and thus made the fighting of the Croats and the Serbs easier.
Regarding the period of revolution, my work presents new evaluation of the
basic documents such as the
Kukuljević
part about the Slovaks, included in the
document about the conditions of the agreement with the Hungarians,
Jelačić
secret memorandum about solving the national issue and the section about the
Slovaks, etc. After the defeat of the revolution, during the time of absolutism,
the national development of the Slovaks and the Croats took a different and for
the Slovaks unfavourable direction. The Serbs were given the Bach s
Vojvodina,
the Slovaks only several county officials. Therefore, a new situation arose in the
mutual connections: the Slovak initiative weakened and the Croats, Serbs and
Slovenes supported the development of national emancipation in Slovakia.
After the mutual connections, Slovakophil
adivines
of the bishop]. J.
Strossmayer
became apparent. He spoke about the Slovak requirements already at the so-
called General governmental Symposium in Vienna in
1861,
which motivated
the well-known Slovak poet J.
Botto
to write a poem about him. He presented in
1863
the Slovak Cultural Society
(Matica
slovenská)
with a gift worthy of a ruler
(1000
guldens). During the political
provisorium
(1860 - 1867),
the Croats regarded
the Slovak national movements as their possible political ally in the government
politics.. Owing to I. Kukuljevic, the Zagreb county elected in
1864
J. M.
Húrban
and J. Francisci as their honorary members. These expressions of the history
of constitutional tendencies will be of crucial significance if evaluated in the
dialectic relationship with the memorandum assembly of the Slovaks
(1861). 1rs
documents were presented to the Zagreb
Sabor
by J. J.
Strossmayer,
at the meeting in
450
KAPITOLA
10
July
1861 -
as the only example of such a constitutional acceptance of the Slovak
tendencies for emancipation. The so-called great political actions undertaken by
the Slovak-Croatian support: trip by
M. Mudroň
in
1864
to Croatia, the delega¬
tion of the Slovakian Cultural Society
(Matica
slovenská)
led by J. M.
Húrban
at
the anniversary of Nikola
Šubić Zrinski
in
1866
in Zagreb, had to provide not
only a consolation, but also a protest against the
dualistic
relationship within
the Monarchy, as well as the reason for the postponed fight for equality of the
people. The visits of Croatian notables to Slovakia, expressing the promise of
support, were less frequent after the dualism won. The constitutional equality of
Austro-Hungary ruling classes in
1867,
had such a bad influence on the condi¬
tions of Croato-Slovakian relationships, that it caused their deterioration. The
national movements of the Croats and the Slovaks were defeated. Around the
middle of the century the Slovaks and the Serbs in Hungary found themselves
under systematically increased national oppression. Only the Croats, based on
the historical rights, obtained by the Compromise in
1868
in
Pesta a
certain
degree of autonomy, which, in spite of restrictions, was of great significance.
The new Slovakian-Croatian solidarity from.
1871
onwards, revived the illusion of
unity. The last great Slovakian initiative to solidarity with the Croats -when the
Slovakian Cultural Society accepted the invitation to the opening of the Croatian
University in
1874
can be regarded also as a counterproductive demonstration
with a negative political result. Further development and the influence of inter¬
nal Croatian conditions brings coldness into the relations. Only philanthropic
statements and financial support by J. J.
Strossmayer
to the Slovaks can be not¬
ed, as well as publicists statements It may be concluded that the direct political
co-operation among the delegates during that period of the 19th century cul¬
minated in various forms: secret missions, official delegations, and moreover,
speaking out in the Croatian
Sabor,
or in the presence of the Slovakian issue
at the
Sabor
sessions
(1860, 1861, 1863,1865, 1866).
The example of the secret
memorandum of the Slovakian Cultural Society
(Matica
slovenská)
to the Croats,
in
1867,
which was unknown of until recently, emphasises the significance of
the Slovakian-Croatian relationships.
This dynamic period of European movements for national emancipation left
in the history of contacts individual results. The Slovakian Memoranda sent to the
Croats, Serbs, Czechs, and Russians in Vienna and Budapest, contained a con¬
cept of emancipation objectives, formulated the basic programme of autonomy
-
federalism of the Slovakian national movement. Depending on the liberation
wars on the Balkan Peninsula, the relationships come alive again, especially in
the
70s,
and particularly in the numerous romanticist pro-south Slavic state¬
ments in literature. J.M.
Húrban
had the most active influence on the attitude of
the Slovakian public opinion at the time of the great eastern crisis
(1875 - 1878),
reflected in his call to „raise the Slovakian battalion in order to help the rebels
Summary
in Herzegovina. My latest research establishes also the issues of the so-called
illegal Slovakian politics, that appeared with regard to the trip by J. M.
Húrban
to
Stara
Pazova and Belgrade, emigration of
S. Štefanovič
in
1877,
to
Slavonia,
contacts with the rebel leader M.
Ljubibratić,
etc. Although a group of volun¬
teers left Slovakia, about twenty of them, and the Slovakian authors, democrats
S. Osvald and J. Bella were killed in war, still collections of works continued to
grow, and the support by national publishing was getting stronger. The Peace
congress in Berlin, which started in January
1878,
marked the end of the epoch
of romanticist national movements in this part of Europe. During the stabili¬
sation phase of dualism, the relationships had to take a completely defensive
position. The most striking situations were the interpellations by M. Makanec
in the Zagreb
Sabor,
against revocation of the Slovakian Cultural Society
(Matica
slovenská)and
by the Serbian delegates in the
Pesta
Parliament against closing of
the Slovakian institutes and exile of the students S.
Miletić,
J. Trifunac,
M. Polit,
and M.
Dimitrijević
in the
70s
and
80s.
The revival of national movements of the oppressed peoples was reflected in
the economic and political activation within the efforts of creating the Alliance.
In
1892 - 1893,
the organisation of alliance policy of the national movements of
Slovaks, Rumanians, and Serbs in Hungary was established, with programme
intentions of co-ordinating the activities with the Croats.
Národnostný kongres
(The national congress) in Budapest in August
1895
was the peak of the Alliance
policy towards the Serbs and the Croats. The activation reached its maximum in
the millennium year
-
1896-through the publication of the anti-millennium declara¬
tion of the non-Hungarians on
30
April,
1896
in the national and European as
well as Croatian press. The
anti
millennium activities come to the fore in radical-
isation at the joint youth demonstrations, and in radicalisation of the so-called
Croatian generation
1895.
Among the anti-millennium gatherings, the most im¬
portant one was by the students in Zagreb (burning of the Hungarian flag and
exodus of the Croatian students to Prague), and especially the Croatian student
leadership in Prague, then the demonstration announced as a political one in
Vienna, stopped by the police, and numerous demonstrations in Rumania and
Serbia. The most striking among the anti-millennium gatherings was the one in
Paris on July
11,1896,
under the leadership of the French ex-minister of foreign
affairs,
Emil Flourens.
The joint anti-millennium documents of the non-Hun¬
garians were soon to play an important role at the peace conferences in Trianon.
In spite of that, the Croatian official opposition expressed their mainly verbal
support to the society of non-Hungarians, and, in spite of receiving return calls
from the Czechia/Bohemia, until the end of the 19th century, did not join the
coalition of the Hungarian ethnic minorities. The opportunism of their national
constitutional programme was already criticised by the so-called progressive
youth that started to form while studying in Prague. S.
Radić
pointed this out in
452
kapitola
io
his programme article
Koliko
vrijede Slovaci
(How much are the Slovaks worth).
The allied gesture of the Croatian opposition
-
„obzoraši
-
was the visit by the
Croatian delegation to Martin in
1899.
New history of togetherness let the roots
grow at the beginning of the new Slavic movements
-
neoslavism. In culture and
literature, the connections were developing with more continuity and through
translations by the Slovaks
-
contribution of Dr. I. B. Zoch, J. Maliak and the wife
of
V.
Mičatek,
and the
Stara
Pazova families of V.
Húrban
and son, H. Tausk,
M. Bencúr-Kukučín, J.
Vučerić,
J.
Milaković
and others.
The co-operation in academic centres became stronger as well as the solidari-
sation with the national catholic movements. In
1897,
under the leadership of
M.
Hodža,
M.
Popović
and
J. Mániu, a
congress of ethnic students was held in
Budapest, providing the basis for the new activity in political solidarity with the
Croats, Serbs and Slovenes, organised in
1905,
under the leadership of the ethnic
club at the parliament. In April
1905,
one of the bodies of the so-called policy of
the new course in Croatia
-
Srbobran
-
came out with the initiative to a ses¬
sion of the ethnic congress, and the
Zadar
resolution in October
1905,
and the
Rijeka
resolution create the programme solidarity platform of these new direc¬
tions within the policy of emancipation. With the policies of the new course in
Croatia, with the representatives of the newly formed Supilo s Croato-Serbian
coalition, with Serb radicals and
Radie
supporters:
Supilo,
Pribićević, Lorković
and Vilder, the close contacts were continued, especially by M.
Hodža,
M.
Krno,
V.
Húrban,
and S. H. Vajanský.
During the activation period of the ethnic oppo¬
sition policy, on the eve of the great Hungarian crisis in
1905,
the most important
illegal conference took place in Budapest, the Second Congress of the delegates
from the Hungarian ethnic minorities, developing the programme for mass ral¬
ly movements parallel to the socialist democracy fighting for the general voting
rights. National emancipation movements got richer through mass movements
and revolutionary activities of the socialist movement under the influence of the
first Russian revolution in Russia. In
Banat,
the solidarity reached its maximum
in the well-known exile in the
Kovačića
process in
1907 - 1908,
and in Croatia it
led to the attempt of founding the Slovakian high school in
Stara
Pazova.
Since
1908,
during the annexation crisis, and then during the Balkan wars
from
1912
to
1913,
and on the eve of World War I, the Slovakian-Croatian and
Serbian relationships already have a clear structural characteristic and dimen¬
sions of national expression, especially during the Balkan wars. Among the
published conceptual viewpoints, I consider as most important, the ideological
programme document of the liberation movements before the war, the study
Srbobran from
1911,
about the Czech-Slovak mutual dependence, that repre¬
sents the optimal version of the Slovak self-determination. The federalist pub¬
lication from
Dubrovnik,
in
1913,
determining the borders of Slovakia, literally
required the foundation of the Chech-Slovak state. It was not possible to publish
Summary
453
something like that at that time in Slovakia. During World War I, the activity
of the civil and labour delegates in the Slovakian and Croatian movements for
emancipation, was reduced to the minimum in the Monarchy until
1917,
and the
focus of the liberation battle was moved abroad and into the Entente s prisoner-
of-war camps. One should not, however, underestimate the resistance and soli¬
darity movements on the so-called inner front. Solidarity is best reflected in the
movement of fellow countrymen in the GSA and in the so-called cental European
league, as well as at the Congress of the oppressed people in Washington.
The historical culmination of solidarity of the Slovaks with the Croats, Serbs
and Slovenes in the development of national states in revolution was when at
the national gathering on November
10, 1918
in
Novi Sad,
the Slovaks of
Vojvodina
and
Srijem
were among the first to proclaim their unity with the Yugoslav people. In the
still confusing international political conditions, they declared, in a resolution,
their secession from Hungary and annexation to the future Yugoslav state. On
October
29,1918,
the National Council in Zagreb, declared the union of Serbs,
Croats, and Slovenes within an independent state and their secession from the
Habsburg
Monarchy. At the same time, the joint state of the Czechs and Slovaks
was declared in Prague and Martin, in Slovakia, diplomatically recognised by
Entente. Thus ended one of the historical stages of the national liberation, dur¬
ing which the emancipation development of the two central European peoples
-
the Croats and the Slovaks
-
in old Hungary, was passing in mutual relation¬
ships, permanent solidarity and friendship. Had there been no mutual support
of the Croats and Slovaks until the year
1918,
the given emancipation results
would have hardly been achieved.
The latest historiography research in Croatia and Slovakia, after the defeat of
totalitarianism, when both peoples, as late as in the
90s
of the 20th century suc¬
cessfully completed the emancipation struggle for the proper statehood, turned
a more critical eye on the appearance of the unitary Czechoslovakia on October
28, 1918,
and the monarchist Yugoslavia on December
1, 1918.
They warned
that, like the unitary Yugoslavia, and the
Vidovdan
Constitution in
1921,
the cen¬
tralised Czechoslovak Republic with unitary constitution from
1920,
apart from
positive changes for the national liberation of the Croats and Slovaks within the
historical Hungary, also had some retardation marks in the supremacy of the
controlling people. The ruling hegemonic centres in Prague and Belgrade did
not allow either the Croats in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, or
the Slovaks in the Czechoslovak Republic equal autonomous development at the
federation level. This was the reason for the development of strong emancipation
movements for the autonomy in Croatia led by the
Hrvatska republikanska seljačka
stranka
(Croatian Republican Peasant Party) with
Stjepan Radić,
and in Slovakia
with the autonomy programme of the
Slovenska
ľudová strana
(Slovakian Popular
Party) with
A. Hlinka.
In this movement of mutual support, both S.
Radić
and
454
KAPITOLA
10
A. Hlinka,
as well as J.
Andrić
stand out. One cannot, especially in the case of
Slovaks, deny the important cultural and political values of their development
in the first Czechoslovakian Republic, mainly regarding the completion in con¬
stituting the national structures: the formation of the middle classes and the
educated classes. Although I do not deny the dominance of values in the devel¬
opment of the Slovakian issue in the first Czechoslovakian Republic,
1
certainly
do analyse other alternatives of Slovakian liberation and the emancipation de¬
velopment of the people as real, although I do not yet consider the alternative of
the independent state during that period
(1918 - 1928)
as real, nor favourable for
the Slovakian people, in the mid-war period either.
Under the mentioned conditions, the radical national emancipation forces
in the Croats and the Slovaks have constantly, since
1918,
struggled for equal¬
ity and moreover, have developed an irredentist movement in emigration
(F.
Jehlička,
extreme Croatian nationalists, frankovci-ustasha,
A. Pavelić)
for
the independent states of Croats and Slovaks. During his temporary emigration
abroad,
Stjepan Radić
became an extreme advocate of the Hlinka s movement
for the autonomy. Apart from taking into consideration the strategy and logic
of these emigration emancipation forces in the Croats and the Slovaks, follow¬
ing the year
1918,
they had to take into consideration also the revisionist forces,
whether they wanted to or not, as the Croatian historian, F.
Tuđman
pointed
out. However, neither the fascist Italy, nor Germany, nor Horty s Hungary were
true friends and allies to the ethnic movements of the Croats and the Slovaks.
This was eventually proven, in further development, by the history, and by the
main decisions of the Vienna arbitrage against the integrity of Slovakia. In spite
of everything, both the formation and suvival of the ethnic states of the Croats
and the Slovaks during World War II, with the historically presented solidarity,
had its positive elements as well, since the occupation and disintegration of
both states was a contrary alternation. The contemporary democratic statehood
of the Croats and the Slovaks has been formed on the tradition in the anti-fascist
movement.
Abstract:
deutsch
Die
nationale Entwicklung der Slawen Ungarns/Kroaten, Serben und Slowaken
realisierte sich unter historischen Bedingungen im staatsrechtlichen Rahmen
der Länder der heiligen Stephans Krone. Das waren die objektiven machthabe-
rischpolitischen Bedingungen zur Determination diese nationalen Bewegungen,
beginnend mit der nationalen Wiedergeburt bis zu den nationaldemokratischen
Revolutionen des Jahres 1918. Die Intensität der slowakisch-kroatischen-serbi-
Summary
schen
Solidarität in verschiedenen Etappen - bei ungleicher Intensität - war ide¬
ell vom Gedanken der slawischen Wechselseitigkeit getragen also von der eth¬
nischen und sprachlichen Verwandtschaft. Auf Grund dieser Verwandtschaft
spielten bereits während, der slawischen Renaissance in der kroatischen natio¬
nalen Wiedergeburt, welche in der Hälfte der 30-er Jahre des 19. Jahrhunderts
verspätet ihren Anfang hat, eine bedeutende Rolle S. Moyses, B.
Šulek u.
a.
Die Kroaten hatten durch ihre staatsrechtlichen Privilegien günstige¬
re Bedingungen und waren eine unersetzliche Stütze in der slowakischen
Nationalbewegung in Ungarn. In den geschichtlichen Kreuzpunkten der natio¬
nalen Entwicklung dienen als wichtigste Dokumente dessen die Behandlungen
der slowakischen Frage im kroatischen Landtage
(Sabor)
1848, 1861, 1866. Der
Emanzipationskampf der Slowaken hatte weder eine entsprechende sozial¬
ökonomische Grundlage, noch politische Machtstellungen. Entgegen oft ro¬
mantisierender Ansichten im älteren Schriftum, kommt man zur kritischen
Schlussfolgerung,
dass
die Stellungnahme der kroatischen patriotischen Kreise,
mit Ausnahme von J. J. Strossmayer in keinem Verhältnis zur Kroatophilen
Intensität in der slowakischen Nationalbewegung stand. Dies beeinflussten
auch die spezifischen Bedingungen in Kroatien nach der
„Nagodba .
Im 19-ten Jahrhundert waren in der nationalen Entwicklung der Kroaten,
Serben und Slowaken von Bedeutung auch die subjektiven Beziehungen gegen¬
seitiger Unterstützung im Emanzipation- und Oppositionskampf gegen ein und
dieselben repressiven Machtzentren in Pest, Wien, insbesondere in den 30. - 70.
Jahren. In der Entwicklung dieser Beziehungen und historischen Kundgebungen
spielten in dieser Epoche eine bedeutende Rolle die Persönlichkeiten J.
Kollar,
P. J. Šafárik, L. Štúr, J.
Strossmayer,
Ban
J.
Jelačić,
J. Kukuljevic, B. Šulek,
J. Tombor, S. Miletic. a.
Während der östlichen Krise werden die Beziehungen mit
den Kroaten gehemmt. Dies war durch die Intensivierung der Aufmerksamkeit
der Slowakei für den Befreiungskampf der Serben Bulgaren und des russisch¬
türkischen Krieges, doch nicht zuletzt auch durch den ideologischen Zweispalt in
der Einstellung zur Balkankrise bedingt.
In der Epoche der Pazif ikation der nationalen Bewegungen nach der Ostkrise in
den Beziehungen, tritt in den Vordergrund die Rolle der Slowakischen Emigration
in Kroatien und Woiwodina, hauptsächlich auf dem Gebiete der Kultur, eben¬
so die Vermittlungsaufgabe der slowakischen Bevölkerung besonders im Süden
des Ungarn und Slavonien. Beim Aufkommen der Dualismuskrise am Ende des
19. Jahrhunderts und Belebung der nationalen Opposition -Bewegungen wird
die Frage des Anschlusses der kroatischen Opposition zur Allianzbewegung
der Rumänen, Slowaken und Serben in Ungarn aktuell und vor allem die
Teilnahme am
Kongress
der unterjochten Volker in Budapest im J. 1895, wo¬
durch die Konzeptionswidersprüche dieser Emanzipationsbewegungen in den
Vordergrund treten.
456
kapitola
io
Die neue kroatisch-slowakische Wechselseitigkeit Anfang des 20-ten
Jahrhunderts realisierte sich unter den Bedingungen der politischen und
Sozial- Differenzierung dieser Völker und ihre Träger sind hauptsächlich
die fortschrittlichen Richtungen der Jugendbewegung. Dies widerspiegel¬
te sich in Solidaritätskontakten der sogenannten Politik des neuen Kurses der
kroatischserbischen Koalition in der
Banovina
und in der neuen Aktivität der
Nationalitätenparteien Ungarns. Der Höhepunkt zeigte sich in der parlamenta¬
rischen Mitarbeit und Obstruktion in Budapest in den Jahren 1907 - 1908. Die
Arbeit bei der Bewertung gegenseitiger Zusammenhänge und Verbindung der na¬
tionalen Entwicklung der Slowaken und Kroaten/Serben unter der sogenannten
neuen Aktivität, betont die aktive Rolle des Kampfes der ungarischen vereinten
Opposition, als auch die steigende Bedeutung der Arbeiterpolitik und der sponta¬
nen Volksbewegung, der agrarsozialen Bewegungen in der Befreiungsbewegung
der Nationen in Mitteleuropa und vor allem im Kampf für die Demokratisierung
des öffentlichen Lebens in Ungarn. Im Gesamtkontext der Monographie tritt
hervor die historische Bedeutung des von russischen Revolutionen auf den
Befreiungskampf der unterjochten Völker und damit auch in den slowakisch-ju¬
goslawischen Beziehungen. Während des ersten Weltkrieges sind die unmittelba¬
ren politischen Kontakte der Völker Emanzipatorischen-Bewegungen gehemmt
und die historische Publizistik ersetzt bei standrechtlichen Verhältnissen die
Politik. Wir verfolgen die Kontinuität der fortschrittlichen Beziehungen auf dem
Gebiete der Kultur und in der Antikriegsbewegung, der Frauen. Im internationa¬
len Kontext der Sieg der Entente und Revolutionen ins Russland ermöglichten,
dass
der Befreiungskampf der Jugoslawen, Tschechen und Slowaken seine ma¬
ximalen Ziele realisieren konnte, die Bildung unabhängigen nationalen Staaten.
In internationalen Kontexte bedeuteten diese staatsrechtlichen Änderungen
in Mitteleuropa einen politischen und sozialen Fortschritt. Dadurch gehören
auch die gegenseitigen slowakisch jugoslawischen Beziehungen im Kampfe zur
Emanzipation, von der nationalen Aufklärung bis zur nationalen Befreiung, zu
den glorreichen Traditionen unserer als auch der jugoslawische Geschichte.
Abstract:
rusky
Национальное развитие хорватов/сербов и словаков проходило в исторических
условиях и государственных рамках стран святостепанской короны. Эти объек¬
тивные политические условия решающим образом определили характер наци¬
онального движения с времен возрождения етих народов вплоть до националь¬
но-демократических революций
1918
г. Интенсивность солидарности Славян
Венгрии на различных этапах развития была обусловлена хотя и не всегда с о-
Summary
динаковой силой- идеей славянской взаимности т.е. этнической и языковой род¬
ственностью. В этом отношении уже в период славянского ренессанса в хор¬
ватском возрождении зарождавшемся с опозданием в половине 30-ых гг.
19
в.,
сыграли выдающуюся роль Ш. Мойзес, В. Шулек и др.
Хорваты на основании исторически сложившихся государственно- право¬
вых привилегий развивались в более благоприятных условиях и стали для сло¬
ваков и их национального развития в Венгрии бесценной опорой. Лучшим сви¬
детельством этого является обсуждение словацкого вопроса в хорватском сейме
в
1848, 1861, 1866
гг., в решающие моменты национального развития словаков.
В освободительной борьбе словаков сказывалась слабость социально-экономи¬
ческих основ и политических позиций. Вместо взглядов устаревшей уже лите¬
ратуры- часто романтически настроенных-современно исследование выдвигает
критический тезис, согласно которому отношение хорватских патриотических
кругов к словакам- за исключением Й.Й. Штроссмейера-не достигало интен¬
сивности хорватофильства в словацком национальном движении. Это было об¬
условлено специфическим положением Хорватии после «нагодбы».
В
19
веке в национальном развитии хорватов/сербов и словаков в значитель¬
ной мере играли роль также и субъективные отношения взаимной поддержки
в осовободительной и оппозиционной борьбе против одних и тех же реппрес-
сивнкх центров власти в Пеште, Вене в особенности в
30-70
гг. Выдающуюся
роль в развитии эких отношений и исторических явлений сыграли и свой лич¬
ный вклад в создание условий взаимного влияния этих национальных движе¬
ний в данный период внесли Й. Коллар, П.Й. Шафарик, Ль.Штур, С. Милетич,
Й. Штроссмейер, бан Й. Елачнч, И. Кукулевич, В. Щулек, И.Томбор и др.
В период восточного кризиса отношения с хорватами застыдли. Это было об-
условденно повышенным вниманием Словакии к освободительной борьбе сер¬
бов, болгар и русско-турецкой войне а также и идеологическими разногласиями
в подходе к балканскому кризису. В период подавления национальных движе¬
ний после восточного кризиса повышается роль словацкой эмиграции в Хорва¬
тии, прежде всего в области культуры, равно как и посредническая роль словац¬
кого населения на юге страны. В период наступления кризиса дуализма в конце
19
в. и оживления оппозиционных национальных движений был вновь со всей
настойчивостью поставлен вопрос о при- соединению хорватской оппозиции
к движению альянса румын, словаков и сербов в Венгрии и в особенности во¬
прос об участии на конгрессе угнетенных народов в Будапеште в
1895
г., что
вызвало прежде всего разногласия концепционного порядка среди этих осво¬
бодительных движений. Новая хорватско-словацкая солидарность в начале
20
в.создалась в условиях политической и классовой дифференцияции этих на¬
родов и осуществлялась прежде всего посредством передового движения моло¬
дежи. Это нашло свое отражение в солидарных контактах т.н. политики новодо
курса хорватско-сербской коаллиции в Вановине н в новой активности партий
458
KAPITOLA
10
отдельных национальностей Венгрии. Кульминационным пунктом в этом от¬
ношении являлось сотрудничество в парламенте и обструкция
1907 - 1908
гг.
Настоящая работа дает оценку взаимосвязям и соотношениям национального
развития словаков и хорватов в период т.н. новой активности и подчеркивает
активную роль, которую сыграла венгерская объединенная оппозиция, указы¬
вая вместе с тем и на повышение значения политики рабочих партий, стихий¬
ного народного движения и аграрно-социалных движений в освободительном
движении народов Средней Европы, прежде всего в борьбе за демократизацию
общественной жизни в Венгрии. Монография подчеркивает прежде всего исто¬
рическое значение влияния русских революций для освободительной борьбы
угнетенных народов и тем самым и для словацко-югославских отношений.
Во время первой мировой войны непосредственные политические контакты
национально-освободительных движений отошли на задний план и политику
компенсирует в условиях военного положения историческая публицистика.
Континуитет прогрессивных движений мы можем проследить в области куль¬
туры и в противовоенном женском движении Непосредственным историческим
влиянием победы Антаты
u
революции в России в освободительной борьбе
югославов, чехов и словаков является достижение максимальных целей и соз¬
дание национальных государств. В этом отношении государственно-правовые
изменения в Средней Европе обозначали несомненно политический и социаль¬
ный прогресс. Поэтому и взаимные словацко-югославские отношения в осво¬
бодительном процессе в период с возрождения до национального освобожде¬
ния относятся к прогрессивный! традициям нашей и югославской истории.
лко
Summary ^•Jy
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Krajčovič, Milan 1937- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)126523177 |
| author_facet | Krajčovič, Milan 1937- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Krajčovič, Milan 1937- |
| author_variant | m k mk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036595244 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)705709989 (DE-599)BVBBV036595244 |
| edition | 1. vyd. |
| era | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1800-1900 Geschichte 1820-1939 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1800-1900 Geschichte 1820-1939 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Slovakia / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europe / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europa Ungarn Slowakei (DE-588)4055297-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Slovakia / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europe / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europa Ungarn Slowakei |
| id | DE-604.BV036595244 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:43:47Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788080950590 |
| language | Slovak |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020515871 |
| oclc_num | 705709989 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-M457 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-M457 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 459 S. |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | SAP - Slovak Acad. Press |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Krajčovič, Milan 1937- Verfasser (DE-588)126523177 aut Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu Milan Krajčovič 1. vyd. Bratislava SAP - Slovak Acad. Press 2010 459 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in dt., engl. und russ. Sprache Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1800-1900 Geschichte 1820-1939 gnd rswk-swf Slovaks / Hungary / History / 19th century Slovaks / Hungary / History / 20th century Geschichte Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd rswk-swf Slovakia / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europe / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europa Ungarn Slowakei (DE-588)4055297-4 gnd rswk-swf Slowakei (DE-588)4055297-4 g Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 s Geschichte 1820-1939 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020515871&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020515871&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Rezension |
| spellingShingle | Krajčovič, Milan 1937- Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu Slovaks / Hungary / History / 19th century Slovaks / Hungary / History / 20th century Geschichte Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4171210-9 (DE-588)4055297-4 |
| title | Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu |
| title_auth | Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu |
| title_exact_search | Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu |
| title_full | Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu Milan Krajčovič |
| title_fullStr | Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu Milan Krajčovič |
| title_full_unstemmed | Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu Milan Krajčovič |
| title_short | Slovenské národné hnutie v medzinárodnom kontexte |
| title_sort | slovenske narodne hnutie v medzinarodnom kontexte od roku 1820 po vznik slovenskeho statu |
| title_sub | od roku 1820 po vznik Slovenského štátu |
| topic | Slovaks / Hungary / History / 19th century Slovaks / Hungary / History / 20th century Geschichte Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Slovaks / Hungary / History / 19th century Slovaks / Hungary / History / 20th century Geschichte Nationalbewegung Slovakia / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europe / History / Autonomy and independence movements Europa Ungarn Slowakei |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020515871&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020515871&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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