Holdings: Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941.

Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945.:

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Bibliographic Details
Main Author:	Kisić Kolanović, Nada (Author)
Format:	Book
Language:	Croatian
Published:	Zagreb Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest 2009
Series:	Biblioteka XX. stoljeće
Subjects:	Geschichte 1900-2000 Muslim Nationalismus Kroatien
Online Access:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Item Description:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Physical Description:	450 S. Ill.

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Record in the Search Index

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adam_text	Predgovor .7 1. uvod .12 О etnonimu i nastanaku modernoga bošnjačkog identiteta . 12 Predmet i pristupi. 15 2. Hrvatski etnocentrizam i muslimani .19 Etnopovijest BiH kao instrument hrvatske nacionalne politike . 19 „Hrvati islamske vjeroispovijesti" - etničku zajednicu povezati u državu i naciju . 30 Projekcija „bošnjaštva" kao psihologijske i zavičajne posebnosti. 37 Koncept velikohrvatskoga prostora 1941. .40 Stvaranje novoga državnog autoriteta u BiH 1941. 42 Participacija muslimana u institucijama vlasti NDH . 50 Pitanje Sandžaka .55 3. Hrvatska država kao izazov i muslimanski odgovori .58 Sekularizam kao problem u islamskom mišljenju . 58 Svjetovna elita: prihvaćanje hrvatskoga nacionalizma . 60 Muslimanska vjerska elita: agresivni nacionalizam stran je islamu . 64 4. ADEMAGA MEŠIĆ - GENEZA HRVATSTVA U NACIONALNOM OSVJEŠTENJU MUSLIMANA .74 Obiteljsko i socijalno zaleđe . 75 Privlačnost starčevićanstva u političkom osvještenju muslimana . 80 Mešićev nacionalizam „etnojezičnoga" tipa. 89 Mešić se nije bojao kulturnoga pozapadnjenja . 93 Mešići islam . 97 Pretvoriti BiH u prostor europskoga znanja i proizvodnosti . 103 Mešićevo hrvanje s političkim identitetom .110 Mešić i pokret za vjersku autonomiju 1893. - 1909.,.„.„„, 117 Sudjelovanje u parlamentarnom život Bosne i Hercegovine 1910. — 1914. 128 Promicanje oporbenog nacionalizma u jugoslavenskoj državi 1918. — 1941. 136 Suočen s praktičnom realizacijom „hrvatske države" 1941. - 1945. 141 Uhićenje i osuda 1945.145 5. Muslimani u vladajućoj strukturi NDH .148 Džafer-beg Kulenović . 151 Mehmed Alajbegović . 164 Munir Šahinović Ekremov. 174 HakijaHadžić .178 Osman Kulenović. .180 6. ULOGA VJERSKE ELITE I VJERSKIH INSTITUCIJA .185 El-Hidaje: ulema u potrazi za svojim pozivom 1941. - 1945. 186 Fehim Spaho - raspad autoriteta reis-ul-uleme 1941. 189 Ismet Muftić: zagrebački muftija izvan domašaja Sarajeva . 197 Sačuvati identitet obnovom islamskoga nasljeđa . 199 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek ì Ulema: zalaganje za humanitarne vrijednosti. .212 Ulema i ratno nasilje .„„.„. 217 7. IDEOLOGIZACIJA ISLAMA: MLADI MUSLIMANI .222 Islam kao granica ulemi i državi . 222 8. MUSLIMANI I KULTURNI RESURSI NDH .229 Kulturne institucije: plodno tlo za nacionalizaciju muslimana. . 230 Muslimanske obrazovne institucije u NDH .,.,.,.,.,. 237 Tiskani mediji .242 Književno stvaralaštvo muslimanskih pisaca . 247 Sarajevo i hrvatska promidžba .„„„,„.,.,.254 9. Nacionalizam i kulturni identitet 1941.259 Afirmirati „islamsku varijantu" u kulturnom identitetu NDH .,.,.,.„.„. 259 Alternativni koncepti „kulturnoga graničarstva" i „organske kulture naroda". .269 10. Islam u kulturnoj praksi NDH .275 Tipološka karakterizacija islama u medijima NDH . 280 Samostalni Vakuf poglavnikove džamije u Zagrebu. .292 Status orijentalistike kao akademske discipline .„.,.„.„.300 11. Prijepor око nacrta ustava islamske vjerske zajednice .302 Pravni položaj Islamske vjerske zajednice do 1941.302 Islam ne može biti instrument politike . 305 12. POKUŠAJ NADOKNADE GUBITAKA IZ AGRARNE REFORME .319 13. Muslimanska politika u znaku emancipacije od NDH .323 Pitanje autonomije ВІН koje se stalno vraća .323 Sarajevo protiv Kulenovićeva kursa plovidbe 1941. 329 Mostarska inicijativa Omera Džabića .„.„. 336 Odbor narodnoga spasa i njegova taktika integracije . 340 Pojedinačne incijative .348 Doći do vlastitih oružanih formacija .„„.,.,.„., 352 Veliki muftija El Huseini i njegova misija u NDH ., 360 Stvaranje SS-dobrovoljačke bosanskohercegovačke brdske divizije. . 372 Hrvatsko-njemačko nesuglasje о formiranju divizije . 376 „Memorandum" predsjedniku vlade Nikoli Mandiću 1944. 381 14. Muslimanski lobi za tursko priznanje ndh .385 Pozicija Turske u ratu 1941. - 1945. godine . 385 Pokušaj uspostavljanja kulturnih i konzularnih veza NDH i Turske.,. . 390 Zaključak .405 Summary .411 Popis kratica .418 izvori i literatura .419 Manje poznate riječi i izrazi .436 Kazalo osobnih imena .441 ZAKLJUČAK Bosanskohercegovački muslimani, danas Bošnjaci, predstavljali su ozbiljan po¬ litički i kulturni izazov hrvatskoj nacionalističkoj eliti u NDH 1941. - 1945. godine. Ustaški pokret težio je nacionalno homogenoj hrvatskoj državi, a iz perspektive njezinih stvaralaca muslimani su bili Hrvati islamske vjeroispovij- sti. NDH je bila nacija/država u kojoj vjera nije imala sustavno mjesto, hrvatski narod smatrao se homogenim po rasi, a distinktivnim po vjeri. Ono na čemu je inzistirao ustaški nacionalizam već je bilo blisko hrvatskim nacionalistima i može se protegnuti od Ante Starčevića do Ante Pavelića. Odnose prema musli¬ manima ustaški pokret temeljio je na nekoliko bitnih konstrukcija. Prvo, nacionalnost muslimana doživljava se kao fenomen „krvi" i „srodstva" te zajedničke prošlosti. Smatra se da islamizacija u osmanskom razdoblju nije ima¬ la učinka na etničnost muslimana. Prelaskom na islam muslimani, dakle, nisu promijenili svoj rasni, jezični ni narodni značaj. Najzad, pored biološke veze za¬ jedničku etničnost muslimana i Hrvata potvrđuje i zajednički jezik. Muslimani govore ikavski kao katolici ili ieakvski. Najzad, smatra se daje opipljivu etnič¬ ki vezu osjećala bosanska elita već u predmodernoj epohi, što će reći daje tada stvorena svijest о pripadnosti hrvatskoj naciji. Budući daje ustaški pokret inzistirao na tome daje nacionalizam važan samo ako je povezan sa stvaranjem vlastite države koja obuhvaća cjelokupno etničko područje, sugerira se daje osnivanjem NDH dovršena izgradnja hrvatske etnič¬ ke zajednice u modernu naciju koja je izjednačena s nacionalnom državom. Proglašavanjem bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana Hrvatima islamske vjero¬ ispovijesti, bosanski islam prezentira se kao sastavnica hrvatskoga kulturnog identiteta. Koncept „islamske varijante" hrvatske kulture s velikim su žarom za¬ stupali mnogi nacionalni intelektualci. U kulturnom sustavu kojega je stvorila nacionalistička elita NDH islam je dobio nekoliko pozitivnih tipskih karakte- rizacija. U NDH povećana je količina tiskanih djela о muslimanima i islamu, probudio se interes za muslimanske običaje i islam kao vjeru, a kulturni život općenito je prožet pozitivnom percepcijom islamske kulturne baštine i Orijenta općenito. U novom imenovanju „islamske varijante" hrvatske kulture u NDH, na vrlo općenitoj razini može se govoriti о tenzijama vezanim uz „dvoznačni identitet", U historiografskoj literaturi potvrđeno je daje on prisutan kod go¬ tovo svih naroda Istočne i Srednje Europe, osobito u „balkanskih" nacija koje sebe doživljvaju kao raskrsnicu civilizacijskih dodira i kao most medu različi¬ tim kulturama. 405 HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM 1 MUSLIMANI Budući daje ustaški nacionalizam u teritorijalnom smislu stavio težište na BiH, u kulturnoj percepciji bilo je istisnuto viđenje prema kojemu je ona hrvatski an¬ temurale, tj. predziđe kršćanstva. Iz kulturnoga diskursa u NDH istiskuje se ideologem o sukobu Zapada i Istoka, katoličanstva i islama, krsta i polumje¬ seca. Budući je islamska kultura snažno prisutna na području NDH, metafo¬ ra о rijeci Drini, kao granici dvaju svjetova, Okcidenta i Orijenta, pokazuje se nelogičnom. Kulturna politika NDH nastoji u sklopu „jedinstvenog korpusa hrvatske kulture zapadnog tipa" izmiriti tri varijante: srednjoeuropsku, mediteransku i islamsku. Ipak, medijski i literarni tekstovi kao prijenosnici pozitivnog stava prema islamu i bosanskohercegovačkim muslimanima opisani u ovom radu, ne bi nas smjeli navesti na krive zaključke. Zanemarimo li političku praksu robusnoga totali¬ tarnog ustaškog režima, mogli bismo tom gradivu pripisati značenje koje nosi pojam multikulturalizma. U kulturnom sustavu NDH i konceptu „islamske varijante hrvatske kulture" toga nema jer muslimani nisu tretirani kao zasebna kulturna skupina nego su etnički izjednačeni s Hrvatima. Pokušaj hrvatskih nacionalista da identitet bosanskohercegovačkih muslima¬ na svedu na hrvatsku nacionalnu osnovu nije lišena strategijske težnje da se s Bosnom i Hercegovinom idealno zaokruži velikohrvatsko područje. Geostra- tezi NDH iznijeli su argumentaciju daje područje BiH, odnosno cijeli Dinar¬ ski splet, s obje njegove padine, jadranskom i panonskom, „uključen u zapad¬ ni svijet", pa se područje Bosne ne tretira kao granično područje već kao „srce" NDH. Hrvatski nacionalisti nisu prihvatili hrvatsko-srpsku podjelu Bosne po sporazumu jugoslavenske vlade Cvetković-Maček od 26. kolovoza 1939. godine kojim je stvorena Banovina Hrvatska. U pogledu nadahnuća i sljedbeništva hrvatski nacionalizam među muslimani¬ ma u NDH 1941. - 1945. ostao je vezan uz uski krug obrazovane muslimanke inteligencije, a široki muslimanski slojevi nisu u tome igrale neku ulogu. Muslimanska politička elita, koja je prihvatila legitimnost NDH, inzistirala je na reprezentativnim pravima muslimana u Hrvatskoj državnoj vladi i Hrvat¬ skom državnom saboru. Ljudi poput Džafera Kulenovića, Osmana Kulenovića, Ademage Mešića, Muhameda Alajbegovića, da spomenemo najistaknutije, po¬ litički su se formirali pod utejcajem pravaške ideologije. Osobito Mešićeva bio¬ grafija danas je prava riznica za istraživanje ponašanja i sustava vrijednosti one muslimanske grupacije koja se orijentirala prema Zagrebu kao duhovno-poli- tičkom središtu. U torneje dubok i kompaktan trag koji je Starčevićevo načelo odvajanja vjere i nacije ostavilo na novi sloj akademski obrazovanih muslimana 80-ih godina 19. st. i početkom 20. stoljeća. 406 ZAKLJUČAK U NDH 1941. - 1945. nije postojao vakuum u političkom i intelektualnom ži¬ votu bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana. Spomenuti predstavnici muslimanske političke elite zalagali su se za hrvatsku državu/naciju koja će muslimane uvesti u moderno društvo zapadnoga tipa. Vjerska inteligencija zastupala je motrište da muslimani svoju snagu temelje na islamu koji mora biti emancipiran od po¬ litike. Ona odbacuje nacionalizam kao politički oblik i drži daje „domoljublje" istinski osjećaj medu muslimanima koji ima uporište u islamu. Moralna i politič¬ ka obnova muslimana u NDH, kako je vide vjerski intelektualci poput Mehme- da Handžića ili Mustafę Busuladžića, temeljena je na povratku „izvorima isla¬ ma". Vjerska inteligencija za eroziju muslimana okrivljuje političku elitu i odbija se poistovjetiti sa zapadnim modernitetom i hrvatskim nacionalizmom. Nepo¬ vjerenje vjerske elite u strukturu države jasno se profilira kroz regresivni pokušaj vraćanja na prvotno iskustvo islama. Pojava islamizma u Sarajevu umnogome se može smatrati proizvodom političke strukture u Zagrebu. Premda je vrijeme bilo kratko da bi se u NDH islam uobličio kao ideološki pokret, organizacija Mladih muslimana na nov je način pokušala promišljati odnos politike i islama. Godine 1941. Mladi muslimani legalno su djelovali, granajući djelatnost u Pri¬ jedoru, Travniku, Banjoj Luci, Doboju, Zenici, Kotorskom, Mostaru i Gradač- cu. Godine 1942. godine Mladi muslimani „lojalno" su se odnosili prema vlasti NDH, a javnosti su predstavljeni kao organizacija koja ima „prvenstveno za cilj povratiti u krilo vjere islama onu mladež koja je pod jakim neprijateljskim utje¬ cajem zaboravila svoju vjeru i svoj narod zanoseći se ateističkim i anacionalnim učenjima od kojih je Hrvatima islamske vjere prijetila očita propast". Usmjerenje koje je „Mladim muslimanima" davao M. Handžić bilo je isključivo duhovne i moralne prirode. Mladomuslimani se zanimaju za pitanja koja se zapravo nalaze u središtu islamske egzegeze: nadživljava li islam povijesno iskustvo i vrijeme? Neki istaknutiji među njima, poput A. Serdarevića, smatraju da islam ne treba modernističku reformulaciju, on treba „islamsku inicijativu bar kod pojedinaca, kojima će se dati mogućnost da kao muslimani, kao pravi podpuni ljudi omogu¬ će što više provedbu u život islamskih propisa". Muslimani, međutim, moraju shvatiti da nema rješenja njihovih životnih pitanja „izvan Islama". Bosanskohercegovački muslimani u NDH nastojali su zaštititi svoj grupni iden¬ titet putem Ustava Islamske vjerske zajednice, koji u NDH nije nikad bio sank¬ cioniran, premda je uz tzv. sarajevski nacrt Ustava (kolovoz 1941.) izrađen i za¬ grebački nacrt. Prijepor о ustroju I VZ-a u NDH zapravo je bio unutrašnji prijepor između vjerske i političke elite. Nacrt zakonskoga reguliranja autonomije Islamske vjer¬ ske zajednice u NDH ponudile su dvije skupine. Sarajevsku skupnu sačinjavao je onaj dio ilemije koji je bio nezadovoljan Ustavom I VZ-a iz 1936. godine. Taj 407 HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM i MUSLIMAN! se ustav smatrao „laičkim" jer je ukinuo ustanovu muftijstva teje ulemi oduzeo položaj u upravljanju vakufskom imovinom. Stoga je sarajevski nacrt inzistirao na autonomiji vakufa kojim če se upravljati isključivo po propisima šerijata. Sa¬ rajevska grupa zahtijevala je vakufsku autonomiju koja će se ravnati isključivo po propisima šerijata. Dakle, muslimanska vjerska elita u NDH smatrala je da država, tj. zakonodavac ne može regulirati najvažnija pitanja kao stoje izbor re- is-ul-uleme i najviših vjerskih predstavnika te pitanje upravljanja vakufom. Drugu skupinu sačinjavali su pristaše Džafera Kulenovića, potpredsjednika Vlade NDH-a kojoj je bio bliži koncept laiciziranja vjerske i vakufske uprave. Kulenović je smatrao da vrijeme rata nije pogodno za izbor novog vjerskog vode nakon smrti reis-ul-uleme F. Spähe paje tako na mjesto naiba - vršitelja duž¬ nosti po drugi put izabran Salih ef. Bašić. Čini se da se Ante Pavelić, poglavnik NDH, nije želio opterećivati unutrašnjom organizacijom islamske zajednice, stoga nije želio arbitrirati između dvije sku¬ pine. To je potvrdio i Siegfried Kasche, njemački poslanik u Zagrebu, koji je stekao dojam da Pavelić ne podliježe sugestijama nijedne skupine, štoviše, jasno mu je dao do znanja da se „ne će ni pod kojim uvjetima miješati u te razgovore i da ne će sa strane države nametati nikakav red muslimanima". Politika Vlade NDH da bosanskohercegovačke muslimane privoli da prihva¬ te hrvatski nacionalni identitet pokazala se pogreškom. Ako je 1941. - 1945. muslimanska politička elita pokušavala pronaći modus vivendi s vlastima NDH, vjerska elita i široki slojevi muslimana nisu dijelili grupni identitet s Hrvatima nego su smatrali da imaju svoja povijesna prava, svoj teritorij i svoje pravo na au¬ tonomnu upravu u BiH. S tim u vezi karakterističan je rad Odbora narodnog spasa, koji je utemeljen na skupu predstavnika muslimanskih društava, uglednih pojedinaca, 26. kolovoza 1942. u Sarajevu. Kontekst djelovanja Odbora mnogo je širi, uključujući pro¬ blematiku političkoga statusa BiH nakon završetka rata. Danas se u bošnjačkoj historiografiji Odboru narodnog spasa pridaju osobine najvažnijeg „bošnjačkog društva i udruženja građana u Drugom svjetskom ratu". Grupacija oko Odbora narodnog spasa, mnogo je puta varirala zaključak daje NDH proizvoljna tvore¬ vina kojoj muslimani odriču legitimitet. Vodstvo odbora povjereno je M. Han- džiću. Novčana sredstva koja je prikupio Odbor upotrijebljena su za humani¬ tarnu pomoć stradalima, ali i za nabavu oružja kojim bi se opremila „milicija za pojedina sela u istočnoj Bosni da se brane". Nakon smrti Handžića 1944., čelni čovjek u odboru postaje Kasim efendija Dobrača, koji se tijekom rata oso¬ bito angažirao na prikupljanju podataka о stradanju muslimana. To je gradi¬ vo prikupljano zato da bi s njime dospio do međunarodnih, osobito islamskih 408 ZAKLJUČAK krugova. Dobrača je tijekom 1943. dva mjeseca boravio u Berlinu kao gost El- -Huseinija, velikog jeruzalemskoga muftije, teje tamo prevodio na arapski jezik dokumente о stradanju muslimana. Čini se da se namjeravao prebaciti u Kairo, ali u tome su ga spriječili Nijemci. Odbor je prikupljao gradivo о stradanju muslimana tijekom rata te ga pohranji¬ vao u Ulema medžlisu u Sarajevu. Godine 1944. bilo je već toliko svjedočansta¬ va da se počeo uobličavati eaborat koji bi bio odaslan u „neku islamsku zemlju da bi muslimani svijeta znali kakav je položaj i kolika su stradanja muslimana u BiH". Redakcija je povjerena Hazimu Sabanoviću, koji je načinio tri posebna rukopisa. Tako je polovicom 1944. završio Prvu knjigu, koja je prevedena na en¬ gleski i arapski i tajnim kanalima uručena El Husejniju, velikom jeruzalemskom muftiji koji je trenutno živio u okolici Berlina. Posredovanjem afganistansko- ga poslanstva u Berlinu, dokumentacija je dospjela u Egipat i Tursku. Uskoro je egipatski i turski tisak na temelju tog materijala objavio nekoliko članaka о stradanju bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana. Ukorak s tom civilnom akcijom išle su inicijative na vojničkom planu. Tako se iz domobranskih dobrovoljačkih postrojbi u NDH pokušavaju izdvojiti musli¬ manske postrojbe koje bi djelovale samostalno na domicilnom području BiH. To se relativno lako moglo ostvariti jer su Domdo postrojbe bile posadne i u funkciji osiguranja lokalnih komunikacija. Dobrovoljačka domobranska postrojba tzv. Bosanski planinci pod zapovjedniš¬ tvom Nešeta Topčića vjerojatno je najbolji primjer za analizu samostalnog mu¬ slimanskog vojnoga djelovanja. Na ustrojavanje Dobrovoljačke bosansko-hercegovačke gorske SS-divizije hrvat¬ ska vlada nije gledala dobrim okom, jer je ocijenila da će njezin ustroj na musli¬ manskoj osnovi još više osnažiti „regionalne i religiozne autonomističke misli i težnje" bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana. Vládaje takvo stanovište izrekla u noti koju je Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova NDH predalo 10. veljače 1944. vla¬ di Njemačkog Reicha, iz kojega je vidljivo daje vlada bila suglasna s postrojava¬ njem SS-divizija i SS-policije, alije inzistirala da ne bude „favoriziranja jedne od vjeroispovijesti " te da divizija bude ustrojena od „katoličkih i muslimanskih Hrvata pretežito iz bosanskohercegovačkih prostora". Po nalogu H. Himmlera (22. rujna 1943.) postrojba je dobila naziv 13. SS-dobrovoljačka bosansko-hercego- vačka planinska divizija (Hrvatska). U zapovjednoj strukturi divizije bilo je 90 % Nijemaca. Od svibnja 1944. nosit će naziv „Handžar" divizija. Dio ljudstva SS- -divizije prebačen je u srpnju 1944, u južnu Francusku. U Villefranche-de-Rou- ergue smješten je 13. hrvatski bataljun SS-divizije koji je prema procjenama mo¬ gao mati od 500 do 1000 vojnika. Raspoloženje medu ljudstvom bilo je krajnje 409 HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM I MUSLIMANI eksplozivno paje 17. rujna 1943. izbila unutarnja pobuna s Feridom Džanićem i Božom Jelinekom na čelu. Najzad, valja kazati daje Vlada NDH pokušavala uz pomoć muslimanskog lo¬ bija dobiti neki oblik turskoga priznanja hrvatske države. Vládaje koristila do¬ bre usluge muslimanskoga personala u službi svojih institucija teje računala na simpatije turskih građana podrijetlom iz BiH, koji su za austrougarskoga razdo¬ blja iselili u Tursku. Turska nije kanila de iure priznati NDH. Međutim, imamo li u vidu daje Tursku 1941. - 1945. osobito zanimala ravnoteža snaga u Istoč¬ noj i Srednjoj Europi, hrvatsko-turski odnosi nisu bili lišeni političke dimenzije. Munir Sahinović Ekremov u Tursku je putovao kao „osoba naročitog povjerenja, na osobni nalog Poglavnika" teje imao zadaću da u ime Hrvatskog ministarstva vanjskih poslova u Ankari „službeno notificira turskoj vladi osnutak Nezavisne Države Hrvatske i izrazi spremnost hrvatske državne vlade da sa Republikom Turskom uspostavi redovite diplomatske, gospodarsko-konzularne i kulturne odnošaje po načelima međunarodnog prava i reciprociteta kada god takvu želju pod redovitim okolnostima izrazi vlada Republike Turske". Sahinović je također imao zadatak da pronađe ljude koji bi bili voljni u službenim krugovima lobirati za Hrvatsku. Međutim, Šahinovićev boravak u Turskoj nije postigao neke re¬ zultate jer su mu ostala zatvorena vrata službenih institucija vlade. Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova NDH nastavilo je sponzorirati putovanja hr¬ vatskih promatrača u Tursku. Muhamed Mujagić, vrhovni šerijatski sudac u mirovini, i Hivzija Košarić, činovnik konzulata NDH u Mariboru, boravili su kao hrvatski promatrači u Turskoj između svibnja i srpnja 1942. Prema njiho¬ vu svjedočanstvu bili su izloženi negativnom iskustvu turskog javnog mnijenja о NDH, za što su krivnju bacali na britansku i srpsku promidžbu. Poluslužbeni dodiri između Turske i NDH odvijali su se preko Hrvatskog po¬ slanstva u Sofiji. U prosincu 1942. dužnost turskoga poslanika u Sofiji preuzeo je Vasfi Mentes, koji je razvio stanovitu diplomatsku aktivnost vezanu uz aktivniji strateški nastup Turske na Balkanu. U trenutku izbacivanja Italije iz rata, Turska je namjeravala pozvati Bugarsku, Rumunjsku i Mađarsku i NDH da stvore for¬ malno neutralni, ali stvarno protusovjetski blok, međutim, to se nije ostvarilo. Muslimanska politička elita vezana uz institucije NDH, nakon njezina sloma u svibnju 1945., bila je izložena progonu nove jugoslavenske vlasti. Smrtnom presudom bili su kaženjeni Muhamed Alajbegović, ministar vanjskih poslova NDH, i Osman Kulenović, potpredsjednik hrvatske Vlade. Ademaga Mešić, doglavnik ustaškog pokreta, osuđen je na doživotnu kaznu zatvora. Potreba za objektivnijom povijesnom prosudbom muslimanske političke elite koja se veza¬ la uz hrvatski nacionalizam tim je očitija imamo li u vidu da ih još uvijek prati postratni naziv „zločinaca" i „narodnih neprijatelja". 410 Summary The Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims, today's Bosnians, represented a serious political and cultural challenge to the Croatian nationalist elite of the NDH (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska — Independent State of Croatia) in 1941-1945. The Ustaša movement strove toward a nationally homogenous Croatian state, and from the perspective of its founders, the Muslims were Croats of Islamic faith. Religion did not play an integral part in the NDH state; Croat people were considered homogenous by race and distinctive by religion. The political convictions of Ustaša nationalists followed in the footsteps of Croatian nation¬ alists and there is a clearly traceable connection from Ante Starčević to Ante Pavelić. The Ustaša movement's attitude toward the Muslims was based on a few key constructs. Firstly, the nationality of the Muslims was seen as a phenomenon of "blood" and "belonging" as well as of a shared history. It was believed that the Islami- zation, which occurred during the Ottoman period, did not have an impact on the ethnicity of the Muslims. Thus, by converting to Islam, the Muslims did not alter their racial, linguistic, and national characteristics. Indeed, the bio¬ logical tie between the Muslim and the Croat ethnicity was confirmed by their shared language. The Muslims spoke the ikavski or ijekavski dialect, as did the Catholics. In fact, it is believed that the Bosnian elite felt this ethnic tie already in the pre-modern epoch, which marks the beginning of their conscious identi¬ fication with the Croatian nation. The Ustaša movement insisted that nationalism was significant only ifit advo¬ cated the creation of a state which would unify all territories of Croatian eth¬ nicity. This suggests that, with the formation of the NDH, the development of the Croat national ethnic community into a modern nation was completed because the nation was finally equated with its national state. By referring to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims as Croats of Islamic faith, Bosnian Islam was regarded as an integral aspect of Croatian cultural identity. The notion of an "Islamic variant" of Croatian culture was fervently propound¬ ed by numerous nationalist intellectuals. In the cultural complex created by the nationalist elite of the NDH, Islam was given several positive typological char¬ acterizations. The number of published works about the Muslims and Islam increased in the NDH and there was a growing interest in Muslim customs and faith. The cultural life in general was infused with positive perceptions about Islamic cultural heritage and the Orient in general. In very general terms, the newly identified "Islamic variant" of Croatian culture in the NDH points to certain tensions regarding what might be described as "ambiguous identity." 41 HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM 1 MUSLIMANI Historiography shows us that this tendency is present in almost all peoples of Eastern and Central Europe, especially in the Balkan nations, which perceive themselves as points of contact between different civilizations and as bridges between various cultures. Since Ustaša nationalism stressed the territorial importance of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the cultural perception of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the Croatian "antemurale," that is, the bulwark of Christianity, was extruded. Cultural dis¬ course in the NDH banished the old notion of conflict between West and East, Catholicism and Islam, the cross and the crescent. Because Islamic culture was strongly present on the territory of the NDH, the metaphor of the river Drina as the boundary between the Occident and the Orient appeared to be illogi¬ cal. The cultural policy of the NDH attempted to reconcile three different elements (the Central European, the Mediterranean, and the Islamic) within the frame¬ work of a "unified body of Croatian culture of the western type." Still, the posi¬ tive attitudes toward Islam and the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims, expressed in the NDH media and literary texts, as described in this work, should not mis¬ lead us. By ignoring the political reality of the slavish and totalitarian Ustaša re¬ gime, we might make the mistake of assigning to these sources meanings which suggest some sort of multiculturalism. In fact, the cultural framework of the NDH and the concept of the "Islamic variant of Croatian culture" did not entail such a notion because the Muslims were not treated as an autonomous cultural group but were rather ethnically identified with the Croats. The Croatian nationalist attempt to reduce the identity of the Bosnian-Herze¬ govinian Muslims to a Croatian national basis carried hints of the strategic as¬ piration to make Bosnia and Herzegovina a part of a greater Croatian territory. The NDH geo-strategists put forth the argument that the territory of Bosnia- Herzegovina, that is, the entire Dinaric range with both its slopes, the Adri¬ atic and the Pannonian, were "included in the western world," which implied that Bosnia should not be treated as a boundary zone but rather as the "heart" of the NDH. Croatian nationalists did not accept the Croatian-Serbian divi¬ sion of Bosnia resulting from the agreement signed by the Yugoslav govern¬ ment of Cvetković-Maček on 26 August 1939, when the Banovina of Croatia was formed. The support which Croatian nationalism received from the Muslims in the NDH during 1941-1945 remained restricted to a small circle of Muslim intel¬ ligentsia, while the wider Muslim masses played no part in this matter. The Muslim political elite which did accept the legitimacy of the NDH insisted on 412 SUMMARY rights of representation for Muslims in the Croatian Government and in the Croatian Parliament. The political views of men such as Džafer Kulenović, Os¬ man Kulenović, Ademaga Mešić, Muhamed Alajbegović, to mention only the most prominent ones, were formed under the influence of Rightist ideology. Mešić's biography, in particular, offers a wealth of material for research of ac¬ tivities and beliefs of those Muslim groups which gravitated towards Zagreb as their spiritual and political centre. This proves just how profound and strong a mark Starčević's idea on the separation of religion and nation made on the new generation of educated Muslims in the late 19th and early 20th century. During 1941-1945 there was no gap in the political and cultural life of the Bos- nian-Herzegovinian Muslims in the NDH. While the representatives of the Muslim political elite, mentioned above, supported the Croatian state/nation which was to usher the Muslims into a modern society of the western type, the religious intelligentsia believed that the Muslims had to base their power on Is¬ lam, which had to be emancipated from politics. This notion rejected nation¬ alism as a political form and advocated "patriotism " as an instinctual feeling among Muslims, which had its base in Islam. Any moral and political renew¬ al of Muslims in the NDH, according to religious intellectuals like Mehmed Handžić or Mustafa Busuladžić, had to be based on a return to the "original Islam." The religious elite held the political elite responsible for the decline of the Muslims and rejected the association with western modernity and Croatian nationalism. The religious elite's lack of trust in state structures was evident in the regres¬ sive attempt to return to the original character of Islam. The rise of Islamism in Sarajevo could in many ways be considered a product of the political struc¬ tures in Zagreb. Though the NDH s time was too short for Islam to assume the shape of an ideological movement, the organization Mladi muslimani (Young Muslims) ventured to explore the relationship between politics and Islam in a new way. The Young Muslims operated legally through branches in Prijedor, Travnik, Banja Luka, Doboj, 'Zenica, Kotorsko, Mostar, and Gradačac. In 1942 the Young Muslims showed "loyalty" to the NDH authorities, and they were presented to the public as an organization whose "primary aim was to bring back to faith the youth that under strong enemy influence had forgotten its faith and its nationality and became deluded by atheistic and anti-national teachings which threaten to ruin Croats of Islamic faith." The direction M. Handžić gave to the Young Muslims was of a strictly spiritual and moral nature. The Young Muslims were interested in issues which were in fact central to Islamic exegesis: does Islam outlive historical time and experience:1 Some prominent Young Mus¬ lims, like A. Serdarević, believed that Islam did not require a modernist refor- 413 HRVA! SKI NACIONALIZAM ! MUSLIMANI mulation; what it did need was "an Islamic initiative, at least among individuals, who, as Muslims and fully formed individuals, would be given the opportunity to implement the Islamic law in life." The Muslims, moreover, had to under¬ stand that solutions to their problems were not to be found "outside Islam." The Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims in the NDH strove to protect their group identity by way of the Ustav Islamske vjerske zajednice (The Constitution of the Islamic Faith Community), which was never sanctioned in the NDH, even though in August 1941 a Zagreb draft of the Constitution was worked out along with the so-called Sarajevo draft. The debate on the organization of the Con¬ stitution in the NDH was indeed an internal dispute between the political and the religious elites. Drafts for the legal regulation of the autonomy of the Islamic Faith Community in the NDH were offered by the two groups. The Sarajevo group consisted of those members of the ulema who were dissatisfied with the 1936 Constitution. This Constitution was regarded as too "secular" because it discontinued the mufti institution and it deprived the ulema of its role in admin¬ istering the property of vakufs (foundations, endowments). The Sarajevo draft insisted on the autonomy of the vakufs, which would be administered according to the regulations of the shariah. The Sarajevo group demanded autonomy for the vakufs, so that they could be governed according to shariah law. Thus, the Muslim religious elite in the NDH believed that the state, i.e. the law-maker, was not capable of regulating crucial issues such as the election of the reis-ul- ulema and the highest religious representatives, or the matter of administering the vakufs. The second group was made up of the followers of Džafer Kulenović, the vice-president of the NDH government, who was inclined towards the sec¬ ularization of the religious and vakuf administration. Kulenović believed that wartime was not a favourable time for the installation of a new religious leader after the death of the reis-ul-ulema F. Spaho, so Salih ef. Basic was appointed waib-executive for a second time. It appears that Ante Pavelić, the head of the NDH, was not interested in the internal organization of the Islamic community and he avoided arbitration be¬ tween the two groups. This position was confirmed by the German envoy in Zagreb, Siegfried Kasche, who got the impression that Pavelić did not accept the views of either group. Pavelić also made it clear that he would "under no cir¬ cumstances get involved in the dispute nor impose any order on the Muslims from the point of view of the state." The NDH government's policy which urged the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Mus¬ lims to accept Croatian national identity proved to be a mistake. If during 1941- 1945 the Muslim political elite attempted to find a modus vivendi with the gov- 414 SUMMARY ernment of the NDH, the religious elite and the wider Muslim masses rejected the idea of a shared identity with the Croats and saw themselves as having their own historical rights, their own territory, and the right to autonomous admin¬ istration within Bosnia and Herzegovina. Especially important in this respect was the work of the Odbor narodnog spasa (The Committee for National Salvation), established at the assembly of promi¬ nent representatives of Muslim associations on 26 August 1942 in Sarajevo. The context of the Committee's activity was much wider, including the troublesome political status of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the end of the war. Contempo¬ rary Bosnian historiography describes the Committee as the most important "Bosnian society or association of citizens during the Second World War." The group around the Committee often modulated its assessment of the NDH as an arbitrary creation to which the Muslims denied legitimacy. Leadership of the Committee was entrusted to M. Handžić. Monies collected by the Com¬ mittee were used as humanitarian aid, but also to obtain armaments to be dis¬ tributed to "militias for the defense of certain villages in eastern Bosnia." After Handžić's death in 1944, the leading figure in the Committee became Kasim efendija Dobrača, who, during the war, put a lot of effort into collecting infor¬ mation about Muslim casualties. This documentation was assembled in order to be presented to the international community, especially to its Muslim circles. During 1943, Dobrača lived in Berlin for two months as a guest of Hadj Amin al Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, where he translated documents about the suffering of Bosnian Muslims into Arabic. It seems that from there he in¬ tended to go to Cairo, but the Germans thwarted his plans. The Committee collected documentation on the war suffering of the Muslims and saved it in the Ulema medzlis in Sarajevo. By 1944 there was so much evi¬ dence that a unified report was being prepared to be sent "to some Muslim lands to reveal to the Muslims of the world the situation and the full extent of Mus¬ lim suffering in Bosnia and Herzegovina." The editorial work was entrusted to Hazim Šabanović, who prepared three written copies. In mid-1944 he com¬ pleted the first book, which was translated into English and Arabic and through secret channels presented to al Husseini, who was now living in the environs of Berlin. Through the efforts of the Afghan embassy in Berlin, this documenta¬ tion made its way to Egypt and Turkey. Shortly after, the Egyptian and Turkish press published several articles describing the suffering of Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina based on these documents. In conjunction with these civilian actions, military initiatives were taken as well. Thus, an attempt was made to separate Muslim units, which would operate in 41, S HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM I MUSLIMANI areas of Muslim domicile in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from the volunteer Home Guard (Domobran) formations of the NDH. This was relatively easy to accom¬ plish because Home Guard formations were territorial and served to protect local communications. Volunteer Home Guard formations or Bosnian planinci (Mountaineers) under the command of Nešet Topčić probably allow for the best insight into independ¬ ent Muslim military activity. The Croatian government looked askance at the creation of volunteer Bosnian- Herzegovinian alpine SS divisions, believing that their Muslim based organi¬ zation would fuel "regional and religious autonomous thinking and tensions" among the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims. The government expressed this opinion in a memo presented by the NDH Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the German Reich on 10 February 1944. It stated that the government was in agree¬ ment with the creation of SS divisions and SS police units, insisting, however, that no particular "religion be favoured" and that these divisions be formed from "Catholics and Muslims primarily from Bosnia and Herzegovina." By order of H. Himmler (22 September 1943), the unit was named the ІЗ'11 SS Volunteer Bosnian-Herzegovinian Alpine Division (Croatia). Ninety percent of the com¬ mand structure of the unit was made up of Germans. From May 1944 onward the division was called the "Handžar" division. Part of the division was trans¬ ferred to southern France in July 1944. The 13th Croatian battalion of the SS division, stationed in Villefranche-de-Rouergue, may have numbered, accord¬ ing to some estimates, between 500 andlOOO soldiers. The atmosphere was ex¬ plosive and on 17 September 1944 a revolt occurred within the battalion, with Ferid Džanić and Božo Jelinek at its head. Finally, it should be noted that the government of the NDH, with the assistance of the Muslim lobby, attempted to obtain some form of official state recognition from Turkey. The government used the good services of the Muslim personnel working in its institutions and counted on the sympathy of Turkish citizens of Bosnian-Herzegovinian ancestry, who had migrated to Turkey during the pe¬ riod of the Austro-Hungarian rule. Turkey had no intention of officially recog¬ nizing the NDH. However, considering that Turkey was very concerned about the balance of power in Eastern and Central Europe, the Croatia-Turkey rela¬ tions were not devoid of political drama. Munir Sahinović Ekremov travelled to Turkey as "a person of special confidence, at the personal behest of the head of government." On behalf of the Croatian Minister of Foreign Affairs, his task in Ankara was to "officially notify the Turkish government of the creation of the Independent State of Croatia and express the Croatian governments desire to 416 SUMMARY establish regular diplomatic, economic, cultural, and consular relations accord¬ ing to prevailing international law and reciprocity whenever the government of Turkey expresses such a desire." Sahinović was likewise asked to find people who would be willing to lobby for Croatia in official circles. All in all, Sahinović s stay in Turkey had not resulted in any significant breakthroughs as the doors of official institutions remained closed to him. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the NDH continued to sponsor visits of Croatian observers to Turkey. Muhamed Mujagić, a chief shariah judge in retire¬ ment, and Hivzija Košarić, a consular official of the NDH in Maribor, resided in Turkey as Croatian observers from May to July 1942. According to their ac¬ counts, Turkey did not welcome them because of a generally negative perception of the NDH, for which they blamed the British and Serbian press. Semi-official contact between Turkey and the NDH took place through the Croatian embassy in Sofia. In December 1942, the Turkish ambassador in So¬ fia became Vasfi Mentes, who employed principled diplomatic activity to de¬ velop a more active Turkish strategic approach in the Balkans. When Italy ex¬ ited the war, Turkey intended to invite Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and the NDH to form an officially neutral, but in fact anti-Soviet bloc. This, however, did not come to pass. The Muslim political elite active in the NDH institutions was persecuted by the new Yugoslav government after the collapse of the NDH in May 1945. Death penalties were handed out to Muhamed Alajbegović, the NDH Minister of For¬ eign Affairs, and Osman Kulenović, the vice president of the Croatian govern¬ ment. Ademaga Mešić, deputy leader of the Ustaša movement, was sentenced to life imprisonment. The need for a more objective historical assessment of the Muslim political elite within Croatian nationalism becomes all the more pressing when one remem¬ bers that these individuals are still labelled with the post-war terms of "crimi¬ nal" and "enemy of the people." 417
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geographic	Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd
geographic_facet	Kroatien
id	DE-604.BV036578056
illustrated	Illustrated
indexdate	2025-02-24T11:07:08Z
institution	BVB
language	Croatian
oai_aleph_id	oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020499023
oclc_num	705681521
open_access_boolean
owner	DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR
owner_facet	DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR
physical	450 S. Ill.
publishDate	2009
publishDateSearch	2009
publishDateSort	2009
publisher	Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest
record_format	marc
series2	Biblioteka XX. stoljeće
spelling	Kisić Kolanović, Nada Verfasser aut Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović Zagreb Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest 2009 450 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka XX. stoljeće Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1900-2000 gnd rswk-swf Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 gnd rswk-swf Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 g Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 s Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 s Geschichte 1900-2000 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Kisić Kolanović, Nada Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 gnd Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4040921-1 (DE-588)4041300-7 (DE-588)4073841-3
title	Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945.
title_auth	Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945.
title_exact_search	Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945.
title_full	Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović
title_fullStr	Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović
title_full_unstemmed	Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović
title_short	Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945.
title_sort	muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941 1945
topic	Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 gnd Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd
topic_facet	Muslim Nationalismus Kroatien
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT kisickolanovicnada muslimaniihrvatskinacionalizam19411945

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