Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945.:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Croatian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Zagreb
Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest
2009
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka XX. stoljeće
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 450 S. Ill. |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1806961820368371712 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
Predgovor
.7
1. uvod
.12
О
etnonimu i nastanaku modernoga bošnjačkog identiteta
. 12
Predmet i pristupi.
15
2.
Hrvatski etnocentrizam i muslimani
.19
Etnopovijest BiH kao instrument hrvatske nacionalne politike
. 19
„Hrvati islamske vjeroispovijesti"
-
etničku zajednicu povezati u državu i naciju
. 30
Projekcija „bošnjaštva" kao psihologijske i zavičajne posebnosti.
37
Koncept velikohrvatskoga prostora
1941. .40
Stvaranje novoga državnog autoriteta u BiH
1941. 42
Participacija muslimana u institucijama vlasti NDH
. 50
Pitanje Sandžaka
.55
3.
Hrvatska država kao izazov i muslimanski odgovori
.58
Sekularizam kao problem u islamskom mišljenju
. 58
Svjetovna elita: prihvaćanje hrvatskoga nacionalizma
. 60
Muslimanska vjerska elita: agresivni nacionalizam stran je islamu
. 64
4.
ADEMAGA MEŠIĆ
-
GENEZA HRVATSTVA U NACIONALNOM
OSVJEŠTENJU MUSLIMANA
.74
Obiteljsko i socijalno zaleđe
. 75
Privlačnost starčevićanstva u političkom osvještenju muslimana
. 80
Mešićev nacionalizam „etnojezičnoga" tipa.
89
Mešić se nije bojao kulturnoga pozapadnjenja
. 93
Mešići islam
. 97
Pretvoriti BiH u prostor europskoga znanja i proizvodnosti
. 103
Mešićevo hrvanje
s
političkim identitetom
.110
Mešić i pokret za vjersku autonomiju
1893. - 1909.,.„.„„, 117
Sudjelovanje u parlamentarnom život Bosne i Hercegovine
1910. — 1914. 128
Promicanje oporbenog nacionalizma u jugoslavenskoj državi
1918. — 1941. 136
Suočen
s
praktičnom realizacijom „hrvatske države"
1941. - 1945. 141
Uhićenje i osuda
1945.145
5.
Muslimani u vladajućoj strukturi NDH
.148
Džafer-beg Kulenović
. 151
Mehmed Alajbegović
. 164
Munir
Šahinović Ekremov.
174
HakijaHadžić
.178
Osman
Kulenović.
.180
6.
ULOGA VJERSKE ELITE I VJERSKIH INSTITUCIJA
.185
El-Hidaje: ulema u potrazi za svojim pozivom
1941. - 1945. 186
Fehim Spaho
-
raspad autoriteta reis-ul-uleme
1941. 189
Ismet Muftić: zagrebački muftija izvan domašaja Sarajeva
. 197
Sačuvati identitet obnovom islamskoga nasljeđa
. 199
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
ì
Ulema:
zalaganje
za
humanitarne vrijednosti.
.212
Ulema i ratno nasilje
.„„.„. 217
7.
IDEOLOGIZACIJA ISLAMA: MLADI MUSLIMANI
.222
Islam kao granica ulemi i državi
. 222
8.
MUSLIMANI I KULTURNI RESURSI NDH
.229
Kulturne institucije: plodno tlo za nacionalizaciju muslimana.
. 230
Muslimanske obrazovne institucije u NDH
.,.,.,.,.,. 237
Tiskani mediji
.242
Književno stvaralaštvo muslimanskih pisaca
. 247
Sarajevo i hrvatska promidžba
.„„„,„.,.,.254
9.
Nacionalizam i kulturni identitet
1941.259
Afirmirati „islamsku varijantu" u kulturnom identitetu NDH
.,.,.,.„.„. 259
Alternativni koncepti „kulturnoga graničarstva" i „organske kulture naroda".
.269
10.
Islam u kulturnoj praksi NDH
.275
Tipološka karakterizacija islama u medijima NDH
. 280
Samostalni Vakuf poglavnikove džamije u Zagrebu.
.292
Status orijentalistike kao akademske discipline
.„.,.„.„.300
11.
Prijepor
око
nacrta ustava islamske vjerske zajednice
.302
Pravni položaj Islamske vjerske zajednice do
1941.302
Islam ne može biti instrument politike
. 305
12.
POKUŠAJ NADOKNADE GUBITAKA IZ AGRARNE REFORME
.319
13.
Muslimanska politika u znaku emancipacije od NDH
.323
Pitanje autonomije
ВІН
koje se stalno vraća
.323
Sarajevo protiv Kulenovićeva kursa plovidbe
1941. 329
Mostarska inicijativa Omera Džabića
.„.„. 336
Odbor narodnoga spasa i njegova taktika integracije
. 340
Pojedinačne incijative
.348
Doći do vlastitih oružanih formacija
.„„.,.,.„., 352
Veliki muftija
El
Huseini i njegova misija u NDH
., 360
Stvaranje SS-dobrovoljačke bosanskohercegovačke brdske divizije.
. 372
Hrvatsko-njemačko nesuglasje
о
formiranju divizije
. 376
„Memorandum" predsjedniku vlade Nikoli Mandiću
1944. 381
14.
Muslimanski lobi za tursko priznanje ndh
.385
Pozicija Turske u ratu
1941. - 1945.
godine
. 385
Pokušaj uspostavljanja kulturnih i konzularnih veza NDH i Turske.,.
. 390
Zaključak
.405
Summary
.411
Popis kratica
.418
izvori i literatura
.419
Manje poznate riječi i izrazi
.436
Kazalo osobnih imena
.441
ZAKLJUČAK
Bosanskohercegovački muslimani, danas Bošnjaci, predstavljali su ozbiljan po¬
litički i kulturni izazov hrvatskoj nacionalističkoj eliti u NDH
1941. - 1945.
godine. Ustaški pokret težio je nacionalno homogenoj hrvatskoj državi, a iz
perspektive njezinih stvaralaca muslimani su bili Hrvati islamske vjeroispovij-
sti. NDH je bila nacija/država u kojoj vjera nije imala sustavno mjesto, hrvatski
narod smatrao se homogenim po rasi, a distinktivnim po vjeri. Ono na čemu
je inzistirao ustaški nacionalizam već je bilo blisko hrvatskim nacionalistima i
može se protegnuti od Ante Starčevića do Ante Pavelića. Odnose prema musli¬
manima ustaški pokret temeljio je na nekoliko bitnih konstrukcija.
Prvo, nacionalnost muslimana doživljava se kao fenomen „krvi" i „srodstva" te
zajedničke prošlosti. Smatra se da islamizacija u osmanskom razdoblju nije ima¬
la učinka na etničnost muslimana. Prelaskom na islam muslimani, dakle, nisu
promijenili svoj rasni, jezični ni narodni značaj. Najzad, pored biološke veze za¬
jedničku etničnost muslimana i Hrvata potvrđuje i zajednički jezik. Muslimani
govore ikavski kao katolici ili ieakvski. Najzad, smatra se daje opipljivu etnič¬
ki vezu osjećala bosanska elita već u predmodernoj epohi, što će reći daje tada
stvorena svijest
о
pripadnosti hrvatskoj naciji.
Budući daje ustaški pokret inzistirao na tome daje nacionalizam važan samo
ako je povezan sa stvaranjem vlastite države koja obuhvaća cjelokupno etničko
područje, sugerira se daje osnivanjem NDH dovršena izgradnja hrvatske etnič¬
ke zajednice u modernu naciju koja je izjednačena
s
nacionalnom državom.
Proglašavanjem bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana Hrvatima islamske vjero¬
ispovijesti, bosanski islam prezentira se kao sastavnica hrvatskoga kulturnog
identiteta. Koncept „islamske varijante" hrvatske kulture
s
velikim su žarom za¬
stupali mnogi nacionalni intelektualci. U kulturnom sustavu kojega je stvorila
nacionalistička elita NDH islam je dobio nekoliko pozitivnih tipskih karakte-
rizacija. U NDH povećana je količina tiskanih djela
о
muslimanima i islamu,
probudio se interes za muslimanske običaje i islam kao vjeru, a kulturni život
općenito je prožet pozitivnom percepcijom islamske kulturne baštine i Orijenta
općenito. U novom imenovanju „islamske varijante" hrvatske kulture u NDH,
na vrlo općenitoj razini može se govoriti
о
tenzijama vezanim uz „dvoznačni
identitet", U historiografskoj literaturi potvrđeno je daje on prisutan kod go¬
tovo svih naroda Istočne i Srednje Europe, osobito u „balkanskih" nacija koje
sebe doživljvaju kao raskrsnicu civilizacijskih dodira i kao most medu različi¬
tim kulturama.
405
HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM
1
MUSLIMANI
Budući daje ustaški nacionalizam u teritorijalnom smislu stavio težište na BiH,
u kulturnoj percepciji bilo je istisnuto viđenje prema kojemu je ona hrvatski
an¬
temurale,
tj. predziđe kršćanstva. Iz kulturnoga diskursa u NDH istiskuje se
ideologem o
sukobu Zapada i Istoka, katoličanstva i islama, krsta i polumje¬
seca. Budući je islamska kultura snažno prisutna na području NDH, metafo¬
ra
о
rijeci Drini, kao granici dvaju svjetova, Okcidenta i Orijenta, pokazuje se
nelogičnom.
Kulturna politika NDH nastoji u sklopu „jedinstvenog korpusa hrvatske kulture
zapadnog tipa" izmiriti tri varijante: srednjoeuropsku, mediteransku i islamsku.
Ipak, medijski i literarni tekstovi kao prijenosnici pozitivnog stava prema islamu
i bosanskohercegovačkim muslimanima opisani u ovom radu, ne bi nas smjeli
navesti na krive zaključke. Zanemarimo li političku praksu robusnoga totali¬
tarnog ustaškog režima, mogli bismo tom gradivu pripisati značenje koje nosi
pojam multikulturalizma. U kulturnom sustavu NDH i konceptu „islamske
varijante hrvatske kulture" toga nema jer muslimani nisu tretirani kao zasebna
kulturna skupina nego su etnički izjednačeni
s
Hrvatima.
Pokušaj hrvatskih nacionalista da identitet bosanskohercegovačkih muslima¬
na svedu na hrvatsku nacionalnu osnovu nije lišena strategijske težnje da
se s
Bosnom i Hercegovinom idealno zaokruži velikohrvatsko područje. Geostra-
tezi NDH iznijeli su argumentaciju daje područje BiH, odnosno cijeli Dinar¬
ski splet,
s
obje njegove padine, jadranskom i panonskom, „uključen u zapad¬
ni svijet", pa se područje Bosne ne tretira kao granično područje već kao „srce"
NDH. Hrvatski nacionalisti nisu prihvatili hrvatsko-srpsku podjelu Bosne po
sporazumu jugoslavenske vlade Cvetković-Maček od
26.
kolovoza
1939.
godine
kojim je stvorena Banovina Hrvatska.
U pogledu nadahnuća i sljedbeništva hrvatski nacionalizam među muslimani¬
ma u NDH
1941. - 1945.
ostao je vezan uz uski krug obrazovane muslimanke
inteligencije, a široki muslimanski slojevi nisu u tome igrale neku ulogu.
Muslimanska politička elita, koja je prihvatila legitimnost NDH, inzistirala je
na reprezentativnim pravima muslimana u Hrvatskoj državnoj vladi i Hrvat¬
skom državnom saboru. Ljudi poput Džafera Kulenovića,
Osmana
Kulenovića,
Ademage Mešića, Muhameda Alajbegovića, da spomenemo najistaknutije, po¬
litički su se formirali pod utejcajem pravaške ideologije. Osobito Mešićeva bio¬
grafija danas je prava riznica za istraživanje ponašanja i sustava vrijednosti one
muslimanske grupacije koja se orijentirala prema Zagrebu kao duhovno-poli-
tičkom središtu. U
torneje
dubok i kompaktan trag koji je Starčevićevo načelo
odvajanja vjere i nacije ostavilo na novi sloj akademski obrazovanih muslimana
80-ih godina
19.
st. i početkom
20.
stoljeća.
406
ZAKLJUČAK
U NDH
1941. - 1945.
nije postojao vakuum u političkom i intelektualnom ži¬
votu bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana. Spomenuti predstavnici muslimanske
političke elite zalagali su se za hrvatsku državu/naciju koja će muslimane uvesti
u moderno društvo zapadnoga tipa. Vjerska inteligencija zastupala je motrište
da muslimani svoju snagu temelje na islamu koji mora biti emancipiran od po¬
litike. Ona odbacuje nacionalizam kao politički oblik i drži daje „domoljublje"
istinski osjećaj medu muslimanima koji ima uporište u islamu. Moralna i politič¬
ka obnova muslimana u NDH, kako je vide vjerski intelektualci poput Mehme-
da Handžića ili
Mustafę
Busuladžića, temeljena je na povratku „izvorima isla¬
ma". Vjerska inteligencija za eroziju muslimana okrivljuje političku elitu i odbija
se poistovjetiti sa zapadnim modernitetom i hrvatskim nacionalizmom. Nepo¬
vjerenje vjerske elite u strukturu države jasno se profilira kroz regresivni pokušaj
vraćanja na prvotno iskustvo islama. Pojava islamizma u Sarajevu umnogome
se može smatrati proizvodom političke strukture u Zagrebu. Premda je vrijeme
bilo kratko da bi se u NDH islam uobličio kao ideološki pokret, organizacija
Mladih muslimana na nov je način pokušala promišljati odnos politike i islama.
Godine
1941.
Mladi muslimani legalno su djelovali, granajući djelatnost u Pri¬
jedoru, Travniku, Banjoj Luci, Doboju, Zenici, Kotorskom, Mostaru i Gradač-
cu. Godine
1942.
godine Mladi muslimani „lojalno" su se odnosili prema vlasti
NDH, a javnosti su predstavljeni kao organizacija koja ima „prvenstveno za cilj
povratiti u krilo vjere islama onu mladež koja je pod jakim neprijateljskim utje¬
cajem zaboravila svoju vjeru i svoj narod zanoseći se ateističkim i anacionalnim
učenjima od kojih je Hrvatima islamske vjere prijetila očita propast". Usmjerenje
koje je „Mladim muslimanima" davao M. Handžić bilo je isključivo duhovne i
moralne prirode. Mladomuslimani se zanimaju za pitanja koja se zapravo nalaze
u središtu islamske egzegeze: nadživljava li islam povijesno iskustvo i vrijeme?
Neki istaknutiji među njima, poput A. Serdarevića, smatraju da islam ne treba
modernističku reformulaciju, on treba „islamsku inicijativu bar kod pojedinaca,
kojima će se dati mogućnost da kao muslimani, kao pravi podpuni ljudi omogu¬
će što više provedbu u život islamskih propisa". Muslimani, međutim, moraju
shvatiti da nema rješenja njihovih životnih pitanja „izvan Islama".
Bosanskohercegovački muslimani u NDH nastojali su zaštititi svoj grupni iden¬
titet putem Ustava Islamske vjerske zajednice, koji u NDH nije nikad bio sank¬
cioniran, premda je uz tzv. sarajevski nacrt Ustava (kolovoz
1941.)
izrađen i za¬
grebački nacrt.
Prijepor
о
ustroju I VZ-a u NDH zapravo je bio unutrašnji prijepor između
vjerske i političke elite. Nacrt zakonskoga reguliranja autonomije Islamske vjer¬
ske zajednice u NDH ponudile su dvije skupine. Sarajevsku skupnu sačinjavao
je onaj dio ilemije koji je bio nezadovoljan Ustavom I VZ-a iz
1936.
godine. Taj
407
HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM i MUSLIMAN!
se ustav smatrao „laičkim" jer je ukinuo ustanovu muftijstva
teje
ulemi oduzeo
položaj u upravljanju vakufskom imovinom. Stoga je sarajevski nacrt inzistirao
na autonomiji vakufa kojim
če
se upravljati isključivo po propisima šerijata. Sa¬
rajevska grupa zahtijevala je vakufsku autonomiju koja će se ravnati isključivo
po propisima šerijata. Dakle, muslimanska vjerska elita u NDH smatrala je da
država, tj. zakonodavac ne može regulirati najvažnija pitanja kao stoje izbor re-
is-ul-uleme i najviših vjerskih predstavnika te pitanje upravljanja vakufom.
Drugu skupinu sačinjavali su pristaše Džafera Kulenovića, potpredsjednika
Vlade NDH-a kojoj je bio bliži koncept laiciziranja vjerske i vakufske uprave.
Kulenović je smatrao da vrijeme rata nije pogodno za izbor novog vjerskog vode
nakon smrti reis-ul-uleme
F. Spähe
paje
tako na mjesto
naiba
-
vršitelja duž¬
nosti po drugi put izabran Salih ef. Bašić.
Čini se da se Ante Pavelić, poglavnik NDH, nije želio opterećivati unutrašnjom
organizacijom islamske zajednice, stoga nije želio arbitrirati između dvije sku¬
pine. To je potvrdio i
Siegfried
Kasche, njemački poslanik u Zagrebu, koji je
stekao dojam da Pavelić ne podliježe sugestijama nijedne skupine, štoviše, jasno
mu je dao do znanja da se „ne će ni pod kojim uvjetima miješati u te razgovore i
da ne će sa strane države nametati nikakav red muslimanima".
Politika Vlade NDH da bosanskohercegovačke muslimane privoli da prihva¬
te hrvatski nacionalni identitet pokazala se pogreškom. Ako je
1941. - 1945.
muslimanska politička elita pokušavala pronaći modus
vivendi
s
vlastima NDH,
vjerska elita i široki slojevi muslimana nisu dijelili grupni identitet
s
Hrvatima
nego su smatrali da imaju svoja povijesna prava, svoj teritorij i svoje pravo na au¬
tonomnu upravu u BiH.
S
tim u vezi karakterističan je rad Odbora narodnog spasa, koji je utemeljen na
skupu predstavnika muslimanskih društava, uglednih pojedinaca,
26.
kolovoza
1942.
u Sarajevu. Kontekst djelovanja Odbora mnogo je širi, uključujući pro¬
blematiku političkoga statusa BiH nakon završetka rata. Danas se u bošnjačkoj
historiografiji Odboru narodnog spasa pridaju osobine najvažnijeg „bošnjačkog
društva i udruženja građana u Drugom svjetskom ratu". Grupacija oko Odbora
narodnog spasa, mnogo je puta varirala zaključak daje NDH proizvoljna tvore¬
vina kojoj muslimani odriču legitimitet. Vodstvo odbora povjereno
je M. Han-
džiću. Novčana sredstva koja je prikupio Odbor upotrijebljena su za humani¬
tarnu pomoć stradalima, ali i za nabavu oružja kojim bi se opremila „milicija
za pojedina sela u istočnoj Bosni da se brane". Nakon smrti Handžića
1944.,
čelni čovjek u odboru postaje Kasim efendija Dobrača, koji se tijekom rata oso¬
bito angažirao na prikupljanju podataka
о
stradanju muslimana. To je gradi¬
vo prikupljano zato da bi
s
njime dospio do međunarodnih, osobito islamskih
408
ZAKLJUČAK
krugova. Dobrača je tijekom
1943.
dva mjeseca boravio u Berlinu kao gost El-
-Huseinija, velikog jeruzalemskoga muftije,
teje tamo
prevodio na arapski jezik
dokumente
о
stradanju muslimana. Čini se da se namjeravao prebaciti u Kairo,
ali u tome su ga spriječili Nijemci.
Odbor je prikupljao gradivo
о
stradanju muslimana tijekom rata te ga pohranji¬
vao u Ulema medžlisu u Sarajevu. Godine
1944.
bilo je već toliko svjedočansta¬
va da se počeo uobličavati eaborat koji bi bio odaslan u „neku islamsku zemlju
da bi muslimani svijeta znali kakav je položaj i kolika su stradanja muslimana
u BiH". Redakcija je povjerena Hazimu Sabanoviću, koji je načinio tri posebna
rukopisa. Tako je polovicom
1944.
završio Prvu knjigu, koja je prevedena na en¬
gleski i arapski i tajnim kanalima uručena
El Husejniju,
velikom jeruzalemskom
muftiji koji je trenutno živio u okolici Berlina. Posredovanjem afganistansko-
ga poslanstva u Berlinu, dokumentacija je dospjela u Egipat i Tursku. Uskoro
je egipatski i turski tisak na temelju tog materijala objavio nekoliko članaka
о
stradanju bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana.
Ukorak
s
tom civilnom akcijom išle su inicijative na vojničkom planu. Tako se
iz domobranskih dobrovoljačkih postrojbi u NDH pokušavaju izdvojiti musli¬
manske postrojbe koje bi djelovale samostalno na domicilnom području BiH.
To se relativno lako moglo ostvariti jer su Domdo postrojbe bile
posadne i u
funkciji osiguranja lokalnih komunikacija.
Dobrovoljačka domobranska postrojba tzv. Bosanski planinci pod zapovjedniš¬
tvom Nešeta Topčića vjerojatno je najbolji primjer za analizu samostalnog mu¬
slimanskog vojnoga djelovanja.
Na ustrojavanje Dobrovoljačke bosansko-hercegovačke gorske SS-divizije hrvat¬
ska vlada nije gledala dobrim okom, jer je ocijenila da će njezin ustroj na musli¬
manskoj osnovi još više osnažiti „regionalne i religiozne autonomističke misli i
težnje" bosanskohercegovačkih muslimana.
Vládaje
takvo stanovište izrekla u
noti koju je Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova NDH predalo
10.
veljače
1944.
vla¬
di Njemačkog Reicha, iz kojega je vidljivo daje vlada bila suglasna
s
postrojava¬
njem SS-divizija i SS-policije,
alije inzistirala
da ne bude „favoriziranja jedne
od vjeroispovijesti
"
te da divizija bude ustrojena od „katoličkih i muslimanskih
Hrvata pretežito iz bosanskohercegovačkih prostora". Po nalogu
H. Himmlera
(22.
rujna
1943.)
postrojba je dobila naziv
13.
SS-dobrovoljačka bosansko-hercego-
vačka
planinska divizija (Hrvatska). U zapovjednoj strukturi divizije bilo je
90 %
Nijemaca. Od svibnja
1944.
nosit će naziv „Handžar" divizija. Dio ljudstva SS-
-divizije prebačen je u srpnju
1944,
u južnu Francusku. U Villefranche-de-Rou-
ergue smješten je
13.
hrvatski bataljun SS-divizije koji je prema procjenama mo¬
gao mati od
500
do
1000
vojnika. Raspoloženje medu ljudstvom bilo je krajnje
409
HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM I MUSLIMANI
eksplozivno
paje
17.
rujna
1943.
izbila unutarnja pobuna
s
Feridom Džanićem
i
Božom Jelinekom
na čelu.
Najzad, valja kazati daje Vlada NDH pokušavala uz pomoć muslimanskog lo¬
bija dobiti neki oblik turskoga priznanja hrvatske države.
Vládaje
koristila do¬
bre usluge muslimanskoga personala u službi svojih institucija
teje
računala na
simpatije turskih građana podrijetlom iz BiH, koji su za austrougarskoga razdo¬
blja iselili u Tursku. Turska nije kanila
de iure
priznati NDH. Međutim, imamo
li u vidu daje Tursku
1941. - 1945.
osobito zanimala ravnoteža snaga u Istoč¬
noj i Srednjoj Europi, hrvatsko-turski odnosi nisu bili lišeni političke dimenzije.
Munir
Sahinović Ekremov u Tursku je putovao kao „osoba naročitog povjerenja,
na osobni nalog Poglavnika"
teje
imao zadaću da u ime Hrvatskog ministarstva
vanjskih poslova u Ankari „službeno notificira turskoj vladi osnutak Nezavisne
Države Hrvatske i izrazi spremnost hrvatske državne vlade da sa Republikom
Turskom uspostavi redovite diplomatske, gospodarsko-konzularne i kulturne
odnošaje po načelima međunarodnog prava i reciprociteta kada god takvu želju
pod redovitim okolnostima izrazi vlada Republike Turske". Sahinović je također
imao zadatak da pronađe ljude koji bi bili voljni u službenim krugovima lobirati
za Hrvatsku. Međutim, Šahinovićev boravak u Turskoj nije postigao neke re¬
zultate jer su mu ostala zatvorena vrata službenih institucija vlade.
Ministarstvo vanjskih poslova NDH nastavilo je sponzorirati putovanja hr¬
vatskih promatrača u Tursku. Muhamed Mujagić, vrhovni šerijatski sudac u
mirovini, i Hivzija Košarić, činovnik konzulata NDH u Mariboru, boravili su
kao hrvatski promatrači u Turskoj između svibnja i srpnja
1942.
Prema njiho¬
vu svjedočanstvu bili su izloženi negativnom iskustvu turskog javnog mnijenja
о
NDH, za što su krivnju bacali na britansku i srpsku promidžbu.
Poluslužbeni dodiri između Turske i NDH odvijali su se preko Hrvatskog po¬
slanstva u Sofiji. U prosincu
1942.
dužnost turskoga poslanika u Sofiji preuzeo je
Vasfi
Mentes,
koji je razvio stanovitu diplomatsku aktivnost vezanu uz aktivniji
strateški nastup Turske na Balkanu. U trenutku izbacivanja Italije iz rata, Turska
je namjeravala pozvati Bugarsku, Rumunjsku i Mađarsku i NDH da stvore for¬
malno neutralni, ali stvarno protusovjetski blok, međutim, to se nije ostvarilo.
Muslimanska politička elita vezana uz institucije NDH, nakon njezina sloma
u svibnju
1945.,
bila je izložena progonu nove jugoslavenske vlasti. Smrtnom
presudom bili su kaženjeni Muhamed Alajbegović, ministar vanjskih poslova
NDH, i
Osman
Kulenović, potpredsjednik hrvatske Vlade. Ademaga Mešić,
doglavnik ustaškog pokreta, osuđen je na doživotnu kaznu zatvora. Potreba za
objektivnijom povijesnom prosudbom muslimanske političke elite koja se veza¬
la uz hrvatski nacionalizam tim je očitija imamo li u vidu da ih još uvijek prati
postratni naziv „zločinaca" i „narodnih neprijatelja".
410
Summary
The Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims, today's Bosnians, represented a serious
political and cultural challenge to the Croatian nationalist elite of the NDH
(Nezavisna Država Hrvatska
—
Independent State of Croatia) in
1941-1945.
The
Ustaša
movement strove toward a nationally homogenous Croatian state,
and from the perspective of its founders, the Muslims were Croats of Islamic
faith. Religion did not play an integral part in the NDH state; Croat people
were considered homogenous by race and distinctive by religion. The political
convictions of
Ustaša
nationalists followed in the footsteps of Croatian nation¬
alists and there is a clearly traceable connection from Ante
Starčević
to Ante
Pavelić.
The
Ustaša
movement's attitude toward the Muslims was based on a
few key constructs.
Firstly, the nationality of the Muslims was seen as a phenomenon of "blood"
and "belonging" as well as of a shared history. It was believed that the Islami-
zation, which occurred during the Ottoman period, did not have an impact on
the ethnicity of the Muslims. Thus, by converting to Islam, the Muslims did
not alter their racial, linguistic, and national characteristics. Indeed, the bio¬
logical tie between the Muslim and the Croat ethnicity was confirmed by their
shared language. The Muslims spoke the
ikavski
or
ijekavski
dialect, as did the
Catholics. In fact, it is believed that the Bosnian elite felt this ethnic tie already
in the pre-modern epoch, which marks the beginning of their conscious identi¬
fication with the Croatian nation.
The
Ustaša
movement insisted that nationalism was significant only
ifit
advo¬
cated the creation of a state which would unify all territories of Croatian eth¬
nicity. This suggests that, with the formation of the NDH, the development
of the Croat national ethnic community into a modern nation was completed
because the nation was finally equated with its national state.
By referring to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims as Croats of Islamic faith,
Bosnian Islam was regarded as an integral aspect of Croatian cultural identity.
The notion of an "Islamic variant" of Croatian culture was fervently propound¬
ed by numerous nationalist intellectuals. In the cultural complex created by the
nationalist elite of the NDH, Islam was given several positive typological char¬
acterizations. The number of published works about the Muslims and Islam
increased in the NDH and there was a growing interest in Muslim customs and
faith. The cultural life in general was infused with positive perceptions about
Islamic cultural heritage and the Orient in general. In very general terms, the
newly identified "Islamic variant" of Croatian culture in the NDH points to
certain tensions regarding what might be described as "ambiguous identity."
41
HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM
1
MUSLIMANI
Historiography shows us that this tendency is present in almost all peoples of
Eastern and Central Europe, especially in the Balkan nations, which perceive
themselves as points of contact between different civilizations and as bridges
between various cultures.
Since
Ustaša
nationalism stressed the territorial importance of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, the cultural perception of Bosnia and Herzegovina as the Croatian
"antemurale,"
that is, the bulwark of Christianity, was extruded. Cultural dis¬
course in the NDH banished the old notion of conflict between West and East,
Catholicism and Islam, the cross and the crescent. Because Islamic culture was
strongly present on the territory of the NDH, the metaphor of the river
Drina
as the boundary between the Occident and the Orient appeared to be illogi¬
cal.
The cultural policy of the NDH attempted to reconcile three different elements
(the Central European, the Mediterranean, and the Islamic) within the frame¬
work of a "unified body of Croatian culture of the western type." Still, the posi¬
tive attitudes toward Islam and the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims, expressed
in the NDH media and literary texts, as described in this work, should not mis¬
lead us. By ignoring the political reality of the slavish and totalitarian
Ustaša
re¬
gime, we might make the mistake of assigning to these sources meanings which
suggest some sort of multiculturalism. In fact, the cultural framework of the
NDH and the concept of the "Islamic variant of Croatian culture" did not entail
such a notion because the Muslims were not treated as an autonomous cultural
group but were rather ethnically identified with the Croats.
The Croatian nationalist attempt to reduce the identity of the Bosnian-Herze¬
govinian Muslims to a Croatian national basis carried hints of the strategic as¬
piration to make Bosnia and Herzegovina a part of a greater Croatian territory.
The NDH geo-strategists put forth the argument that the territory of Bosnia-
Herzegovina, that is, the entire Dinaric range with both its slopes, the Adri¬
atic and the
Pannonian,
were "included in the western world," which implied
that Bosnia should not be treated as a boundary zone but rather as the "heart"
of the NDH. Croatian nationalists did not accept the Croatian-Serbian divi¬
sion of Bosnia resulting from the agreement signed by the Yugoslav govern¬
ment of
Cvetković-Maček
on
26
August
1939,
when the
Banovina
of Croatia
was formed.
The support which Croatian nationalism received from the Muslims in the
NDH during
1941-1945
remained restricted to a small circle of Muslim intel¬
ligentsia, while the wider Muslim masses played no part in this matter. The
Muslim political elite which did accept the legitimacy of the NDH insisted on
412
SUMMARY
rights of representation for Muslims in the Croatian Government and in the
Croatian Parliament. The political views of men such as
Džafer Kulenović,
Os¬
man
Kulenović, Ademaga Mešić, Muhamed Alajbegović, to
mention
only the
most prominent ones, were formed under the influence of Rightist ideology.
Mešić's
biography, in particular, offers a wealth of material for research of ac¬
tivities and beliefs of those Muslim groups which gravitated towards Zagreb as
their spiritual and political centre. This proves just how profound and strong a
mark
Starčević's
idea on the separation of religion and nation made on the new
generation of educated Muslims in the late 19th and early 20th century.
During
1941-1945
there was no gap in the political and cultural life of the Bos-
nian-Herzegovinian Muslims in the NDH. While the representatives of the
Muslim political elite, mentioned above, supported the Croatian state/nation
which was to usher the Muslims into a modern society of the western type, the
religious intelligentsia believed that the Muslims had to base their power on Is¬
lam, which had to be emancipated from politics. This notion rejected nation¬
alism as a political form and advocated "patriotism
"
as an instinctual feeling
among Muslims, which had its base in Islam. Any moral and political renew¬
al of Muslims in the NDH, according to religious intellectuals like Mehmed
Handžić
or Mustafa
Busuladžić,
had to be based on a return to the "original
Islam." The religious elite held the political elite responsible for the decline of
the Muslims and rejected the association with western modernity and Croatian
nationalism.
The religious elite's lack of trust in state structures was evident in the regres¬
sive attempt to return to the original character of Islam. The rise of
Islamism
in Sarajevo could in many ways be considered a product of the political struc¬
tures in Zagreb. Though the NDH
s
time was too short for Islam to assume the
shape of an ideological movement, the organization
Mladi muslimani
(Young
Muslims) ventured to explore the relationship between politics and Islam in a
new way. The Young Muslims operated legally through branches in
Prijedor,
Travnik, Banja Luka, Doboj, 'Zenica, Kotorsko, Mostar, and Gradačac.
In
1942
the Young Muslims showed "loyalty" to the NDH authorities, and they were
presented to the public as an organization whose "primary aim was to bring
back to faith the youth that under strong enemy influence had forgotten its faith
and its nationality and became deluded by atheistic and anti-national teachings
which threaten to ruin Croats of Islamic faith." The direction M.
Handžić
gave
to the Young Muslims was of a strictly spiritual and moral nature. The Young
Muslims were interested in issues which were in fact central to Islamic exegesis:
does Islam outlive historical time and experience:1 Some prominent Young Mus¬
lims, like
A. Serdarević,
believed that Islam did not require a modernist refor-
413
HRVA!
SKI
NACIONALIZAM
!
MUSLIMANI
mulation;
what it did need was "an Islamic initiative, at least among individuals,
who, as Muslims and fully formed individuals, would be given the opportunity
to implement the Islamic law in life." The Muslims, moreover, had to under¬
stand that solutions to their problems were not to be found "outside Islam."
The Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims in the NDH strove to protect their group
identity by way of the
Ustav Islamske vjerske zajednice
(The Constitution of the
Islamic Faith Community), which was never sanctioned in the NDH, even
though in August
1941
a Zagreb draft of the Constitution was worked out along
with the so-called Sarajevo draft. The debate on the organization of the Con¬
stitution in the NDH was indeed an internal dispute between the political and
the religious elites. Drafts for the legal regulation of the autonomy of the Islamic
Faith Community in the NDH were offered by the two groups. The Sarajevo
group consisted of those members of the
ulema
who were dissatisfied with the
1936
Constitution. This Constitution was regarded as too "secular" because it
discontinued the mufti institution and it deprived the
ulema
of its role in admin¬
istering the property of vakufs (foundations, endowments). The Sarajevo draft
insisted on the autonomy of the vakufs, which would be administered according
to the regulations of the shariah. The Sarajevo group demanded autonomy for
the vakufs, so that they could be governed according to shariah law. Thus, the
Muslim religious elite in the NDH believed that the state, i.e. the law-maker,
was not capable of regulating crucial issues such as the election of the reis-ul-
ulema and the highest religious representatives, or the matter of administering
the vakufs. The second group was made up of the followers of
Džafer Kulenović,
the vice-president of the NDH government, who was inclined towards the sec¬
ularization of the religious and
vakuf
administration.
Kulenović
believed that
wartime was not a favourable time for the installation of a new religious leader
after the death of the reis-ul-ulema F. Spaho, so
Salih
ef.
Basic was appointed
waib-executive for a second time.
It appears that Ante
Pavelić,
the head of the NDH, was not interested in the
internal organization of the Islamic community and he avoided arbitration be¬
tween the two groups. This position was confirmed by the German envoy in
Zagreb, Siegfried Kasche, who got the impression that
Pavelić
did not accept
the views of either group.
Pavelić
also made it clear that he would "under no cir¬
cumstances get involved in the dispute nor impose any order on the Muslims
from the point of view of the state."
The NDH government's policy which urged the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Mus¬
lims to accept Croatian national identity proved to be a mistake. If during
1941-
1945
the Muslim political elite attempted to find a modus
vivendi
with the gov-
414
SUMMARY
ernment of the NDH, the religious elite and the wider Muslim masses rejected
the idea of a shared identity with the Croats and saw themselves as having their
own historical rights, their own territory, and the right to autonomous admin¬
istration within Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Especially important in this respect was the work of the
Odbor narodnog
spasa
(The Committee for National Salvation), established at the assembly of promi¬
nent representatives of Muslim associations on
26
August
1942
in Sarajevo. The
context of the Committee's activity was much wider, including the troublesome
political status of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the end of the war. Contempo¬
rary Bosnian historiography describes the Committee as the most important
"Bosnian society or association of citizens during the Second World War." The
group around the Committee often modulated its assessment of the NDH as
an arbitrary creation to which the Muslims denied legitimacy. Leadership of
the Committee was entrusted to M.
Handžić.
Monies collected by the Com¬
mittee were used as humanitarian aid, but also to obtain armaments to be dis¬
tributed to "militias for the defense of certain villages in eastern Bosnia." After
Handžić's
death in
1944,
the leading figure in the Committee became Kasim
efendija Dobrača,
who, during the war, put a lot of effort into collecting infor¬
mation about Muslim casualties. This documentation was assembled in order
to be presented to the international community, especially to its Muslim circles.
During
1943,
Dobrača
lived in Berlin for two months as a guest of Hadj
Amin
al
Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, where he translated documents about
the suffering of Bosnian Muslims into Arabic. It seems that from there he in¬
tended to go to Cairo, but the Germans thwarted his plans.
The Committee collected documentation on the war suffering of the Muslims
and saved it in the
Ulema medzlis
in Sarajevo. By
1944
there was so much evi¬
dence that a unified report was being prepared to be sent "to some Muslim lands
to reveal to the Muslims of the world the situation and the full extent of Mus¬
lim suffering in Bosnia and Herzegovina." The editorial work was entrusted
to Hazim
Šabanović,
who prepared three written copies. In mid-1944 he com¬
pleted the first book, which was translated into English and Arabic and through
secret channels presented to
al
Husseini, who was now living in the environs of
Berlin. Through the efforts of the Afghan embassy in Berlin, this documenta¬
tion made its way to Egypt and Turkey. Shortly after, the Egyptian and Turkish
press published several articles describing the suffering of Muslims in Bosnia
and Herzegovina based on these documents.
In conjunction with these civilian actions, military initiatives were taken as well.
Thus, an attempt was made to separate Muslim units, which would operate in
41,
S
HRVATSKI NACIONALIZAM I MUSLIMANI
areas of Muslim
domicile
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from the volunteer Home
Guard
(Domobran)
formations of the NDH. This was relatively easy to accom¬
plish because Home Guard formations were territorial and served to protect
local communications.
Volunteer Home Guard formations or Bosnian
planinci
(Mountaineers) under
the command of
Nešet Topčić
probably allow for the best insight into independ¬
ent Muslim military activity.
The Croatian government looked askance at the creation of volunteer Bosnian-
Herzegovinian alpine
SS
divisions, believing that their Muslim based organi¬
zation would fuel "regional and religious autonomous thinking and tensions"
among the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims. The government expressed this
opinion in a memo presented by the NDH Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the
German Reich on
10
February
1944.
It stated that the government was in agree¬
ment with the creation of
SS
divisions and
SS
police units, insisting, however,
that no particular "religion be favoured" and that these divisions be formed from
"Catholics and Muslims primarily from Bosnia and Herzegovina." By order of
H.
Himmler (22
September
1943),
the unit was named the
ІЗ'11
SS
Volunteer
Bosnian-Herzegovinian Alpine Division (Croatia). Ninety percent of the com¬
mand structure of the unit was made up of Germans. From May
1944
onward
the division was called the
"Handžar"
division. Part of the division was trans¬
ferred to southern France in July
1944.
The 13th Croatian battalion of the
SS
division, stationed in Villefranche-de-Rouergue, may have numbered, accord¬
ing to some estimates, between
500
andlOOO soldiers. The atmosphere was ex¬
plosive and on
17
September
1944
a revolt occurred within the battalion, with
Ferid
Džanić
and
Božo
Jelinek
at its head.
Finally, it should be noted that the government of the NDH, with the assistance
of the Muslim lobby, attempted to obtain some form of official state recognition
from Turkey. The government used the good services of the Muslim personnel
working in its institutions and counted on the sympathy of Turkish citizens of
Bosnian-Herzegovinian ancestry, who had migrated to Turkey during the pe¬
riod of the Austro-Hungarian rule. Turkey had no intention of officially recog¬
nizing the NDH. However, considering that Turkey was very concerned about
the balance of power in Eastern and Central Europe, the Croatia-Turkey rela¬
tions were not devoid of political drama.
Munir
Sahinović Ekremov
travelled to
Turkey as "a person of special confidence, at the personal behest of the head of
government." On behalf of the Croatian Minister of Foreign Affairs, his task in
Ankara was to "officially notify the Turkish government of the creation of the
Independent State of Croatia and express the Croatian governments desire to
416
SUMMARY
establish regular diplomatic, economic, cultural, and consular relations accord¬
ing to prevailing international law and reciprocity whenever the government of
Turkey expresses such a desire."
Sahinović
was likewise asked to find people who would be willing to lobby for
Croatia in official circles. All in all,
Sahinović
s
stay in Turkey had not resulted
in any significant breakthroughs as the doors of official institutions remained
closed to him.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the NDH continued to sponsor visits of
Croatian observers to Turkey.
Muhamed Mujagić,
a chief shariah judge in retire¬
ment, and Hivzija
Košarić,
a consular official of the NDH in
Maribor,
resided
in Turkey as Croatian observers from May to July
1942.
According to their ac¬
counts, Turkey did not welcome them because of a generally negative perception
of the NDH, for which they blamed the British and Serbian press.
Semi-official contact between Turkey and the NDH took place through the
Croatian embassy in Sofia. In December
1942,
the Turkish ambassador in So¬
fia became Vasfi
Mentes,
who employed principled diplomatic activity to de¬
velop a more active Turkish strategic approach in the Balkans. When Italy ex¬
ited the war, Turkey intended to invite Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and the
NDH to form an officially neutral, but in fact anti-Soviet bloc. This, however,
did not come to pass.
The Muslim political elite active in the NDH institutions was persecuted by the
new Yugoslav government after the collapse of the NDH in May
1945.
Death
penalties were handed out to
Muhamed Alajbegović,
the NDH Minister of For¬
eign Affairs, and
Osman
Kulenović,
the vice president of the Croatian govern¬
ment. Ademaga
Mešić,
deputy leader of the
Ustaša
movement, was sentenced
to life imprisonment.
The need for a more objective historical assessment of the Muslim political elite
within Croatian nationalism becomes all the more pressing when one remem¬
bers that these individuals are still labelled with the post-war terms of "crimi¬
nal" and "enemy of the people."
417 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Kisić Kolanović, Nada |
| author_facet | Kisić Kolanović, Nada |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kisić Kolanović, Nada |
| author_variant | k n k kn knk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036578056 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)705681521 (DE-599)BVBBV036578056 |
| era | Geschichte 1900-2000 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1900-2000 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Kroatien |
| id | DE-604.BV036578056 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:24:38Z |
| institution | BVB |
| language | Croatian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020499023 |
| oclc_num | 705681521 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 450 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Biblioteka XX. stoljeće |
| spelling | Kisić Kolanović, Nada Verfasser aut Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović Zagreb Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest 2009 450 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka XX. stoljeće Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1900-2000 gnd rswk-swf Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 gnd rswk-swf Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 g Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 s Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 s Geschichte 1900-2000 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Kisić Kolanović, Nada Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 gnd Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4040921-1 (DE-588)4041300-7 (DE-588)4073841-3 |
| title | Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. |
| title_auth | Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. |
| title_exact_search | Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. |
| title_full | Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović |
| title_fullStr | Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović |
| title_full_unstemmed | Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. Nada Kisić Kolanović |
| title_short | Muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941. - 1945. |
| title_sort | muslimani i hrvatski nacionalizam 1941 1945 |
| topic | Muslim (DE-588)4040921-1 gnd Nationalismus (DE-588)4041300-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Muslim Nationalismus Kroatien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020499023&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kisickolanovicnada muslimaniihrvatskinacionalizam19411945 |