Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Gdańsk
Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego
2009
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 224 s. il. - Ill. 24 cm. |
| ISBN: | 9788373266827 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804142975764135936 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Summary
This book presents the American media response to the two watershed elections
in Poland after World War II, the timing of which coincided with Cold War s
opening and closing chapters. Whereas in
1947,
as provided by the Yalta and Pots¬
dam Agreements parliamentary elections in Poland were to be free and unfet¬
tered , in
1989
the so-called Contracted
Sejm was
to be chosen on the basis of
partially free balloting. Free and unfettered turned out to be marked by intimi¬
dation and terror, while constricted balloting limiting number of freely contested
seats, turned to be Poland s first postwar elections in which the will of the people
was a factor decisive to Poland s future.
This book is an attempt to demonstrate that one can look at these two events,
resulting from entirely different internal and geopolitical conditions, as parts of
the same drama, i.e. the struggle for Poland s sovereignty, and American attitude
towards Poland during the Cold War. Both in
1947
and in
1989
voting in parlia¬
mentary elections was not free. In both cases it was followed by election of a Com¬
munist to the post of country s president in an unchallenged presidential ballot.
Moreover, at both times, the elections taking place in Poland garnered significant
attention overseas. Yet, as properly observed by the American journalists and
commentators, their outcome was entirely opposite. The
1947
elections closed the
process of installing the Communist regime in Poland, whereas the elections of
1989
opened the way to dismantling it. The clear recognition of their meaning was
brilliantly depicted by the American cartoonists, whose works open each section
of this book.
Looking at the American media coverage of the events in Poland
-
press, ra¬
dio, newsreels, television, and public opinion polls
-
provides for a deeper under¬
standing and interpretation of the popular response in the U.S. to the pivotal
changes occurring in East-Central Europe. Especially that it both cases they d
preceded major American foreign policy changes: the Truman doctrine and
G. Bush s involvement in relaxing the Communist grip across the region. I argue
that the coverage of some critical, political events in Poland paved the way for
smoother introduction of changes in the area of foreign relations to the American
people.
This monograph is divided chronologically in two parts
- 1947
and
1989.
Each part opens with short characteristics of the American media in
1940s
and
1980s
respectively. The opening chapters (I and V) present the general American
interest in Poland at that time and introduce key
personae
-
American corres¬
pondents reporting from Poland during the elections.
In chapters II-IV I present how from Los Angeles, via Chicago, St. Louis to
Washington American newspapers were informing their readers on coercion,
ter-
222
Summary
ror
and fraud thus producing a proof that the international agreements that provi¬
ded for a free ballot in Poland were turned into a flagrant sham.
However, the picture of Polish developments presented to the American rea¬
der was not one-dimensional. On the following pages I discuss the evidence that
in
1947
the American correspondents were deceived by the Polish government.
The voting places visited by the foreign observers were prepared in advance;
the foreign correspondents were kept very busy by
Wiktor
Grosz,
Polish Ministry
of Foreign Affairs spokesman, who organized far more press conferences than ne¬
cessary. To produce the topics for the foreign press a number of show trials were
opened during the first two months of
1947,
including one in which the British
Ambassador was involved. Victor Cavendish-Bentinck s case was skillfully pre¬
sented as a diplomatic scandal, and therefore received an extensive coverage over¬
seas. In addition to an already busy schedule foreign journalists attended press
conferences organized by the opposition leader
-
Stanisław Mikołajczyk (PSL,
Peasant Party) whom majority of them found the only trustworthy voice in Po¬
land. Despite regime s misinformation campaign and its accusations against the
journalists that they relied solely on Mikolajczyk s words, most of the American
journalists were able to produce reliable evidence of the communist swindle.
Noteworthy is the exception of Marguerite Higgins discussed in chapter II.
Although in
1947
there was much space dedicated to the Polish parliamentary
elections in the American press, taking the office of president by
Bolesław
Bierut
got almost marginal reporting. The Los Angeles Times even misspelled Bie-
rut s last name on his election day calling him Beirut . American press didn t
seem to notice any significance in the election other than the new president was to
appoint the new Prime Minister who was to form a new cabinet.
Based on the extensive press analysis which included local titles as well, I claim
that the dominating tone of majority of American reporting on Polish elections in
1947
was correctly presenting the facts and political reality in Poland. However,
a staunchly anti-communist tone characterized Catholic press and the Chicago
Tribune only. Both did not have their own independent sources in Poland at the
time of the elections.
By and large, for those Americans who sought information on the Polish vote,
it was there. This is an important finding as had there been a place for a public de¬
bate on American policy towards Poland the necessary means for such, with
diverse opinions, were there. At that time though, the U.S. government was swift¬
ly using this anti-Communist attitude, directing it into other parts of the world.
The sentimental friendship to Poles was there but the American government did
not respond with any action. No wonder since it was too late for that. The war for
Poland had been lost already in
1943
when the American public was still largely
pro-Soviet.
In
1989
the chance for a free and independent Poland re-emerged. After Po¬
lish heydays following Solidarity s birth, by the spring of
1989
the climate for in¬
ternational reporting was entirely different, and the American press was fast to
Summary
__________ 223
pick up on the first competitive elections in the Communist bloc with members of
the democratic opposition in the run. The governmental Interpress agency could
no longer take exclusive care of scores of American journalists who tended to have
English-speaking friends among the opposition leaders. As discussed in chapter
V, some of them had been staying in Poland since mid
80s.
They had both the
experience in Polish affairs, necessary personal contacts and at the same time,
they knew how to handle the Polish security service surveillance they were un¬
der.
As Poles proved to be capable of creating a non-violent movement, the oppo¬
sition s parliamentary campaign and balloting received mostly encouraging and
affirmative commentaries. Like in
1947,
in
1989
the American media were mind¬
ful of an uncertainty of the Soviet response. Therefore, most of the journalists at
some point mentioned the concern for uncontrolled turn of events (radical youth),
escalation of tensions with the Soviet Union.
However this time, the outcome of the parliamentary elections was simply un¬
precedented. According to the Round Tables Talk s agreement signed April 5th
1989
independent candidates were quoted at
161
seats in 460-seated
Sejm.
On
June 18th
1989
Solidarity swept all of them. In return for re-establishment of po¬
werful presidency the Communists agreed on entirely free elections to the newly
re-created upper chamber, which constituted of
100
senators. Solidarity took
99
of
100
seats. As described in chapter VI, such results shocked not only the
governmental party but also Solidarity itself.
The highest point of attention devoted to Poland in
1989
occurred just days
before the presidential election. That was due to George Bush s visit to Poland
(July
9-1
lth
)
coverage of which I discuss in chapter
VII.
Interestingly enough,
I have found evidence that both the American and the Polish governments tried
to influence the tone of the U.S. journalistic coverage on Poland.
The
1989
presidential election in some ways resembled that of
1947.
The Pre¬
sident was to be elected by the National Assembly, majority of which, in accor¬
dance with Round Table Agreement belonged to the Communists and their poli¬
tical allies, and again, there was only one candidate to be voted for
-
general
Wojciech
Jaruzelski.
The American newspapers followed the post-election deve¬
lopments in Poland with a great deal of attention. It is not a big surprise that
Americans were worried about the region s stability and hence, that much of their
attention was driven towards the question of who was going to head Polish state.
U.S. newspapers noted the perils of
Jaruzelski
not being elected. They said that
other Communist leaders in the region may become convinced that the imple¬
mentation of political reforms may turn dangerous for their initiators, as well as it
may bring serious threats from abroad
-
endangering Soviet intervention, brin¬
ging instability in the whole region. American press response to general Jaru-
zelski s hairbreadth victory is analyzed in chapter
VIII.
As indicated by the public opinion polls, being relatively well informed about
Poland, Americans did not disapprove the U.S. governmental policies towards
224 ________________
Summary
East-Central Europe in either case. In the long term, American interest in Poland,
and later in East-Central Europe, proved temporary. Soon the groundbreaking
events in Poland were overshadowed by developments taking place in Greece,
Turkey and Germany
(1947),
or Czechoslovakia, Hungary, GDR
(1989).
The picture of Poland as recorded by the American media at the beginning
and at the end of the Cold War was not stable and homogenous. By
1989,
Poland
was no longer an Unhappy country. The American approach to Poland had
changed. This country was not described as a „Polish Problem anymore, rather it
was described as showing a „Polish Way , a fascinating source of inspiration not
only to the neighboring countries. However, for the American policymakers the
stability of the region and at least working, if not good, terms with Soviet Union
were superior to the popular sympathy for Poles and their aspirations. It should
not be overlooked that for the Americans, once the tensions eased, Poland could
hardly become anything more than one of dozens minor U.S. allies in the world.
On the other hand, the number of journalists that have visited Poland over the
years illustrate that Poland has many faithful friends in the U.S. who, while not of
Polish origin, contributed to its generally favorable image among the American
public.
Spis
tresei
Wstęp
.........................................7
1947:
„Wolne i nieskrępowane ?
Rozdział I
Przedstawiciele północnoamerykańskich organów prasowych w Polsce
.... 23
Rozdział
II
Obraz kampanii wyborczej i głosowania
19
stycznia
1947
roku w relacjach
korespondentów amerykańskich
.........................43
Rozdział III
Wybór Bolesława Bieruta na urząd prezydenta w opinii dziennikarzy
amerykańskich
...................................67
Rozdział
IV
Przyszłość Polski na łamach prasy amerykańskiej w świetle badań opinii
publicznej w latach
1945-1947...........................79
1989:
„Najbardziej wolne od czterdziestu lat
Rozdział
V
Prasa amerykańska i jej korespondenci o Polsce lat osiemdziesiątych
.....97
Rozdział
VI
Obraz wyborów parlamentarnych z
4
i
18
czerwca
1989
roku
w prasie USA
...................................123
Rozdział
VII
Wizerunek Polski w amerykańskim radiu i telewizji w kontekście podróży
prezydenta GeorgaBusha do Polski
(9-11
lipca
1989).............153
Rozdział
VIII
Wojciech
Jaruzelski
w ocenie amerykańskich korespondentów
i publicystów
....................................173
Zakończenie
....................................197
Bibliografia
....................................203
Indeks osób
....................................217
Summary
......................................221
|
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| author | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1127341197 |
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| era | Geschichte 1989 gnd Geschichte 1947 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1989 Geschichte 1947 |
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| id | DE-604.BV036476958 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:40:19Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788373266827 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020348545 |
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| physical | 224 s. il. - Ill. 24 cm. |
| publishDate | 2009 |
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| spelling | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- Verfasser (DE-588)1127341197 aut Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz Gdańsk Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego 2009 224 s. il. - Ill. 24 cm. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1989 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1947 gnd rswk-swf Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd rswk-swf Presse (DE-588)4047150-0 gnd rswk-swf USA (DE-588)4078704-7 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 s Geschichte 1947 z Geschichte 1989 z USA (DE-588)4078704-7 g Presse (DE-588)4047150-0 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020348545&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020348545&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd Presse (DE-588)4047150-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4064286-0 (DE-588)4047150-0 (DE-588)4078704-7 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_auth | Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_exact_search | Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_full | Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz |
| title_fullStr | Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz |
| title_full_unstemmed | Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz |
| title_short | Prasa amerykańska wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_sort | prasa amerykanska wobec wyborow w polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| topic | Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd Presse (DE-588)4047150-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Wahl Presse USA Polen |
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