Japodi: fragmenta symbolica
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| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Croatian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Split
Književni Krug
2009
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| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka znanstvenih djela
164 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Iapodes |
| Beschreibung: | 322 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789531633239 |
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| 300 | |a 322 S. |b zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804142805922086912 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Sadržaj
I. Uvod
.............................................................................................................................................5
II.
PROTOJAPODSKE SIMBOLIČNE STRUKTURE
.............................................................11
III. JAPODSKE NADGROBNE SLIKE
.....................................................................................39
PRINOŠENJE ŽRTVE
.....................................................................................................39
BANKET
............................................................................................................................60
POVORKA
-
PLES ŽENA
..............................................................................................95
POVORKE RATNIKA-KONJANIKA
.............................................................................98
POSLJEDNJE PUTOVANJE
........................................................................................105
IV.
RATNIK- SVEČENIK-
PRINCEPS
.................................................................................119
V.
PTICA, KONJ I ČOVJEK U SOLARNOJ DINAMICI SVIJETA
......................................155
VI.
KONTINUITET SUNČEVE SIMBOLIKE
..........................................................................199
VII.
BINDUS-
NEPTUNUS
....................................................................................................235
KRATICE I LITERATURA
.........................................................................................................249
lAPODES
-
FRAGMENTA
SYMBOLICA (Summary)
.....................................................275
Kazalo osobnih imena
.........................................................................................................
307
Kazalo geografskih pojmova
.............................................................................................315
lAPODES
-
FRAGMENTA
SYMBOLICA
Summary
Only symbolic fragments, which can not be incorporated into the system, remained
from Iapodic illiterate culture. lapodic
fragmenta symbolica,
thanks to the nature of the
symbolic, after all, »testify« about the past system. They are kind
oí
pars pro
toto;
they
point to the entirety of the Iapodic culture which gradually disappeared in the encounter
with the Roman civilization. »Pictures« are vital support of this analysis. Some of them
are evidently symbolic (pictures no.
89, 150, 339-341).
A part of them has less evident
symbolic meaning. In showing their symbolism and demarcation from the world of
signs, we must start with basic knowledge about the nature of symbolism. A sign is »a
part of physical being«, it always relates to something singular, while a symbol is »a part
of human world of meaning«, it is universal and completely variable. The ambiguity and
variability of messages (polysemy) of Iapodic symbolic structures are being conditioned
by the nature of iconic symbols, but also by their belonging to Iapodic graphic art and
insufficiently famous Iapodic religion in whose background is also unknown Iapodic
social structure. The vertical and horizontal constitution of Iapodic religion is unknown,
the same as how the religious systems of all cultures of the Adriatic circle from the Iron
Age is also unknown. »True« contexts for proving symbols and symbolism, on almost
all levels in all historic Adriatic communities, are missing. As a part of the religious and
graphic art world, lapodic symbolic structures were primarily set by conventions (rules)
of the funerary cult, but also by certain unconventionally and freedom of graphic art,
which within the set religious
-
social canons always gives (modest) individual, i.e. cre¬
ative progress. Although Iapodic graphic art, as well as the »Illyrian« or Picenum s,
Ve¬
netic
and other, is strongly conditioned by funerary ideology and religion as a whole, its
adaptability does not threaten its independence, Iapodic graphic art was beginning to be
on the boundary of the Mediterranean and the continent, and for the most part depended
on the south »taste«, which very often was indirectly coming to lapodes from the north,
from the Alpine world (situla), and from the circle of
Caput Adriae.
The basic Iapodic
stylish shape (model) is mainly »archaic«, or, to be more precise, pseudo-archaic; in
essence, it is emphatically composite, hybrid and very conservative, especially since
the
б 1
and 5th centuries
ВС,
first of all in its most monumental presentations. It unites
forms from geometries until late Hellenism. The most monumental models of Iapodic
art- lapodic urns (pictures no.
54-60, 89, 133, 138-142, 150),
with
figurai
syntax and
with plenty of oriental-archaic elements, which, however, were made not until the last
centuries of the 1st millennium
ВС,
are the best example of conservatism of the lapodic
community. During the geometries period (10lh and 9th
-
8th century
ВС),
lapodic art
much better communicates with foreign style models, both Mediterranean (Greek, mid¬
dle Italic) and continental. At the time, Iapodic art fits well into certain European-style
»geometric« communities. Despite the break of ligurativeness since the
7
and 61 1 cen¬
turies
ВС,
geometries remained, in terms of style, an important framework (picture) all
275
until the end of lapodic culture. Like the whole Mediterranean (and continental) circle
since 7th and 6th century
ВС,
the world of lapodic graphic scenes, individual signs and
symbols, »describes« densely and stubbornly »the phenomena of human existence«:
coexistence of death, work, rule, eroticism; in archaic communities, they are deeply
immersed into myth and religion, consequently, they depend on gods and superhuman
spheres (E. Fink). lapodic symbols of past, as in many archaic communities, primarily
make »pictures« of ceremonies. Ceremony is important in the archaic society of both
the Mediterranean and the continent; it is a happening of every day occurrence, ritual,
funerary procedure, but it is also a divine epiphany. In basic »pictures« of lapodic com¬
munity, as well as in other places in Europe during the Iron Age, things about life are
said through basis of funerary ideology
-
irreconcilability with the finiteness. »Explain¬
ing« death is very important in describing lapodic community. As pictures of »life« in
the cult of the dead are actually only »imitations« of life and its idealization, these »pic¬
tures« of lapodic life don t need to be taken literally, not even when they are almost »the
description« of some happenings. They are not even
apriori
symbolic. In their irrecon¬
cilability with finiteness, they just vaguely announce »eternity«. Human spirit always
»dreams a dream about immortality« (E. Fink). And while »the deadness of the deceased
has phenomenal appearance« (E. Fink), the afterlife and immortality (of the soul), are
always foggy and vague. However, Iapodes, sometime during the last centuries of the
old era, »naively«, but graphically very specifically, show just the soul of the deceased
(picture no.
150).
As the main symbolic remains of lapodic culture (1st millennium
ВС),
iconic symbols composed in »tombstone images« (urns from Pounje and
Lika:
pictures
no.
54-60, 89,133, 138-142, 144, 150-151)
or in »mythological images« (belt buckles:
pictures no.
317-323)
and individual happenings (rituals) and objects (pectorals, anthro¬
pomorphic pendants etc.) which symbolized something to Iapodes, are being analyzed.
It is supposed that just the chosen symbolic »fragments« speak most directly about past
religious and social integrity of lapodic culture.
What, on a symbolic level, during the 2nd millennium
ВС
came before lapodic cul¬
ture from the 1SI millennium
ВС,
is hereby presented only with two phenomena. The first
one is »the exclusive« burial with the battle axe in mound grave no.
6
from
Lički
Osik
(picture no.
6).
The other one is the symbolic atmosphere of Bezdanjaca cave. They both
present the pre-Iapodic world as a segment of multi-layered symbolism based in reli¬
gion and social culture of the Bronze Age. »Battle« tubular axe (so called Krten s tip) on
the left side of the deceased s chest (pictures no.7-8) was primarily symbolic. The axe.
as the means of the deceased s individuality, stresses all his numerous (past) peculiari¬
ties in socio-political community (micro cosmos), with inevitable reflection on the mac¬
rocosm. The (past) powers of the deceased could be connected to the sphere of war, but
also to the sphere of the holy and therefore they could ritually influence fertile merging
of the land (community) and macro cosmos. Because the axe (closely resembles light¬
ing), as a favorite socio-religious symbol of the earliest Bronze Age, like other weapons
(dagger, sword), especially those which are not efficient in practice, symbolically cre¬
ates the Earth
-
Sky (Cosmos. Sun) vertical. However, the expensive European artifact
of eastern Alpine origin
-
the
Sauerbrunn
sword from the grave mound in
Gospić
from
276
the Middle Bronze Age (picture no.
11)
repeats the fact about the extreme importance
of weapons along the »horizontal« (society, politics, religion) and »vertical« (Cosmos)
Bronze Age surfaces. In »cosmic« symbolic contexts with weapons (and men) during
the Bronze Age, the solar symbolic thread is constantly evident.
Bezdanjača
is the main notion of pre-Iapodic symbolism (pictures no.
13-14);
it is
the ideal ritual area and religious »concept«. It is »the world« (mundus). It seems that
choosing
Bezdanjača,
with its complete lack of light, was conditioned by rituals. Natu¬
rally »mystical«, the space of
Bezdanjača
also has symbolic character documented by
»artifacts« (pictures no.
15-16; 18).
Due to the density of ritual repertoire and its unique
position,
Bezdanjača
might have been a kind of »specialized« necropolis in the pre-
Iapodic cult of the dead, with a special
(?)
role in the funerary cult of the wider com¬
munity. However, it is impossible to conclude in detail about »the profile« of the de¬
ceased, based only on grave units of
Bezdanjača:
only the global archeological context
of the cave has been preserved. In
Bezdanjača,
where
200
deceased were buried (»ex¬
posed«), solely entombed, with a vessel and other items by their bodies, several »sacri¬
ficial« areas have been found (pyres). However, proper »planar geometry« of this cave
necropolis, where every tomb would have its own pyre, can be only assumed. During
burial, sacrificing next to a single tomb was important. That was an animal sacrifice,
maybe also some kind of drink offering, i.e. the ceremonial feast of the living. Ceramic
vessels (pictures no.
29, 34-36; 39-40),
especially big pots found both on pyres and in
graves (as a tribute to the deceased), tell us that the feast of food and drink was ex¬
tremely important and most probably the main ritual act. The presence of smaller recep¬
tacles, like cups or goblets (picture
34-35; 37; 39),
refers to drinking or maybe spilling
of a liquid. Also, wooden spoons, as a utilitarian element, served for ceremonial feeding
(pictures no.
19; 31/2).
The question is, who »used« those spoons: the dead or/and the
living. »Vitality« for both the dead and the living was invoked by feasts. Although in
Bezdanjača,
no weapon, serving as a grave tribute, was found in situ, however, outside
of grave context, typical late Bronze Age valuables like weapons (picture no.
47-48)
and
jewelry (picture no.
44-45)
were found. Spatially concentrated findings of some metal
objects (needles, a sword: picture no.
46)
might be consequence of their ceremonial
deposing in water ambiance, because some parts of
Bezdanjača
(with burials) used to be
under water. There are some elements in
Bezdanjača,
with unpreserved »ceremonial«
topography. Still, they are the only »exact« base for the »reconstruction« of the ritual
course and for beliefs. These are: ocher, wooden sticks and specific animals (doe/deer
and wild boar). Together with the feast, just the combination of these elements contains
certain assumptions for »interpreting« the Iapodic afterlife concept. The ocher (most
probably terra
rossa
which can be found in several places in
Bezdanjača)
was found in
fireplaces, therefore, close to the deceased. As a grave tribute however, a lump of ocher
is put on the body of the deceased or beside him (grave no.
13,
grave no.
19,
and grave
no.
21:
pictures no.
25-27; 29-30).
Due to the dislocation of numerous skeletons, the
original position of ocher in relation to the deceased is very often uncertain. Finally, the
ocher was found as a dust, together with the round stone grinder in a ceramic bowl on
the pyre next to the grave no.
4
(picture
27).
A small stick
(?)
was embedded in the lump
277
of ocher from the tomb no.
4.
Besides the ocher and pyres,
Bezdanjača
also has notions
of other »heath« elements: usage
(?)
of plant bedding or covers for the deceased (fern:
picture no.
24/4).
The question whether the red color in
Bezdanjača
was understood as
feminine and nocturnal, with pronounced funeral meaning, or however, like daily, pow¬
erful (warlike) and vivacious like gold and the Sun. The comprehension of the red color
in
Bezdanjača
is conditioned by the pre-Iapodic basic relation towards death and after¬
life
(?).
In
Bezdanjača,
spreading or painting
(?)
of the deceased with red color and
giving him the lumps of red soil, had the function, like gold or jade, of (physical) »pre¬
serving« and »reviving« the deceased. The red color/soil was expected to have a reviv¬
ing effect on the body of the deceased. The red color in
Bezdanjača,
especially in com¬
bination with other elements, approaches to the symbolic aspect of the »yellow«: gold
and the Sun, with the initial symbolic opposition of life and death, bearing discreet in¬
dication of transcending the darkness. The contours of pre-Iapodic perceiving of the
afterlife are »hidden« there. The function of wooden sticks on the necropolis is not de¬
fined. Seemingly irrelevant, the sticks in
Bezdanjača
are found in several places within
»sacrificial« areas, on pyres, or rather next to graves and by side of the deceased (pic¬
tures no.
21-22; 28; 32-33).
They are, without exception, present in graves: placed on
the body of the deceased, and then vertically stabbed between rocks that surrounded the
grave. In one location, they are placed in a vessel (picture no.
19)
together with spoons
(2
pieces). The combination of sticks, wooden spoon and (broken) vessel (picture no.
19)
indeed associates on the act of eating
-
on the utilitarian function of sticks. If at all
used for eating, some of them were the means of ceremonial feeding. The sticks are
pointed and very often have a burned tip. They are made of hazel, ash and pine. But un¬
like pine, hazel and ash don t burn well; hazel is not suitable for lighting some area.
Bezdanjača
was probably lit by bigger torches (sticks tied together) made of wood that
burns well. Hazel was burning for purely symbolic reasons. The presence of sticks
somehow reminds on early metal sticks/wspits« (oboloi), which during the Iron Age
were material (pre-monetary) and symbolic goods: the gift for both, the deceased and
gods, sometimes also a symbol of the funerary feast, i.e. welfare itself. Wooden sticks in
Bezdanjača
also had some practical (eating, illumination) and symbolic value. Because
they were meant for the deceased, especially those laid on his chest. The connection
between the deceased and sticks was also made by vertically stabbing sticks around the
deceased, into the edge of the grave. Then, they were the source of light, just like the
light of a candle over graves. The light of one stick, as well as of all sticks lit around the
grave, was weak, merely symbolic. Obviously, some »inner« light was wanted and
expected in
Bezdanjača.
The glittering fire of sticks and fire places had to be present in
Bezdanjača
and that fire was practical and symbolic, mystic in shaman way: it made
possible to »see in the darkness«. The universal symbolic relation »stick
-
axes of the
world
-
spear
-
ray
-
trunk
-
tree« unites basic axial symbols. Their multiple combina¬
tions speak about vertical, »center« and the »roof« of the world, about the quality of the
Sun and Cosmos, which at the end points to revival, renewal and similar ideas of »fertil¬
ity«, especially in the cult of the dead. The shape of stick itself (which frequently ac¬
companies the deceased), in
Bezdanjača
is, therefore, potentially symbolic. Maybe the
278
three kinds of sticks (hazel, ash and pine) might have had different functions in rituals
held in
Bezdanjača.
Not only the shape of a stick, but »material« of which it was made
-hazel, fits well into symbolism of death and afterlife, specifically, it corresponds to the
traditional belief that hazel (as a »holy« tree) and hazelnut are the symbols of fertility,
wisdom and reviving the dead. The connection between the deceased and life- giving
hazel, should also be analyzed in
Bezdanjača,
in the context of putting hazel fruit or
leaves into »holy spaces« (graves, »cult« wells) in different cultural communities. Oth¬
er sticks in
Bezdanjača
were made of ash which was firm and hard to break and which
is solar and cosmic
Yggdrasil,
inhabited by deer. Almost the whole doe skeleton was
found (picture no.
12)
in
Bezdanjača
close to the grave no.
U
(with vessel and spoon)
and in blocks
5
and
8.
One site contains two outstretched deceased lying on a doe (grave
no.
17).
Finally, at the deepest spot of
Bezdanjača,
where there were no traces of burials
or any other actions, a doe and wild boar were found. They were probably thrown into
abyss. Does that support thesis about them being otherworldly? In
Bezdanjača,
the oth¬
erworldly qualities in the cave world of the dead were recognized in deer (doe). In
Bezdanjača,
the deer is the ritual item, found in boarded sacrificial spaces. It was prob¬
ably consumed in the funeral feast of food and drinks; it was the feast food of the living
and the dead
(?).
By lying along the whole doe, the deceased makes the most direct
contact with what it symbolizes. The sacrificial relation between deer (doe) and the wild
boar, which is in its symbolic layering also otherworldly, is not clear. Wild boar, same
as doe, was laid (sacrificed) right next to a grave. It is not precisely said how many times
we meet the boar and is it sacrificed alone or together with the doe. In
Bezdanjača
(pic¬
ture no.
12),
deer (doe) is always connected with important points of the cave area; with
funereal, that is to say, sacrificial doings. Lying down the deceased on doe or deer is
symbolically, however, the most important moment of the »intimate« relationship be¬
tween man and animal in the cult of the dead. With the usage of ocher, symbolically, it
is the densest act in
Bezdanjača.
In
Bezdanjača,
where the red color (blood), as well as
the magic hazel/stick has to return vitality and certain corporeal immortality, remains
the problem of pre-Iapodic understanding of immaterial aspects of existence, specifi¬
cally, the function of the red color itself and the hazel. Especially in combination with
deer/doe, the ocher meant for the dead, assumes the qualities of the Sun and the Cosmos
and by that is clearly ascending beyond the otherworldly and (passing) corporeal; it ap¬
proaches the qualities of the life-giving Sun. The cultural contexts from the Bronze Age
explicitly don t confirm the existence of the concept of soul and belief in its immortality/
immateriality. However, the solar symbolic in general, especially the »dynamic one, in
its cyclic nature, referring to wheels, birds, horses, moving, announces the possibility of
surpassing the otherworldly. The deer emphasizes the solar and the cosmic qualities, the
ascent to the »roof« of the world, on the Tree of the world which grows among the deer
antlers. The deceased laid down on a deer in cave space from the Bronze Age period,
expects a certain »light«, maybe the extension of incorporeal existence in the after-
world: a certain immortality of the soul
(?).
With ceremonial combination of the deer/
doe, ocher, sticks (hazel, ash or pine) and funeral feast and with its natural configuration,
Bezdanjača
announces the »upper«. It seems that the whole funeral ritual of
Bezdanjača
279
a kind of pre-Iapodic »illumination of the darkness«; the deepest cave darkness was
chosen to be illuminated ceremonially. The light in Bezdanjaca is »functional« and cer¬
emonial: it is the path to transition. With the model of ceremonial »illumination of the
dark« (or with the model of »initiation«), lots of caves which are culturally-geomorpho-
logically related to Bezdanjaca, could be explained. Anyway (in Paleolithic way), »the
mind in the cave« is not particularly different from the understanding which exists in
universal things of the human spirit and its »usual« impressions of a cave. However,
Bezdanjaca, in wide cultural relations, in a very peculiar way announces the Sun. The
religious idea about the Sun is constantly present in the Iapodic culture from the 1st mil¬
lennium
ВС.
The Iapodic »systems« about the solar qualities were not defined, their
forms were changing throughout different Iapodic periods. Because of that, when we
speak about solar qualities, especially from the period of the deeper Iapodic past, what
we should expect in pre-Iapodic Bezdanjaca, is that what is »above« the otherworld. In
pre-Iapodic religious context, rising above the level of the dark doesn t have (philo¬
sophical) comprehensive qualities. However, it is not possible, that the question about
the essence of the existence and reason for things in general, was unknown for a par¬
ticipant of the funerary ceremony in Bezdanjaca. Typologically sorted out, technologi¬
cally and graphically of a good quality, the ceramics repertoire of Bezdanjaca connects
Bezdanjaca with the wide Danube-basin, eastern Alpine and northern Italian circle of
the middle and especially the late Bronze age (Urnfield culture), and sometimes, with,
in terms of space, the closest analogies in the area of
Caput
Adriae (Monkodonja, Lim-
ska
gradina,
Nezakcij: picture no.
38),
northern Croatia (the Zagreb group) and Herze¬
govina; also, the ceramics repertoire of Bezdanjaca has certain associations on the mor¬
phology and ornament (picture no.
41)
from the complex of »the culture of the grave
mounds« (picture no.
42/1,4),
where some forms (amphoras, jugs, bowls) continue into
Urnfield culture. Certain analogies (pictures no.
42/2-3, 5-7)
are noticeable also in Lu-
satian culture of the middle and the late Bronze Age (German, Slovakian, and Moravi¬
an). Based on the ceramics, but also on the metal artifact repertoire, Bezdanjaca, in
terms of the realistic time determination, belongs to the late middle Bronze Age until the
1
1th century
ВС.
The Iapodic tombstone »images« can be found only on stone urns in the Valley of
Una River (pictures no.
54-60, 133, 138-142),
but also, in a very small number in
Lika
(pictures no.
143-144,151).
They are reduced to scenes of: a) sacrificing (libation), b)
banquets, c) processions
-
dancing of women, d) processions of warrior horsemen, e)
The last Journey. These scenes, therefore, speak about the basic »themes« of the Iapodic
funerary cult, specifically, in its ceremonies and beliefs about death and the afterworld.
Some scenes have multilayered symbolic structure (pictures no.
89, 150),
while some
are merely »describing« symbolic plots (rituals) (pictures no.
55-58, 133,138-140),
like
libation, procession
-
dancing of women, processions of warrior riders. By the
icono¬
graphie
and semantic syntax of their tombstone »images« as well as with their combina¬
tions, Iapodes, therefore, participate in the world of the western Adriatic, Mediterranean
figurative expressions: funereal painting, tombstones, situlas, from the 7th
-
4th and 3rd
centuries
ВС,
despite the fact that the Iapodic »pictures« were made just at the end of
280
the 1st millennium
ВС.
They are not the peculiarity of the Iapodic funerary iconography,
but are however, the reflection of the Iapodic funerary ideology.
The most commonly shown sacrificial action is libation or the drink offering (pic¬
tures no.
55-58).
It is ichnographically standardized and it is the most favorite summary
of the Iapodic tombstone scenes. The Iapodic libation is always compositionally anti¬
thetic. However, in the circle of the western Adriatic tombstones figurative expressions
(Venetic,
Bologna s, Picenum s, Daunian), the image of sacrificing (libation) is rela¬
tively rare in the antithetic scheme with the sacrificial altar in the middle. »Happenings«
in Iapodic tombstone »images«, on the level of entirety and details, weakly correspond
to the structure of grave tributes without the more visible quantity of recipients (and
weapons) on the whole Iapodic area. Even the ceremonial recipients painted on Iapodic
urns could only partly be identified in the autochthonous ceramics repertoire in
Lika
and
Pounje (Golubić, Jezerine, Ribić).
These are very big and also very small recipients.
However, large vessels in the graves around the Una river (Jezerine, grave no.
137,
pic¬
ture no.
71/2),
mostly function only as urns (pictures no.
71/ 3-4).
Small recipients,
however (small bowls, amphoras: pictures no.
72/1-2),
are characteristic grave tribute in
Pounje, especially from the 5th century
ВС,
all until the Roman era. The fact that, that
small vessel, which is sometimes even painted, is very often the only (ceramic) tribute,
along the burned and buried deceased, gives it the special meaning which needs to be
connected with the domination of the scenes of libation on the urns of Pounje. The orna¬
ment on small vessels (picture no.
70)
is stylishly pale autochthonous reflection of the
Mediterranean geometrical syntax
(villanova
or the Greek geometrical type), and which
is, anyway, associated to the »eastern
Hallstatt«
painted ceramics of the northern Croatia
and the Duchy of
Styria
(Martijanec Kaptol,
Klein
-
Klein). These small vessels of
Pounje are kind of late imitations of large eastern Alpine and western
Pannonian
vessels,
painted with meander, spiral and other motifs. Painted ceramics (picture
78)
was re¬
cently discovered in
Lika
in the context of settlements
(Lipová
glavica, Perušić:
picture
79).
Very rarely, lapodes tribute a recipient with the holed bottom to the deceased
(Ribić,
grave no.
108:
picture
68/3).
However, the Iapodic stone urn from
Doljani,
true, only
from the 3rd century AD, with the holed bottom, which served as the altar for libation
(picture no.
69),
confirms a certain continuity of the old ritual in the cult of the dead in
the time of the late Romanization of the lapodes. Maybe the crater (altar) presented in
the scenes of libation on urns functioned in that way. The miniature bronze amphoras
(picture
68/1-2)
from Jezerine (tomb no.
269,297),
with approximately same time anal¬
ogy in
Lika,
from the 3rd
-
2nd century
ВС,
sometimes even with the holed bottom, once
more point out the importance of recipients in Iapodic culture. Maybe these bronze con¬
tainers belong to the category of »models«. In the structure of otherwise unknown
Iapodic »eschatology«, it is impossible to define the aspects of beneficial functions of
the sacrificial matter from libation. Was it, maybe vine
(?)
or water
(?),
directly con¬
nected with the soul of the dead? The thesis that lapodes, during the last centuries of the
lsl millennium
ВС,
had the concept about the soul could be argued. That thesis is sup¬
ported, together with the scene of The Last Journey with soul
-
bird (picture
150),
just
by Iapodic insisting on scenes of libation. In the cult of the dead, libation is (always) the
281
food for the soul of the deceased (Lukian). The fish in a funerary banquet points out on
the water as a ceremonial matter (picture no.
89);
it is the especially enhanced sign and
symbol of Iapodes. However, the possible usage of water in drinking offering doesn t
exclude (simultaneous) usage of other sacrificial liquids, for instance vine (the horn:
picture no.
54)
or, however, their mixture (crater: picture
54).
Based on urn »images«,
the detailed course of libation can t be reconstructed. It always ends with pouring out
(giving it as a gift) the liquid. Small recipients in graves (pictures no.
71/1 ; 72)
and the
liquid which was »pouring out« in Iapodic libation »scenes« (pictures no.
54-55),
were
meant to be for the same recipient: the deceased and its world. It might be thought that
small recipient attributed to the grave serves the deceased for »performing« his own li¬
bation, somewhere in the afterworld. Or, it might have been thought that from that small
grave recipient, but also from the painted one in the hand of the deceased, in the banquet
scene (picture no.
89),
that the deceased was actually »drinking« the matter which
poured into the land in the libation scenes (pictures no.
54-55).
With that act, the de¬
ceased would »perform« the ceremony like the banquet, i.e. the act of drinking the
sacrificial liquid shown on the big urn from
Ribić
(picture no.
89).
The small vessel from
graves in Jezerine,
Ribić
and
Golubić
(pictures no.
71/1 ; 72),
with this would be the sign
of the deceased s banquet in the grave
(?)
or in the afterworld. With this »reconstruc¬
tion«, the libation (spilling) and the banquet (drinking) in the funerary context once
more establish the narrow procedural contact, and show their mutual kinship, comple¬
mentarities, and the enhanced variety of their contents. Just the same as in the reality, the
libation here is also a possible introduction into the banquet, but the imaginary one, the
one of the deceased (picture no.
89).
The fact is that the warrior is the main connection
of the Iapodic libation and banquet scenes. The warrior performs libation, while in ban¬
quet, he is the one who offers the big sacrificial vessel to the deceased who holds the cup
in his hand (picture no.
89).
In the process of sacrifice, with all irrefutable importance of
the recipient (deceased and his world), the aims of the sacrifice primarily refer to mak¬
ing the wishes come true and expectations of those who offered the sacrifice (family,
community). The question is, are the participants of the Iapodic libation those who sac¬
rifice, or those whom offer the sacrifice? Although the warrior is not the only figure who
makes sacrifices, just he had a very prominent role during the drink offering, just like in
the Iapodic funerary cult as a whole (banquet, procession, the Last Journey). The ap¬
pearance of the warrior in key
iconographie
sequences on urns appears too often to be
accidental. There is a possibility that the Iapodic warrior from libation, is the deceased
himself and that these »tombstone« images simply portray the importance of his past
existence. The Iapodic »warlike« libations are maybe only a gift for the Victory and
other gods, before their going to war or after returning from it (pictures no.
66/67).
However, the warrior in Iapodic libation might have been an intermediary, like a priests
or a ruler: he might have been the one who sacrifices (the executioner). The function of
the executioner reveals something about spirituality of a community, its social or reli¬
gious aspects, especially their inter-contacts. With his powers and functions, the war¬
rior from the libation obviously outgrows the narrow sphere of war and stresses the
connection between ceremony and war, religion and social hierarchy. But, the real
282
Iapodic
spiritual, social
and religious relation between war, i.e. warlike function, and
ceremony, specifically libation/feast, remains imprecisely defined, as are many aspects
of the same relation in many Mediterranean sacral (the cult of the dead, the cult of he¬
roes) and profane contexts (for instance in so called »warrior feasts«
-
syssition). We
can assume that Iapodic funerary sacrifice (drinking offer), as an important Iapodic cer¬
emonial episode, fulfilled the basic aims of sacrificing to the dead: redemption, purifica¬
tion and finally reinstatement of the spiritual balance, demarcation and conciliation of
the two worlds, the dead and the living. Drinking offer, like the Greek
sponda,
could be
present in Iapodic divine cult of Bindo Neptune, as an escort of animal sacrifice. In the
Iapodic world, graphically, not directly, was said that a goat was sacrificed by burning
to god Bindo. A flame is shown on Bindo s altar from Privilica (picture no.
359);
the
libation is not shown, but during that Iapodic period, it obviously had an important and
long lasting religious and social role. It is certain that this was also done in divine cult
during the period of Iapodic-Roman culture. »Eastern« Iapodic world practiced their
drink offerings to the dead and to gods, and animal sacrifice (by burning) to the divine
Bindo Neptune.
And while in many Adriatic and European communities of the Iron Age exists se¬
pulchral »suggestion« of the act of feast by chosen combinations of artifacts (specific
recipients
-
crater, vial; »slates«, knives, axes, etc.), the Iapodic central world
(Lika),
and Pounje as well, don t practice »the image« of banquet through »feast instruments«
in the grave area. That still doesn t exclude (very probably) the existence of the feast
(and libation) of the living in the Iapodic cult of the dead. A small vessel put in a grave,
at least during the time of the last phases of the Iapodic culture (the grave from
Prozor,
from the 2ral century
ВС:
picture no.
318),
might »symbolize« the banquet of the de¬
ceased. Very rarely, in late graves of Pounje, several recipients were attributed to them
(picture no.
73):
also, only a few sepulchral recipients (for instance Kantharos in grave
no.
122
from
Ribić,
from the end of the 1st century
ВС:
picture no.
74)
have »Mediter¬
ranean« shape. Funerary banquet is shown graphically only once in Iapodic culture
(picture no.
89).
It is combined with scenes which iconographically and semantically
make unique entirety (pictures no.
91 ; 133; 138, 142).
The banquet is the central image
of this combination, but also of the whole »happening« on Iapodic urns. These facts
connect Iapodic funerary figurativeness with many Adriatic and other areas along the
Mediterranean (Murlo) or in Asia Minor, on the East and on the West (»the art of situ-
la«), where since 7lh and
б 1
century
ВС,
just the banquet is
iconographie
basis which, in
sepulchral, but also in worldly contexts, gathers together and connects images of life
(ceremonies, games, competitions, etc..) and death. Iconographically, the Iapodic feast
belongs to the big group of Mediterranean and Middle-Eastern feasts of the sitting type
(»one sided« variants), which were shown much earlier, but also after the appearance of
the »lying« feast. While some religious and social aspects of the banquet of the Adriatic
prehistoric world from
Veneto
to Apulia, discern, they are »in eschatological way« elu¬
sive. Because semantically, in the world of the Adriatic there are only a few scenes of
funerary banquet which have unquestionable symbolic structure with certain allusions
of the afterworld. With the exception of Bologna (picture no.
183),
the corresponding
283
context
(funerary system, defined eschatological concept) for recognition of »pictures«
and artifacts which are undoubtedly connected to the afterworld, is missing. The atmos¬
phere of scenes (relation between characters), then assistance offish, but also compara¬
tive Adriatic material, primarily the symbolic one from Daunia (picture no.
88),
refer to
the symbolic structure of the Iapodic banquet (picture no.
89).
The fish further accentu¬
ates the lack of reality as well as idealized and unreal atmosphere of the Iapodic (and
Daunian) banquet with »alive« deceased on a throne. The fish »participates« in the
Iapodic and Daunian feast. The Iapodic banquet is followed by the character of the hor¬
rifying wild boar and motif of two bovine animals on the back side of the urn (picture
no
91).
With Iapodes, from
Lika
to Pounje, there is a context for proving symbolism of
both motifs; specifically, bovine animal and wild boar (through its connection with the
character of the warrior) in the cult of the dead, and bovine animal in the divine cult of
Bindo Neptune (picture no.
359).
The big fish, combined with the motif of the hearse or
even the Last Journey, on the Iapodic urn from the Roman era from the middle Iapodic
area in
Komić, Lika
(picture no.
151),
resembles a dolphin. The dolphin from
Komić
might be a psycho pomp. There are also pendants shaped like fish (picture no.
90)
from
Lika (Prozor).
Also, fish forms connect the monster with a fish tail from the Iapodic Last
Journey from
Golubić
(picture no.
150)
and the Iapodic banquet itself (picture no.
89).
Iapodic
-
Roman monuments from Privilica are also painted with fish (dolphin) and
dedicated to the Iapodic god Bindo (Neptune), for whom a goat is being sacrificed. On
Bindo s monuments Triton also appears; he however, is aman-fish (dolphin). On Bindo s
altars, signs (symbols) of water and fire are iconographically clearly merged. Finally, an
important place on the Roman sarcophagus with »Iapodic« sides, from the 2nd century
AD from
Prozor (Otočac)
belongs to the dolphin. Obviously, the fish is one of the most
recognizable Iapodic symbols. All postulates of the aquatic symbolism are projected on
the fish as a symbol. The aquatic symbolism speaks about the role of the water in crea¬
tion and decaying, the process of involution
-
evolution, on anthropological and cosmic
(cosmogonies, cosmological) plan. The fish however, as a part of the ambivalent aquat¬
ic world, also functions in the context of feast with vine. The symbolic relation of the
big fish (dolphin) and banqueter
-
deceased, is crucial for reading of the Iapodic (and
Daunian) banquet (picture no.
88-89).
The deceased and his destiny are easily identified
with fish, the symbol of death but also of immortality; the fish announces the end of one
and the beginning of other cycle. The fish symbolizes the transition between the two
worlds and two states, between »death
-
Ocean
-
underworld
-
abyss
-
flood« and »re¬
newal
-
fertility
-
well-being«. The Daunian and the Iapodic big fish semantically should
be placed in waters which in two ways affect the existence. These are the waters that
renew by destroying. They are like waters of mythical floods, like the waters of the
Ocean with monsters, but also with dolphin-saviors, or, the waters of big god
-
creators
from the East, where the fish is the symbol of god of the underground aquatic world. The
Iapodian and the Daunian fish is the one that saves from (water) destruction and finite-
ness. Just the regenerative fish power confirms the feast of the dead as the act which
provokes fertility and leads to wealth. Abundance
-
fertility
-
wealth, in death and after
death, »announces« certain infinity. These are possible symbolic aspects of every funer-
284
ary
feast: painted on tombstones, but also »funereally« shown by the structure of chosen
artifacts. The big fish (dolphin) in the Iapodic and the Daunian banquets (pictures no.
88-89)
»calls« the waters like the
orphie
waters of Remembrance. Both the feast and the
fish which »assists« the deceased, lead him to »other« world. That world certainly had
accompanying sounds of imaginary, the afterworld, like living in »wealth« on some of
the Islands of the blessed, like the old Egyptian Sekhet Ialu (Iaru) with the blessed de¬
ceased -banqueters (maakheru;
maat kheru)
or Greek Makares (Pindar) and other Is¬
lands of the blessed, where, in different cultural-historic contexts, the afterlife was an
idealized picture on the life of earth. In the old Indian context however, makara is the
sea monster, crocodile or dolphin on which
Varuna
(the master of earthly and cosmic
waters) is riding; it also represents the sign of Capricorn (Suryas) in Hindu
-
zodiac,
where it is presented with head of an antelope and fish body and tail. Makara is in dif¬
ferent ways connected to the water/sea and the concept of fish, dolphin, but also the
beginning of the new cycle; Makara samkramana
-
is the zodiac transition of the Sun
from Sagittarius to Capricorn (with fish tail), it is the announcement of the cyclic re¬
newal of life at the beginning of Winter solstice. The Iapodic fish and the banquet, by
connecting in the sphere of the complete (and the spiritual) welfare, announces the new
»beginning«. On the first semantic level, the banquet, painted on tombstones and »fune¬
really« suggested by chosen artifacts in many cultures of the Iron Age, surely ensures
the connection with the community for the deceased; because, the feast of the deceased
is the reflection of his social/political status. However, the feast, as the metaphor of hap¬
piness that leads the deceased into the sphere of death, at least palely alludes on leaving
the circle of (underground) finiteness and »going into« the world of Wealth. Somewhere
in the background of the funerary banquet there is the »picture« of the Island of the
blessed with water, fish, ocean and food. These two notions (concepts) come in contact
in some of their symbolic aspects. The funerary banquet is a kind of (intuitive) substitute
for what is wished for on the Island of the blessed. The fish and the banquet, by connect¬
ing with each other in the sphere of the whole wealth and (spiritual) welfare, call upon
certain immortality. It is just that the Iapodic (and Daunian) image of the banquet with
fish, points out that symbolism of the funerary feast, in specific cases, outgrows the
symbolization of the social status and that it approaches to the subject of the after-
world.
Despite the fact that the Iapodic funerary cycle, painted on urns, is in some aspects
iconographically
-
in style strongly inspired from the outside (situla) and made upon
certain patterns, it is clearly based in autochthonic eschatology. The image of the Last
Journey on the urn from
Golubić
(picture no.
150)
from the last period of the Iapodic
culture, most eloquently speaks about that. Although the treatment of the horse s body
in this Journey strongly resembles to situla presentation of the horse (picture no.
137),
the Iapodic »syntax« of the Journey (horse, monster, anthropomorphic bird) doesn t
have the analogy in situla art. The last Journey is never »spoken about« in situla styli-
zation, while the motifs of wagon riding and riding itself are never accompanied by
unambiguous signs from the sphere of dead. In the Adriatic proto-historic cults of the
dead, the Last Journey is rarely graphically specific; only scenes from
Etruria
Padana
285
(stele Felsine:
picture no.
163, 183)
have iconographically standardized Departure to
the Underworld. In other places on the Adriatic
(Venetic
stele: picture
153, 164 - 165)
there are schemes (wagon riding, sailing, processions) with an air of the Journey, in
which, however, direct
iconographie
connections with the afterworld are missing. On
the other hand, Daunian motifs of journeys have »the real« context for proving their
connection with eschatological. Favorite Daunian navigation by boat or »pictures« of
riding a wagon or a horse, or walking, are therefore probable images of the Last Journey
(pictures no.
155; 157, 162).
With scenes from Bologna, the scene from
Golubić
(pic¬
ture no.
150)
is graphically the most specific painting of this motif in the Adriatic world
during the 1st millennium
ВС.
It is true that it was made much later than all (potential)
prehistoric Last Journeys from the Adriatic area but it is close to them by form and
spirit. The Last Journey was also painted on the Iapodic urn with inscription found in
Lika (Komić:
picture
151).
The assistance of the big dolphin further distances this scene
from the common Iapodic ekphora and makes it closer to the symbolic of the Journey.
The dolphin from this Journey (picture no.
151),
closes the circle of symbolic meanings
with dolphin that assists the feast from
Ribić
(picture no.
89).
The motif of the dolphin
indeed, clearly symbolically, but also chronologically, connects the urn from
Lika
(with
Roman inscription and the Last Journey) and the scene of the feast from Pounje on the
urn without inscription (picture no.
89).
The horseman from
Golubić,
placed above the monstrous animal (picture no.
150),
is beginning to get »the universal«, victorious position, like many heroes who, by tram¬
pling »darkness« supersede the unreal. However, the act of destroying the monster that
dwells under the belly of the ithyphallic horse is not graphically specific in this case.
Besides that, in archaic »pictures«, the space under the horse s belly represents the place
of infinite fertility and protection (pictures no.
118 - 120).
The monster from
Golubić
is a hybrid form of scary looks, the combination of a
dog (wolf?) with prominent snout and a fish. From his neck protrudes a horn (of a goat?)
or maybe a fin. It obviously also belongs to the water world; it unites general marks of
the otherworldly and aquatic. The symbolism of the fish and sea monsters, i.e. monsters
with fish elements, »overlaps« in it. However, correct »functions« of this Iapodic mon¬
strous character and the true role of the element of water in its creation are not clear. Is
the monster only the symbol of primordial chaos, i.e. the deepest aquatic spheres (the
underworld) or is it maybe a kind of psycho pomp, the symbol of crossroad and the
keeper of the »holy«. The connection with the image of the dog, would secure a kind
of function of the leader of the soul for the monster. Since the position of the Iapodic
monster compositionally corresponds to the position of the big fish under the legs of
the deceased
-
banqueter on the urn from
Ribić
(picture no.
89),
the question arises:
Do monster and fish symbolize two different levels of the »transition« in the Iapodic
concept of the Last Journey? The symbolic surface of the anthropomorphic bird derives
from the symbolism of the bird character, which is, with its dark and otherworldly as¬
pect, ancient symbol of the »upper«, the connection between heaven and earth, the sky
itself and divine and spiritual in general. The bird with the human head with a helmet
that »leads« the horseman is the semantic »key« of this scene and the key and the most
286
impressive iconic symbol of the Iapodic culture. While the monster in the Iapodic Jour¬
ney took over symbolism of »the lower« and some kind of »transition«, the bird carries
the symbolism of the »upper«, light weighted and airy. The bird is a kind of duplicate of
the warrior
-
deceased: it is the image of his soul. In the Iapodic ambiance, the soul for
sure was not metaphysically placed concept, taken as a uniquely, indivisible substance,
as a principle of spirituality in general, as the full subject of the ethical mind. Iapodic
religious concept of soul should, therefore, be interpreted as half-material category
-
a
hybrid of bodily and earthly, but also as personification of certain spirituality. The soul
indeed becomes eidolon (image, shadow) which by dying got free from the most mate¬
rial, bodily ties and to which, however, in this Iapodic image, a rather big addiction to
the physical reality is immanent. The Iapodic image of the soul is graphically between
the Greek image of bird-soul (psyche) and eidolon. The soul manifests itself as some¬
thing that doesn t die when body is dying; something that is man s spiritual double also
in life after death and something that in afterlife keeps some forms of this life. Seen
in this way, the Iapodic concept of the soul opens problems about the degree of its im¬
mortality and the intensity about the approaching to what is usually connected to the
idea of the spirit, reason, and mind. It is unknown where the Iapodic Journey ended and
where the existence was taking place in the afterlife. We can assume that the deceased
was »situated« between the two spheres: the otherworldly and heavenly. The dark un¬
derworld, with probable aquatic notions, symbolized by the monster, is not understood
as finiteness. The fish is a very clear sign of »going out« from the finiteness. The fish is
also a kind of connection between the utmost limits: light
-
darkness, life
-
death, this
world
-
otherworld. In the character of the bird with a human head, which is the copy
of the deceased s head with a helmet, a possible »continuation« could be sensed. Maybe
the three characters from the Iapodic funerary pictures
-
anthropomorphic bird, fish and
monster
-
represent three symbolic (religious) spheres, vertically »stratified« in Iapodic
beliefs.
The warrior is
iconographie
(theoretical) center of the Iapodic tomb pictures (pic¬
ture no.
168);
he is a dominant figure of the Iapodic art as a whole in
Lika
and Pounje.
Because of that, the warrior figure is synonym for the character and the idea of the man
in the Iapodic culture. The character of the warrior, as a dominant aspect of the Iapodic
anthropomorphic form, so reflects all changes of the Iapodic fine arts, from stylized and
abstract inspiration of the Bronze Age (pictures no.
188, 338),
to the »specific« in the
last centuries of the 1st millennium
ВС
(pictures no.
168, 173).
Even the Iapodic femi¬
nine and masculine (funerary) robes (peculiar hats, halters, big ankle bracelets, etc), are
clearly inspired by elements of armaments. The Iapodic culture is a typical example of
clearly nuanced and non-linear relations between the social »warrior« reality, the struc¬
ture of the burial (without weapons) and tombstone »images« with the domination of the
warrior figure (picture no.
1
-4a). Because in the world of the dead, in earthly life (and in
afterlife) context, war is only an artifact (and image), therefore »weak« reflection of
reality. The looks and powers of the Iapodic warrior are in many ways typical; some of
his »functions«, though they are not unknown to the sensibility of the Iron Age. are
harder to explain. Although scarce and exclusively of the funerary nature, the Iapodic
287
artifact composition (funerary robes, tombstone »images«) still speaks about the char¬
acter of the Iapodic warrior and his perception in collective mind. Also, the lines of the
Iapodic warrior could be deducted also from strongly defined, almost archetypal con¬
cepts like divine
Indra, Mars,
Rudra, Maruta (and
Varuna)
and other Lords of the War.
Therefore, Iapodic
-
Indo-European socio-religious comparisons are very desirable. As
one of the possible »models«, here we take complex relations between
Indra
and
Varuna
and Mars and Quirin. They portray the essence of warlike
(Indo
-
European) function.
The Iapodic warrior is a part of warlike fellowship, a kind of the Iapodic marya. Like
Indra,
who is -nrtu, the Iapodic warrior is a dancer (picture no.
171).
He is ithyphallic
(pictures no.
168, 171, 173).
He participates in funerary banquet (picture no.
89)
and he
does/offers the libation (picture no.
54).
He is the main participant of the myth about the
vertical effect of the celestial (the Sun) spear (pictures no.339-341) in which he is iden¬
tified with the symbolic structure of the divine Twins
(?).
He is a horseman from cere¬
monial procession (picture no.
138-139)
and, in the end, traveler on a horse in the Last
Journey (picture no.
150).
His image with a helmet later takes over the anthropomorphic
bird
-
the image of the soul of the deceased. The Iapodic warrior is a form of reality and
basic Iapodic sign and symbol: social and religious. The functions of the Iapodic war¬
rior that we numbered, just hinted in art images, touch the problem of relations between
the warrior and fertility, the warrior and the sphere of the holy, and the warrior and »the
authorities« {auctoritas); they touch the question of hierarchy in the Iapodic society and
some aspects of funerary and divine cult. The best way to follow the functioning of the
symbolic in the Iapodic culture is indeed through »warlike«. The Iapodic warrior in art
images is characterized by the defensive, sometimes offensive weapons (picture no.
168).
Most often, he has only helmet and shield, but he also carries spear and sword. He
is best determined by the helmet. There are types with plumes and half-round types. The
plume, not only with its dimension, but also with its regular lines made by callipers,
most directly presents »the beauty« of the Iapodic warrior (picture no.
168).
Because of
the graphic stylization of the Iapodic »warlike« images, the specific version of the hel¬
met type with plumes
{Helme mit Krempe)
can t be recognized in them. Although the
looks of the warrior on Iapodic urns (picture no.
168)
are inspired by the world of situla
figurati
veness
(pictures no.
146, 169, 191)
and supplemented with elements of arms of
the »Latenic« type, probably through Southeastern Alpine (situla) circle, certain weap¬
ons were coming to Iapodes also from the »South« and Illyrian communities. Some ele¬
ments (spears) were produced by Iapodes themselves. The question is what exactly
made the real Iapodic war equipment in the time when urns from Pounje were made, at
the end of Iapodic culture, same as in previous centuries. We can find the pale picture of
that on graveyards of Pounje (Jezerine,
Ribić, Crkvina)
and necropolis from
Lika.
Battle
(iron) knives are dominant, curved with a single-blade from the last phase of Iapodic
culture
(Prozor,
grave no.
71;
accidental findings from
Sisak, Prozor,
Zagreb: pictures
no.
175, 201, 203)
or, however knives with flat ridges and curved blades
(Prozor,
grave
with belt buckle: picture no
318;
Kompolje, grave no.
127:
picture
335;
Drenov
Klanac,
Kompolje,
Lipová
Glavica:
picture no.
81).
The sward is relatively badly preserved, just
a few examples of short single-blade iron swards (with vertical slot):
Kostel
(6th century
288
ВС),
Ribić
(grave no.
12),
Jezerine (graves no.
150, 237, 99, 400, 288),
Prozor.
Some¬
times, the curved swards are more similar to big knives in terms of length (around
40
cm)
(Ribić,
grave no.
17,
the end of the 1st century
ВС).
Long swards, so called the »La
Tene«
swards, typical for »Celtic« horizons (3rd
-
1st century
ВС)
on Iapodes neighbor¬
ing area (Slovenia), in lapodic culture are shown only on urns, exclusively in scenes of
equestrian processions (pictures
138 - 139).
A smaller quantity of mostly iron spears is
also a part of lapodic repertoire of the preserved weapons (hill-fort in
Pecani
in
Lika;
Klokot
in Pounje, 3rd
-
1st century
ВС).
With knives, spears are the most numerous weap¬
ons
(Klokot:
picture
200;
grave
303
from
Ribić,
1st century
ВС).
There are axes and
helmets are rare (Negovski
vrh
type, from
Čungar
hill-fort (Osredak) near
Cazin
and
half-round type (picture no.
204)
and bronze knife of Mosunj type from
Kostel.
In scenes
from the lapodic funerary cult (pictures no.
89, 150, 138-139),
the weapons were
arma
intacta
-
protective and beneficial, the weapons of peace and prosperity, which had to
go through the ceremony of purification. Warrior-dancer, shown as a pendant on fibula
from the 5th or the 4th century
ВС
(picture no.
171),
is obviously a character from the
lapodic reality; however, his function was surely symbolic in socio-religious lapodic
sphere. By dancing, as an elementary sign of »spirituality« in warrior sphere, warrior
participates in certain establishment of order, in organizing the world; he announces the
immanent »solar quality« and certain cosmic qualities to the warlike sphere: harmoni¬
ous relations of the Earth and the Universe (pictures no.
184, 187, 193, 197).
The lapod¬
ic warrior dancer, like warriors who perform ceremonies, from Busenzio (8th century
ВС:
picture no.
178)
or Picenum (grave
14
from Monte Penno, Pitino S. Severino, the
end of the 7th century
ВС)
and Strettweg (7th century
ВС:
picture no.
227),
with his body
in movement,
furora
and
tapas
of his weapons, and with his accentuated sexuality, prob¬
ably in some lapodic ritual ceremony contributes in setting up the earthly and cosmic
vertical, symbolically establishes the relation with social and religious forces that are
important for the welfare of his community and maintenance of the lapodic idea of the
Whole. It is unknown to which divine
(?)
forces the lapodic warrior-dancer was address¬
ing to. The ritual body movement of the lapodic warrior dancer characterizes many
»mysterious« characters: medicine-man, shaman berserkers, warrior in process of being
initiated and consumed with
furora.
Maybe the dancer was also warrior (picture no.
173),
shaped in the 3rd century
ВС
on the belt buckle from Jezerine (grave
36
b). He is
the lapodic graphic peak in presenting the warrior world. With Iapodes also, that world
is understood as a kind of magnificum spectaculum, though by far more modest than in
powerful »centers«. Since the warrior dancing is typical act of initiation, the question
arises: Is the lapodic warrior-dancer just initiated novice, or the one, who like a kind of
medicine-man/priest, leads through the ceremony of initiation? Initiation could basi¬
cally refer to a limited lapodic social segment and represent the »entry« to male »closed«
societies. It could be related to wider social segment as well: during the period of »grow¬
ing up«, i.e. »introducing« young men (lapodic neotes iuventus
)
to men/warrior fellow¬
ship, a kind of lapodic marya, when »coming into« the war, the maturity of life, maybe
even into death itself and the afterlife
(?).
The lapodic warrior is often naked and ithy-
phallic. Do his virile and creative powers, accentuated with an erected phallus, touch the
289
creative
essence
of the Nature? The Iapodic ithyphallic and naked warriors, as other
warriors similar to them in many communities from the Iron Age, especially in
ex voto
contexts, are based on a complex concept of »peaceful Mars«
-
»armed Quirin« type (G.
Dumézil).
The warrior in the Iapodic funerary cult should be nearer to the aspect of the
»armed Quirin« then »pure« Mars (»Mars belli«). The weapons in the Iapodic world of
the dead had to be like the old Roman
»arma Quirini«,
the weapons of peace in welfare.
Iapodes in Pounje practiced the ritual of throwing weapons into the waters, specifically,
in the
Klokot
River (picture no.
200),
the left confluent of the Una River. They probably
also threw weapons in the Una River itself. Either Iapodes or Colapianis must have been
throwing weapons in the river
Kupa
as well. The nature of »drowning« weapons ritual
is mysterious. That ritual brings together very closely the symbolic relation of weapons
(warrior, war) and water.
Indra,
the divine warrior, the pre-model of the Lord of the War,
is the Lord of the Water. In
Indra,
waters, light and weapons directly »meet« with each
other. In Indra s sphere, weapons are the extension of the cosmic light. Because after
»releasing« (cosmic) waters,
Indra
set the Sun and the Dawn in the sky and made them
possible to glow. Therefore, weapons are thrown into the water because they are, like
warriors warm and fiery. The water is its opposite; it cools down the heat of the weap¬
ons. However, since the dawn of men, the fire/light itself dwells in the water, to be more
precise, »fire in waters«; that is immortality. The weapons were thrown at the bottom of
water, which is the place where the basic symbols of abundance and the eternal life
could be found {khvarenah, somal»haoma«
,
Dagda s cauldron, nine cauldrons of the
Yellow Emperor). The act of throwing weapons into water, same as the alchemic proc¬
ess of transformation, merges fire and water. Lethal weapon that brings death to foes and
demons, »releases« waters, their light and fertility: both earthly and cosmic. By present¬
ing weapons to waters, the symbolic relation between the warrior, fertility and order, i.e.
cosmos, is established. In throwing weapons into the water, in a peculiar way, the basic
archaic opposite, fire and water, is once more crystallized and its detailed (»meta¬
physical«) dialectics based on the concept of »fire in waters« could be perceived. The
divine receiver of sacrificed weapons, with (probably) »clear« warrior component, for
sure had powers in sphere of »wealth« and certain »immortality«. In Iapodic culture, the
connection between the Sky (cosmic vertical) and weapons, i.e. the warrior was often
pointed out. In mythical context, the weapons are very often of the celestial and fire
origin. They (spears, shields, arrows, swards) fall from the skies into the waters; there¬
fore, they merge sky/fire and earth/water. Throwing weapons into the water »repeats«
the act of mythical falling of the weapons from the Sky, from Solar spheres. From (ce¬
lestial) light the water is born (the rain). Even the weapons that are »light«, like thunder
or lightning, were born by the source. With Iapodes, spear certainly had eminent sym¬
bolic value. It is one more of the recognizable Iapodic symbols, both social and reli¬
gious. It can be found in the basic »pictures« of the Iapodic culture: in hands of a war¬
rior in the banquet scene (picture no.
89)
and the Last Journey (picture no.
150),
in
hands of mythical warriors who meet the Sun s spear (pictures no.
339, 341),
also stuck
in boar s back (picture no.
91)
and finally, as a decoration
(?)
carved in »masculine«
artifact, the clip from Jeze-rine (grave
171;
4th/3rd century
ВС).
Undoubtedly, the spear,
290
for Iapodes, was the axis of the world, identified with vertical celestial doings, which is
the main motif of a Iapodic myth about the order of the Cosmos (pictures no.
339-341),
preserved in the fine arts of the 2nd century
ВС.
The synthesis of tree-sun (sky)-spear is
apparent in that Iapodic myth. The warrior of the Iron Age, in different European com¬
munities, appears in explicit solar/cosmic contexts, especially in the cult of the dead
(pictures no.
184, 194).
The idea about the Apennine relations is clearly portrayed by the
image of warrior/cosmic spear carved in the trunk of the Tree on pre-Felsinian stele
from Via
Tofana
from the 7*/6 h century
ВС.
The symbolism of liaison of the Tree and
spear is repeated by typical
iconographie
junction from Bologna, between the Tree of
the World and caprides on pre-Felsinian stele. On other places as well, the ithyphallic
warrior, with the solar boat in hand (picture no.
197)
is an obvious intermediary between
the Earth and the Sky (the Sun), which through the powerful net of spirals acts down¬
ward. The warrior directly accepts what comes from the Skies, like mythic warriors on
the Iapodic belt plates from
Prozor
(picture no.
339-341),
gathered around the end of the
celestial vertical
-
the Sun s spear-like ray. This Iapodic myth, in certain way graphi¬
cally »explains« numerous rituals of »drowning« weapons. The Iapodic social »reality«
is unknown. However, war was indisputably important social phenomenon during the
period of Iapodic meeting with the Roman civilization. All that was connected to
arma
in previous centuries was for sure actively participated in creation of Iapodic ideals and
values. Because warrior attributes and shapes, although provoked by reality, in the
sphere of death very often symbolize merely some (»hidden«) socio-religious aspira¬
tions of both, community and an individual. The sphere of war and the sphere of the
holy are usually very clearly divided. Judging by the Iapodic tombstone »images«, the
warrior touches the sphere of the holy and the »supremeness«. Thereto, the character of
the warrior rises to symbol. Specifically, the warrior in libation (picture no.
54)
is not
»true« symbolic form, but the character from the Iapodic »reality«. The warrior-execu¬
tor (or the one who offers) of the libation in the cult of the dead is condensed projection
of the one of the highest social values: heroism. His participation in sacrifice points out
his touch with the sacral. The character of the Iapodic warrior-dancer (picture no
171)
is
the one that points out to the potential warrior ceremonial role with Iapodes which is
close to the function of medicine-man, shaman or priest in archaic communities. The
warrior in banquet (picture no.
89)
is, however, a symbolic form. With the peculiar re¬
cipient-sign of the banquet, the warrior to the deceased »offers« the feast and the »sense«
of his own world: war, but also the »frame« of welfare. So, the warrior here functions as
the banquet itself, i.e. their symbolic meanings are being equalized. By being put to¬
gether, the banquet and the weapons/warrior call upon the continuation of the harmony
in the Iapodic understanding of the afterworld. Both the banquet and the weapons in
funerary context carry the idea of the Welfare as the pawn of the Whole. Through that,
the Iapodic warrior with the big feast vessel, becomes metaphorical, graphically shown
substitute for warlike-feast »set« which for centuries followed European funerals (»of
princes«, »warrior«, »heroic« and also (not well known) imperial ceremonies from the
1st millennium
ВС.
The synthesis of war and feast best shows heroic atmosphere, which
in the archaic mind primarily belongs to emperor, hems and the dead. The ideal of the
291
Iron Age era is »hero« of the warlike appearance, the participant in the (feast) ceremony.
In the Last Journey (picture no.
150),
the Iapodic deceased and his »double«, the idea of
his soul, have warlike appearance. In the process of the deceased becoming a hero, the
warlike form here continues to function as a certain reflection of the Iapodic social real¬
ity, but however, in many ways it rises above it and indirectly goes back into eschato-
logical. Warlike, as an important determinant of the Iapodic »Image of the world«, in¬
terferes with the Iapodic understanding of the »last things of the world«. Since the
Iapodic graphic remains primarily speak about the warrior as a complex figure, who
penetrated a great deal into the Iapodic »picture of the world«, into segments of fertility
and consecration (sacrifice), the question of his real position in the Iapodic ruling sys¬
tem arises: his relation with princes, the basic preserved notion from the Iapodic socio¬
political hierarchy. The Iapodic society had a set system of communal centers, but the
intensity of their connection and social forces in general, are unknown. Iapodic social
gatherings around communities was probably relatively old and of durable type. Iapod¬
ic municipality {civitas) was developing under the domination of the Council of princi¬
pals, i.e. people of the leading social circle. Iapodic principals, on the system level, were
probably primarily functioning within their own community (civitas). Iapodic-Roman
title »prepositus
et
princeps«
would mark the members of the Iapodic »aristocracy«, i.e.
a small part of social class, in which all supreme authorities were concentrated, specifi¬
cally those referring to governance, cult and war. However, the institution of the Council
of principals which reflects something from Iapodic pre-Roman structure, basically
doesn t speak in favor of the institution of the archaic (Indo-European) kingdom at
Iapodic society. The Iapodic princes (praepositus), which among other things, gives
sacrifice to god Bindo Neptune, is not the supreme ruler: he is just primus inter pares.
However, it is not known in which intensity, as a person, he possessed each of the basic
social functions (political, religious, warlike). The function related to war had to have a
very prominent meaning. The problem of the supreme authorities with important role of
warlike function, remains in Iapodic-Roman and archaic Iapodic culture of the Iron
Age.
Iapodes, in a very peculiar way, in time and space, used much extended
icono¬
graphie
scheme which synthesizes character of man and character of bird. They were
very impressively shaped anthropomorphic pendants of
Prozor
type (picture no.
210,
211)
from the 6th century
ВС,
easily recognized detail of otherwise peculiar ceremo¬
nial dress. Iapodes also, since the Th/6lh century
ВС
used the motif of »bird boat« in
their pectorals Picture
213-215),
and the scheme of »the man on the bird boat« (pic¬
ture no.
215, 255/2).
The character of
Prozor
type can iconographically be reduced to
that scheme. The Iapodic graphic synthesis »man-bird-boat« therefore assumes
icono¬
graphie
and symbolic
(?)
origin of pectorals and characters of
Prozor
type from the
Urnfield culture. That is verified by real pre-Iapodic and Iapodic contacts with nearby
umenfelder circle
(ІЗ 1
-
8th century
ВС).
The exposure to that circle, which manifested
by burning the deceased (picture no.
51),
and with some specific ceramics and metal
artifacts, still didn t significantly influence the Iapodic culture system. More significant
changes in the funerary cult (incineration) occurred just in Pounje during the Iron Age.
292
Actually, the true intensity of the unquestionable urnenfelder influence on pre/Iapod-
ic spirituality. During the Tl 2tU centuries
ВС
and at the beginning of the Iron Age
(9th/8th century
ВС),
the pre-Iapodic world doesn t have graphic schemes or symbols
of urnenfelder type, which would make »true« system. The continuity (discontinuity)
of urnenfelder signs, schemes and primarily symbols in the Iapodic culture, is only the
part of the same European, especially Apennine and south-east Alpine process of transi¬
tion (ending) of cultural elements of the Bronze Age into the new era. Are characters of
Prozor type (pictures no.
210, 211)
and Iapodic pectorals (pictures
213-215)
from the
7 / 6
century
ВС,
as well as those from the later period that are iconographically close
to the urnenfelder world, also truly solar symbolic structures close to Urnfield culture?
This also concerns other Iapodic anthropomorphic characters that sometimes on their
bodies carry just the wheel (pictures no.
219; 240/2; 241/9),
and the motif of the bird,
different disc-wheels etc, in the Iapodic system of signs from the 1st millennium
ВС.
However, in older Urnfield culture itself, explicit
iconographie
synthesis of man-bird,
man-wheel and man-bird boat/wheel, are missing; more precisely, these synthesis miss
clear graphic presentation of human character. Abstract, graphically just a hint (pictures
no.
264-265/2),
in older Urnfield culture, human character is not clearly visible within
vessels (boat, wagon, pectoral). The exact time and space of the earliest synthesized old
urnenfelder signs, under the domination of clearly specific human character, sometimes
with hands-birds, shown on boat/wagon, i.e. in structure of pectorals, are not known.
That specification of anthropomorphic happened under the Mediterranean incursions, on
the area of contact of »southern«
iconographie
flows and Urnfield culture itself, prob¬
ably on the Apennine peninsula at the earliest, at the beginning of the Iron Age (10th
/
9th century
ВС).
It was a powerful center from Podunavlje-Aegean (sub-Mycenaean and
early Greek)
iconographie
interference, especially its southern,
villanova
circle
(Veio,
Tarquinia). In these synthesis, a well defined human character (anthropomorphic Sun?)
substitutes the Sun s disc in the middle of the boat/wagon.
In the series of the earliest anthropomorphic characters with bird-hands, situated
on the solar wagon, who are potential divine ideas, two types stand out. The first type
(Veio,
necropolis
Valle
La Fata, grave
23,
8th century
ВС:
picture no.
224/2)
shows a
male; a male is probably shown also in a portrayal from the middle Italy (picture no.
270/1),
from the 10th
/
9th century
ВС
(?).
Is that the anthropomorphic Sun? The sec¬
ond type evidently shows a woman (Bisenzio,
Olmo Bello,
grave
2:
picture no.
224/1 );
graphically well defined, naked body of a woman in the scheme of
potnie
theron, for
the first time appears also in the 8th century
ВС.
Although it is unknown who or what
they portray, both types are graphic pattern for numerous images of »mistress/master
of animals«, with or without old solar signs and meanings. In time, both types, potnia
theron and
despotes
theron appear on wide area, but mostly in different Apennine and
south-eastern communities. Iapodes also have both types just in the graphic »syntax« of
Iapodic pectorals and characters of Prozor type. Because of the graphic schematics, very
often the gender of the (solar) character surrounded by birds (animals) can t be defined;
because of that, he is often, just conventionally, called potniom theron. The genesis of
these early European anthropomorphic characters (»masculine« and »feminine«) with
293
bird-hands, positioned on a boat and with semantic relationship with the Sun, in a way
contains also
iconographie
»genesis« of Iapodic pendants of
Prozor
type and Iapodic
pectorals with central human character (picture no.
210; 215).
Iapodic pectorals and
anthropomorphic characters of
Prozor
type with bird motifs, as well as others (picture
no.
213; 240/2),
are a late
iconographie
reflection of long lasting religious art tradition,
which gradually affirms the human character on the (solar) vessel. They are the result
of models which came about via the synthesis of the Danube basin and Mediterranean
religious art, from the 10th and 9th century
ВС.
Also, the south-east Alpine world, as
a place of creative merger between indigenous and southern (Alpine) artistic tenden¬
cies prone to canon, created the first »realistic« syntheses
(Vače, Vinkov vrh, Caver-
zano
- Belluno, Paularo -
Misincinis; pictures no.
271-272)
in the 7th and 6th centuries
ВС.
Once adapted to the »Mediterranean« style, while still geometric, old urnenfelder
signs of space and time transcend Urnfield culture, penetrating in places to the last (»La
Tene«)
centuries of the Iron Age
(Vinica,
Ulaka; picture no.
218a/2).
The basic image
symbolism of the urnenfelder world, which has still culturally affected the Iapodes,
portrays and ancient Bronze Age myth of the central role of the Sun
-
the wheel of the
world (picture no.
258/2)
and clearly demonstrates that the »bird boat« brings the Sun
(picture no.
258/3).
The myth tells of an ancient or annual rising/falling of the Sun upon
the arch of the winter, or rather, summer solstice; its journey and sinking into the waters
of the (celestial) Ocean. The Sun measures time; the day and year. It is a true mythical
time which repeats itself, fixated by the immortal Sun. For, mythical time, as mythical
space, is not quantitative and abstract, but rather qualitative and concrete; always bound
to mortal (natural, cosmic) events, change and transitions. Its not specified whether this
cosmic cycle, to which the idea of eternal Return is immanent, has reflected on the world
of the dead and the eschatological concept of Urnfield culture, and the Bronze Age as a
whole. How much of the deceased s destiny (soul?) was equated with the immortal Sun?
Maybe the soul
(?)
was identified with the migrating birds, and death was perceived
as the move and return (of the »chosen«?) to the solar »destination«. It is unclear how
much urnenfelder symbolism reflected pure eschatological notions and how much its
solar dynamics included the Cosmos as a transcendent category. Still, there is a whole
series of indications that the deceased in the Bronze Age was equated to the »complete¬
ness« and »immortality« of the Sun s path.
Thus the pectoral itself probably aided the deceased in attaining the afterlife. Be¬
cause, the most distinguished and oldest pectoral jewelry of Urnfield culture actually
portrays a vehicle (picture no.
264).
The Urnfield culture s »bird boat« iconographi-
cally, and especially religiously, is equated to a »real« wagon with wheels, with a dis¬
tinguished pall, a true axial symbol. The wagon is an almost archetypical »holy« space;
the symbol of the world, the place of divine manifestation (the Sun) and the domain
of the hierophantic
-
the declaration of holy. The Sun was necessarily present in cult
wagons as well
(Kesselwagen)
(picture no.
228-229; 262/2).
The wagon
-
cauldrons,
surrounded by solar imagery, are equated with the Sun itself in ritual, more precisely, the
Cosmos. They are a space in which the
cosmologie
image is ritually repeated. Entombed
in the miniature wagon (urn), the deceased would directly take part in the solar dynamic,
294
the cycle of »departure-return«. In this, the deceased is aided by the pectoral, as a valu¬
able funereal item. Mere traces of this ancient symbolism of solar cyclicality are visible
in the relatively late Iapodic pectorals of the 1st century
ВС
(picture no.
253-255),
as
well as in Iapodic anthropomorphic characters of
Prozor
type with
avian
hands (picture
no.
211 ).
Because, in the background of pectoral and similar Iapodic jewelry, including
the Iapodes favored
spiraled
two-piece disc shapes (fibulas, pendants), stands a firm
solar ideal. Even more so, at the end of the
б 1
century
ВС,
the Iapodes replaced bird
pectoral motifs (but not
Prozor
type figures), more precisely expanded, with horse mo¬
tifs. Specifically, in
Lika
(pictures no.
218/2; 254/1)
and in
Vinica
(pictures no.
254/2;
284/1 ; 286/1, 3)
after the 5 1 and 4lh centuries
ВС,
pectorals with antithetic horse motifs
are quite common. Typologically, they are very similar to pectorals from Pounje from
the young Iron Age (picture no.
254/3; 285),
mostly from the 3rd to 1st centuries
ВС
(Jezerine, graves
264, 228, 278).
In mythical-poetic Indo-European heritage, the sun is
visualized both as a bird and as a stallion. The Iapodic trade-off and expansion upon the
bird with the horse is thus not accidental, decorative; it was »logical«, made according
to elementary »rules« of solar symbolism and newly formed social structure. The out¬
lined appearance of the horse in the structure of the Iapodic »barge« once again serves
to accentuate the connection of the Iapodes with solar ideas and confirms that Iapodic
pectoral and anthropomorphic characters with birds still contained traces of Bronze Age
symbolism. The same is also confirmed by Iapodic anthropomorphic pendants with
wheels on the body (picture no.
219),
analogous to European burials of the deceased
with a wheel on the abdomen (picture no.
279),
i.e. with a disc on the body, during
the Bronze and Iron Ages (picture no.
280-282).
The wheel/disc above the deceased s
body contains solar connotations and possibly hints at solar eschatology (cyclicality,
eternity, »return«). In both composition and interpretation, these figures with wheels are
imposingly joined with characters of
Vinkov Vrh
-
Caverzano type (picture no.
271/2,
272),
where the human character surfaces from the wheel. From the same symbolic
context »surface« the spiral two-disc shaped fibulas and pendants, which evolved over a
large period in Europe, favored by the Iapodes as well (picture no.
291-295).
They are,
particularly the larger ones with birds motifs (picture no.
263),
as well as pectorals, a
formal and symbolic reflection of the »solar« wheel. In the last centuries of the old era,
large Iapodic cast fibulas, which are descended from far older and more long-lasting
two-disc shapes (picture no.
291),
are used by the Iapodes as makeshift pectorals, i.e.
breastplates. Occasionally in funereal dress, a large plate-like cast fibula would over¬
shadow the pectoral itself in both dimension and »importance«
(Prozor
grave, 3rd and 2nd
centuries
ВС,
picture no.
295-296).
The gender and identity of the portrayed character in
Prozor
type pendants, as well as the human character in certain Iapodic pectorals, often
remains unidentified. Anthropomorphic pendants of
Prozor
type, within their triangular
surface, probably hid a male warrior character with a large headdress (half-crescent,
picture no.
211)
and a female character, wearing a small hat (picture no.
233/6, 7).
Some
Prozor
type pendants, male with bird-like hands, are thus based on the
despotes
the
ron
scheme. But while the male figurine with the half-crescent and phallus is obvi¬
ous (picturen on.
210, 211),
the female forms are only distinct in figurines with birds,
295
i.e. through the »mistress of animals« scheme (picture no.
233/6, 7, 252).
The »female«
gender of certain characters with birds of
Prozor
type does not invalidate their semantic
connection to old urnenfelder symbolism with the »male« sun in the center. This is be¬
cause the
potnie
theron character has always been in close symbolic relationship with
the Sun. Potnia theron is also potnia hippon, mistress of the (solar) horses, equated to
the sun s tree. In anthropomorphic character representations on Iapodic pectorals, both
the male (picture no.
283/1)
and female (picture no.
255)
characters are present; sur¬
rounded by birds and (or) horses. Specifically, the Iapodic warrior underneath horse
motifs (picture no.
290/1),
and
Vinic
and Alpine characters between two horses (picture
no.
283, 287),
adopt ancient antithetic compositions, as well as »remnants« of old solar
symbolism, with its centuries old association with the wagon-barge, bird, horse, and
various discs and wheels. The wheel (barge), of course, no longer directly addresses the
movement of the Sun, but rather the harmony of the micro and macrocosm with the Sun
in its center. Old urnenfelder signs and schemes, in both profane and sacral contexts
of the Iron Age, more often »depict« power and leadership, and adhere to indigenous
rituals, which often occur in (cultic) wheels. In the Iron Age Picture of the world, the
warrior/ruler and his weapon, of celestial origin, as well as his wagon (parade, funereal,
battle), become the »patron sign« of the era. These wheels are an extension of sorts of
the »sun« wheels from the Bronze Age. Even thought the pendants of
Prozor
type and
certain (rare) Iapodic pectoral in their most complex forms with bird-hands (picture no.
210, 215)
were shaped in the »divine« iconography of Potnie-a, there is no clear evi¬
dence that they, as well as similar south-eastern Alpine forms of
Vače
and Ulake (picture
no.
271/1, 218/2),
are a portrayal of the female or rather male deity. The Iapodes prob¬
ably, at a certain historic moment, created their own vision of the solar deity. Something
of the solar-ness of that »unattainable« divine entity, and associated religious ideas, was
reflected in Iapodic pectorals and anthropomorphic characters with bird-hands (picture
no.
210),
and even more so in complex mythical »images« portrayed largely in the 2nd
century
ВС
on belt buckles (picture no.
339-341).
For all of the 1st decade
ВС,
there was
one singular solar symbolic thread in Iapodic spirituality, which already in the 7th and 6th
centuries
ВС,
as well as later, used old »sub-Danube« symbols, but often in a new way,
and in accordance to the new spirit of the era and its own worldview. In the Iapodic Pic¬
ture of the world, along with the dominant warrior, as well as »hidden« in certain parts
of
Prozor
type characters, is the, thus vaguely visible, divine entity (male or female?)
in the
potnie
theron scheme, i.e.
despotes
theron. While in Hellenistic Iapodic jewelry
(Fisherman, picture no.
250/5, 6),
the female
(?)
character is dominant. It is stripped
bare of »solar« characteristics, but retains the artistic elements of geometries, typical to
the start of the Iron Age.
The basic idea of the relevance of the Sun, omnipresent with the Iapodes, first ap¬
pears with the Iapodes during the time of Hellenism, in the »picture« of the local myth
found on belt buckles (picture no.
339-341).
What with hats and busts (from the 9th to
the
б 1
century
ВС,
picture no.
300-302,327-329),
various pendants and decorations (for
hair, picture no.
303-304),
fibulas
(Prozor
type, picture no.
298-299, 326,
spiral two-disc
shapes, picture no.
291 )
and such, the Iapodes of
Lika
and Pounj were highly creative in
296
shaping belts and belt buckles or shackles. Five such
trapezoid
plates (buckles) from
Prozor
(picture no.
319-323, 339-341),
are very close to Daors
trapezoid
plates from
Ošanić
in
Hercegovina
(picture no.
344-345)
and Labeata from Gostilj in Monte Negro
(picture no.
343, 349)
within the syntax of their depiction. The are all from the 2nd cen¬
tury
ВС,
and even though the plates have no specific Greek artistic templates, there are
certain Greek motifs (water horses, griffons, palm relieves) as well as Greek stylistic
elements. All Iapodic plates, aside from one significant (but unfinished) exception from
Prozor
(picture no.
340),
contain a tree with antithetic animals and an anthropomorphic,
winged and radiant structure underneath the tree. There s a real »story« on Iapodic
buckles; the narrative climax is depicted with human characters, armed men on boats
(picture no.
341/1),
specifically two warrior-infantrymen (picture no.
339/2)
gathered
around the ends of the longest beam of the radiant character, around which sea creatures
gather (water horses and fish). The entire composition is vertically arranged. The radiant
character is undoubtedly solar. With the Iapodes, he is an obvious combination of Greek,
»southern« incursions and indigenous iconography, because he adopts both the usual
scheme of Iapodic pectorals (with »radiant« hung pendants on long chain with a human
character in the
potnie
theron at the top, picture no.
254-255)
as well as the Greek solar
Gorgon (picture no.
351),
which was at the time already understood to be the center of
the Cosmos. The full solar quality of the radiant figure on all the belt buckles, as well as
the authenticity of this mythical solar »tale« with the Iapodes is definitely confirmed by
the unfinished portrayal from
Prozor
(picture no.
340).
It is stripped bare of any »Greek«
characteristics, but there is still the Sun, portrayed in a completely indigenous way,
flanked by birds, which in turn brings to mind the Iapodic »bird barge« (picture no.
253/3).
Thus, the same »tale« of the importance of the sun/heavenly vertical is artisti¬
cally portrayed in two ways with the Iapodes; in narrative and explicitly, with a whole
slew of
iconographie
»Greek« details and Hellenistic character traits (picture no.
339,
341),
unskillfully and completely authentically, independent of outside stylistic move¬
ments and Hellenistic artistic preference (picture no.
340).
In this stripped character
portrayal, without influence from Hellenistic iconography, surfaces that which was pri¬
mary to the Iapodes, in all instances, even the most narrative; the radiant and anthropo¬
morphic Sun and antithetic birds, all together in an antithetic scheme of potnia theron.
Synthesized, these elements really do formally point toward Iapodic artifacts; pendantss,
metal plates and pectorals from the 7th and 6th centuries
ВС,
and the last centuries of
Iapodic culture, which use old urnenfelder symbols and the horse character. The consist¬
ent connection of Sun/Gorgon and Tree of Life is an ideal constant and guideline to all
the images on the plates. The tree is obviously both solar and cosmic. The perpendicular
Sunbeam is an unquestionable connection between Heaven and Earth, the »above« and
»below«. And in the upper spheres stands a pair of horsemen (picture no.
339/1, 341/2),
i.e. a pair of winged horses
(Ošlanić,
picture no.
343).
Should we look for divine twins
in these images? Many Indo-European divine twins, as well as »common« warrior-he¬
roes, establish a firm relationship with the Tree, wilh potnia theron and with the Sun. For
Iapodic portrayal is it irrelevant if the Dioscuri take part in them directly. It is important
that in these portrayals there is an »atmosphere« which hints at structures such as the
297
divine
(Indo-European) twins. It is important that the Iapodes had a religious context, a
specific religious »system« in which at least some aspects of the generally sophisticated
Hellenistic Twins could function. Iconographically, Iapodic portrayal (picture no.
343)
»allows« for, rather, »suggests« a unique Twins symbolism. These Iapodic portrayals
don t
speek
directly of the creation of the Cosmos. The primordial state is transcended
here and contact with the transcendent is established; the World is arranged according to
the vertical. It is the world of the Holy; a characteristically defined space and time. It is
easy to recognize the importance of the heavenly, solar radiation for the Earth and
Ocean. The life-giving meaning stems from solar spheres, which are the source of light
and heath, towards the lower, Earthly and aquatic, and most probably subterranean. On
its own, heaven implies an endless, otherworldly expanse. In the center of this Heaven
are the radiant Sun (Gorgon) and the Tree, as the Sun s extension. Combined, they are
the points of central gathering and axial action. The true center of the Universe is the
Sun. The defining role of Heaven, specifically its center, is artistically and explicitly
contained in the Sunbeam (vertical), which is spear-like (picture no.
341/1, 343).
In that
time, the already cosmic Dioscuri (linked to the Sun and Moon) could easily be worked
in this atmosphere. The artistically condensed image of the World, based on the story of
the importance of the heavenly, solar spear, in a funerary context necessitates a profound
though on endless vitality. With a condensed symbol language, Iapodic figurative ex¬
pression portrays the relationship between the micro- and macrocosm in the new age,
prone to syncretistic luno-solar character and religious shapes. The Sun on the other
hand, as the center of everything, definitely takes the stage during the 1st and 2nd centu¬
ries AD and becomes the basis of many a »celestial« eschatology and soteriology. The
images from Iapodic plates are indigenous merger enriched with the Mediterranean ar¬
tistic forms. Their symbolism was »adapted« to »general« late-Hellenistic symbolist
»syntax«, which says that Man (the soul) and Heaven with the Sun in its center are
brought together in Eshaton in a concrete whole. Using certain Greek signs and symbols
(the water horse, dolphin, griffon) and some Hellenistic stylistic elements, the Iapodes
for the first time in the 2nd century
ВС
managed to »realistically« paint their much older
indigenous solar myth about the importance of Heaven (the Sun) in the vitality of the
World and their community. The Iapodes placed their horsemen and warrior figures
(divine twins? Dioscuri?) on belt buckles in a solar and cosmic context. Thus these por¬
trayals once again confirm the immense importance and symbolism of the warrior figure
in Iapodic culture. The warrior on these plates, whoever he was, a hero
(?),
a god
(?),
takes part in the
cosmologie
Iapodic idea, in one of the many Mediterranean, eastern and
other Hellenistic Pictures of the world with the Sun at its center. The burial structure of
Prozor,
with arms, pots and the belt buckle (pictures no.
318, 342)
portrayed in the in¬
digenous myth, clearly confirms the warrior as a Iapodic social reality in the 2nd century
ВС.
With all these connections to general solar Hellenistic ideas, the Iapodic solar myth
is at its base indigenous structure a part of religious artistic concepts, in space and time,
which »start« from the European North towards the East, during the 2nd and 1st millennia
ВС,
and »end« in the »tale« of the (helenistic?) stela of
Razlog
(picture no.
197).
That
»tale« completely coincides with the Iapodic »tale« in which the warriors take part in
298
the vertical effect of the Sun on the Earth (picture no.
341/1).
A very complex spiral
»web« (picture no.
197)
invariably depicts the sky and cosmic movement; the dense
spiral weave is the substitute of everything that goes on in the upper spheres of the Sun
and Tree on Iapodic plates from
Prozor
(picture no.
339-341).
Even more so, this weave
of archaic appearance vicariously explains some »abstract« motifs on other, mostly cast
(square and
trapezoid)
belt buckles of
Lika, Bela Krajina
and
Dolenjska (Vinji vrh)
from
the 2nd century
ВС.
Namely, there is an
iconographie
and conceptual link between their
portrayals (picture no.
353, 354-355/1-3)
and Iapodic »tales« of the importance of the
Sun from window tiles (picture no.
339-341).
As the artistic qualities of those buckles
are »minimalized«, its symbolism is at times questionable. But, there is more evidence
that some traces of symbolism were preserved. The decoration of all cast buckles is thus
tied to Iapodic cultural flows, and at least one some level to Iapodic solar symbolism of
the 2nd century
ВС.
According to the structure of the »decorations«, they are all derived
from Iapodic »iconography«. The solar quality of the portrayal from Iapodic buckles
(picture no.
339-342)
indicates that the initial »starting point« of a much older Iapodic
pectoral in the shape of a »bird« (picture no.
213, 215-216, 253)
or »horse« barge (pic¬
ture no.
254)
and character of
Prozor
type with antithetic birds (picture no.) was in fact
symbolic (solar).
The Iapodic god Bindus, interpreted as
Neptunus,
is the only preserved Iapodic
divine name: his inscribed altars with graphic images (pictures no.
359-362)
were pre¬
served, as well as traces of his shrine in Privilica close to
Bihać
(picture no.
358).
In the
eastern Iapodic »pantheon«, Bindus was surely positioned close to the top. Although
Bindo s name was not preserved in the central Iapodic area
(Lika),
some »main« deity,
like Bindo, had to be present there from ancient times. Since Iapodes interpreted him as
Neptunus,
we hereby start with the hypothesis that the original Bindo fits into symbo¬
lism of »fire in waters«, primarily with his name, and after that, with his sacrifice. There¬
fore, as main »parallel deities« Nechtan,
Арат
Napat and the archaic
Neptun
are used.
They are a kind of a pattern for almost »out of time« Lords of the water who supervise
the spring/confluence of all the waters in the world in fantasy, or in real lakes, seas or
wells; more precisely, the-old Iranian
Арат
Napat, the old-Irish Nechtan and the ar¬
chaic
Neptun,
are keepers of »light in waters«, they are the Lords of waters fiery pow¬
ers. The divine structure of a restless and unpredictable character, which, by ruling the
waters, after chaos (overflow, flood, draught and destruction) restores order, fertility, or,
in his most sophisticated form, the old-Iranian, leads to cognition (khvarenah) emerges
from these comparative studies (G. Dumezi). In Bindo s problematic context, Nechtan
is especially indicative. It is forbidden to take water, which is explosive, from Nechtan s
well. In the myth about him, he is tied to Boand (the white). She is his wife, or Dagdina.
Boand (Boann) is a character (a counterpart to Rhianona) who, with her tragic ending,
causes the water to flow out from the mythic well. The biggest Irish river Boand (Boyne)
came of Boand s death. Anyway, this is how all the rivers in the world originate; this is
how order and wellbeing originate. The etymology of Nechtan s name is interesting, but
still unclear: it is assumed that it means »the white«, »shiny«, i.e. that it comes from the
word
nepos.
Many Indo-European deities reflect ultimately nuanced relationship be-
299
tween aquatic and solar, cosmic: the water and the Sun (fire) on all levels. The complex¬
ity of that relationship dominates in the
Vedic
concept »Apam Napat« (»waters off¬
spring«), which concerns
Agni
(Fire), Savitra (the Sun), but
Soma
as well. This divine
concept in a peculiar way connects fire and water: because the
Vedic
god Apam Napat,
who ever he is, is fire, or fiery force in waters. Apam Napat was born from that which
extinguishes fire
-
from the water, or he was born of himself (Tanunapat). The
Vedic
Apam Napat is »waters offspring«, because (earthly) waters hold their offspring in
them, and the offspring has to become their irreconcilable opposite
-
fire, that moves
them
(G. Dumézil).
The fiery power of water manifests itself like the light in the clouds,
the flame in the trees which is fed by water; that is the inner fire which forces waters to
move and to bring life. On an earthly level the association of fire and water means the
peak of the Sun s summer heath (the fire hidden in plants which are closely connected
to water); outside of the earthly sphere, the association of fire and water directs to the
Sun in heavenly Ocean. For the old-Roman Neptunalia (23rd of July), earthly and heav¬
enly waters are full of sunshine. The
Vedic
divine concept of »fire in water«, i.e. »wa¬
ters offspring«, directly reminds of an Iranian myth about Apam Napat
-
the keeper of
khvarenah at the bottom of the magic (mythical) lake/sea, from which flow out and
where all the rivers in the world return. Khvarenah, among other things, means »shin¬
ing«, »a being worthy of worship«; he is the light and cosmic energy, fiery and solar
fluid hidden in waters, in haoma (immortality). In Bindo s divine character, aquatic and
fiery aspects also clearly intertwine. Bindo is also not »an ordinary« aquatic (rivers or
springs) divinity, and therefore minor divine character with functions in one sphere of
fertility (farming, cattle breeding). He is, like many other powerful Lords of the water,
the complex structure which is from many aspects interesting for the wider community,
especially its »elite«: socio-political and religious. Although the water is his starting
point and primary »space« for acting, just his fiery element enables him to »communi¬
cate« with those who are dedicated and who come from the Iapodic/Roman social peak.
Bindo was offered sacrifice in fire on the mainland where the water springs, and Bindo s
main symbolic animal was goat, i.e. an ox. The goat is, however, pointedly fiery. The
symbolism of goat sacrifice is well read in old-Indian ceremonial procedure, where the
goat importantly defines Pushan (»the one who brings wellbeing«). However, the goat
is several times identified or connected with
Agni
himself. The sacrifice (pre-sacrifice)
of Pushan s goat is solar in its essence, because, just Pushan s goat leads the solar, cos¬
mic sacrificial stallion in ashvamedi. The solar quality and fieriness of the goat are
completed also by the old Mediterranean and other beliefs about the powers of the
goat s blood: it could be used for sharpening iron tools; the rust, made from goat s
blood, makes the blade smoother and sharper (Plinius,
Historia N,
28, 41).
Because of
the clear fitting of Bindo s name into the wide Indo-European family of related words
{bind), an extensive comparative linguistic analysis would surely attribute to better
knowledge of this Iapodic god. Bindo is a drop. He is the water. Because of that, in the
Iapodic mindset, he connects with the Roman Neptune, the Lord of the sea and fresh
waters, who probably preserved some archaic (the old Roman) basics. The God
Soma
is
also explicitly apostrophized as a drop. He is the drop that grows in waters; he is
indu,
300
the shiny drop. In Soma s symbolic context, which is full of glitter, heaven and cosmic
qualities, bindulindu could even be connected with the Sun itself. Because
Soma
makes
the Sun shine, he makes heavenly light glow.
Soma
produces the Sun in waters. The
waters are collected in the Sun during heath. Bindu, in Soma s symbolic context, actu¬
ally »penetrates« into the basic symbolism of
soma,
which is amrta. However bindu,
basically meaning a drop, a drop of light, a grain of light and similar, has many other,
especially many-layered meanings in Hinduism (and Tantrism): the general meaning is
semen (seed, embryo); it symbolizes the starting point, the center (like the head of the
wheel), the beginning, and finally, cosmic power reduced to the individual level. Bindu
is a spot/grain, the drop that is the beginning of everything that is; from its indivisibility
comes infinity. In Hindu philosophy/religion (especially in Tantrism), bindu in many
ways participates in presenting and deliberating the universe and the absolute. In that,
bindu is the concept of total concentration and energy centre: celestial, solar, cosmic,
psychic; that s why it is related to chakra (a wheel). Albanian noun bindu, which sup¬
posed to be the continuity from the Illyrian language, means: »strength«, »the object of
wonder«, »something amazingly huge or of unusual appearance«, and it is connected
with the concept of celestial deity and which can be incorporated in the nature of the
Iapodic Bindo (Neptune). The symbolism of »fire in water«, based on intertwining of
the two antagonistic elements, in the end renews the nature: it creates harmony. Most
often, just the light/fire brings the new dimension to the »strong« (Indo-European) Lords
of the water. It furthers them away from their initial (earthly) aquatics, i.e. fertility
(farming, cattle breeding, fertility of the nature and people) and profiles them as struc¬
tures that speak of fertility as the act of purification, renewal (cycle), that leads to Cos¬
mos and sometimes even knowledge. Bindo is, therefore, the Iapodic god of the water,
more precisely, earthly/lower waters which also include water »depths«; however, he
inevitably has powers also in »upper«, heavenly waters. Like the Lords of the water who
operate Cycles, Bindo also makes the order of things. Bindo is probably »the glittering«
god »that shines«, »that glows«. Accentuation of light, the solar quality and fire in wor¬
ship of Bindo, opens up possibilities of his broader actions in the community. From the
relation of Bindo and the ancient concept of »fire« in water« or »waters offspring«,
something of Bindo s cosmic qualities can be deducted. However, Bindo s real cosmic
qualities are just an assumption. Just from the fact that the waters (earthly and heavenly)
are »the world order« and that they hide fire and light, i.e. immortality (wisdom), the
connection between water deities and (political) authorities in general (sacral/profane)
can be deduced. These authorities in Roman (or Greek) world are sometimes proclaimed
Neptune s (or Poseidon s) offspring. In some ceremonial circumstances (rising of
tropeum),
the Roman Neptune comes into certain relation with Mars himself. Most
probably, in the lapodic-Roman world, the sacrifice/dedication to Bindo, who is
Neptu¬
nus,
had to contribute to the legitimacy of the regional Roman authorities and the Iapod¬
ic participation in it. Almost all dedicants to Bindo Neptune are representatives of the
local social »elite«, that is to say, to the Roman-Iapodic »management« in eastern lapo-
dia. Whoever they were by their origin (social, ethnical),
principes
and praeposit, they
are the important bearers of the lapodic-Roman social and religious symbiosis. The ar-
301
chaic Iapodic
society,
and partly also the Iapodic-Roman society from the first centuries
of Roman ruling, expected Bindo to fulfill multiple promises«, for sure Fertility, that
only starts with the Water, but ends with the completely functional community, what in
its nature assumes the relationship with the Cosmos as well.
Iapodic
»fragmenta symbolica«
therefore connote »individual«, preserved sym¬
bols and more complex symbolic structures. The main preserved Iapodic symbols are
the bird, anthropomorphized bird, fish, monster, horse, spear/ray, tree, bird boat/wagon,
deer, warrior and anthropomorphized form in general. More complex preserved sym¬
bolic structures are myths about the importance of the Cosmos (pictures no.
239-242)
and the Last Journey (picture no.
150),
some ceremonies and finally, rare divine entities.
The ceremonies are barely outlined (sacrifice offering: libation: picture no,
54;
banquet:
picture no.
89;
weapon sinking).
The Iapodic myth (picture no.
239)
is a defined cosmological conception: it speaks
about the declaration of the Holy and divine effects in »the vertical« order of the World.
That certainly has reflections on the destiny of the deceased. The Last Journey with
»the assistance« of the soul is also a kind of the Iapodic myth about the Departure (the
Return?). Also, behind the bird (horse) boat (pictures no.
253-254),
as a complex iconic
and symbolic structure, maybe stood some »solar« Iapodic myth, adjusted to the ancient
European myth, from the 2nd and 1st millennium
ВС,
about the Sun and dynamics of
heaven and earth: the cyclic quality and completeness. The myth about the celestial
spear/sun, preserved in the Hellenic graphics (pictures no.
239-242),
as well as the po¬
tential solar quality in the foundation of the Iapodic repertoire of »bird«, i.e. »horse«
wagon (picture no.
253-254),
in a certain way close the same circle of meaning during
the 1st millennium
ВС.
The cave of
Bezdanjača,
with its »transcending of darkness«
(ocher, sticks, deer, banquet), also gravitates towards that cycle. However, in the Hel¬
lenistic mythic Image of the World, with the Sun in the center, unlike the older European
and Iapodic solar Image of the World, for the first time, the relationship between micro-
and macrocosm is presented in a more concrete way. The anthropomorphic character
(especially of the warrior), is now clearly affirmed, but still »subjected« to »upper«
spheres. He is the most concrete intermediary between Heaven and Earth.
The majority of the preserved Iapodic symbols come from the cult of the dead, and
less from the divine cult. These symbols are primarily religious; however, a good part of
them also »reflects« social reality (the warrior). Some of them are the clear link between
the sacral and the social, profane (the warrior).
With the dominant, pre-Roman Bindo, »proofs« of the feminine divine
(?)
entity
of Potnia type are weaker and completely vague; they primarily originate from the fu¬
nerary context (pendants and pectorals: pictures no:
233/3-7; 250; 255).
However, that
type of feminine (polyvalent?) deity must have certainly existed with the Iapodes. The
Iapodic divine entity presented in schemes of »the Mistress of beasts«, i.e. »the Master
of beasts« is, therefore, just implied. The concept of the divine Twins, assumed in the
myth of the Cosmos in Hellenistic iconography (pictures no.
239-242),
announces the
possible and »logical« symbolic tie of the Twins and solar entities in older periods of
the Iapodic culture (the Iй millennium
ВС).
Globally, the possible scheme of the Iapodic
302
»spirituality« therefore corresponds with many Indo-European ideologies (religion, so¬
ciety) from the 2nd and the 1st millennium
ВС.
The elementary (mythic) connection of the upper-lower, and the importance of
the »center«, presented by the ancient »axial« symbolic relations, is being crystallized
in the Iapodic symbolism. The Sun is always in the center. The relation between »the
upper« and »the lower« is not established by stressing »the lower«, especially not the
underground world, but by special and long lasting stressing of »the upper«, and »the
transition« as well (fish, monster). In
Bezdanjača
that is a kind of introduction into
Iapodic spirituality, the original otherworldly is clearly present; however, it exists just
to rise above »the transition«. A good part of the Iapodic symbols belongs, therefore, to
the sphere of »the« upper, and the sphere of »the transition«. The concept of the ancient
Indo-European (but of the archetypal as well) creative intertwining of »the upper«, i.e.
fire, light, Sun, and »the lower« (aquatic), could be hinted at. The relation between fire
and water stands in foundation of the divine structure (Bindo). It is present in the Iapod¬
ic myth and in the ceremony of weapon sinking, as well as in warlike Iapodic sphere
which is important in the Iapodic community.
Translated by Almis
Roje
303
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Kukoč, Sineva |
| author_facet | Kukoč, Sineva |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kukoč, Sineva |
| author_variant | s k sk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036134102 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)644246678 (DE-599)GBV62271001X |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV036134102 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:37:37Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789531633239 |
| language | Croatian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-020214566 |
| oclc_num | 644246678 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 322 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | Književni Krug |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Biblioteka znanstvenih djela |
| series2 | Biblioteka znanstvenih djela |
| spelling | Kukoč, Sineva Verfasser aut Japodi fragmenta symbolica Sineva Kukoč Split Književni Krug 2009 322 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka znanstvenih djela 164 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Iapodes Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd rswk-swf Japoden (DE-588)4556454-1 gnd rswk-swf Japoden (DE-588)4556454-1 s Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 s Geschichte z DE-604 Biblioteka znanstvenih djela 164 (DE-604)BV000781153 164 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020214566&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020214566&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Kukoč, Sineva Japodi fragmenta symbolica Biblioteka znanstvenih djela Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd Japoden (DE-588)4556454-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4125698-0 (DE-588)4556454-1 |
| title | Japodi fragmenta symbolica |
| title_auth | Japodi fragmenta symbolica |
| title_exact_search | Japodi fragmenta symbolica |
| title_full | Japodi fragmenta symbolica Sineva Kukoč |
| title_fullStr | Japodi fragmenta symbolica Sineva Kukoč |
| title_full_unstemmed | Japodi fragmenta symbolica Sineva Kukoč |
| title_short | Japodi |
| title_sort | japodi fragmenta symbolica |
| title_sub | fragmenta symbolica |
| topic | Kultur (DE-588)4125698-0 gnd Japoden (DE-588)4556454-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kultur Japoden |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020214566&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=020214566&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000781153 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kukocsineva japodifragmentasymbolica |