Na szlakach niepodległej: polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939
Saved in:
| Format: | Book |
|---|---|
| Language: | Polish |
| Published: |
Wrocław
Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego
2009
|
| Series: | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis
3150 |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Item Description: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: On the trails of the independent |
| Physical Description: | 465 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788322930335 |
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Record in the Search Index
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| adam_text | Spis treści
List
Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej Lecha Kaczyńskiego
.................... 7
Maciej Marszał, Mirosław Sadowski, Na szlakach Niepodległej
-
słowo wstępne
..... 11
Janusz
Sondei,
lus
postliminii jako podstawa uznania ciągłości I i
II
oraz
II
i III Rze¬
czypospolitej
........................................................... 21
Marek Kornat, Polska Odrodzona czy państwo nowel Zagadnienie ciągłości i zerwa¬
nia w dziejach porozbiorowych
........................................... 31
Michał Śliwa, Niepodległość
-
demokracja
-
socjalizm. Nowe wyzwania i problemy
ideowe polskich socjalistów w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej
....................... 45
Krzysztof Kawalec, Mit „wielkiej Polski jako element dziedzictwa roku
1918....... 57
Iwona Barwicka-Tylek, Cnotliwy obywatel
-
dobre prawo
-
skuteczna władza. Myśl
polityczna
XX-lecia
międzywojennego w poszukiwaniu fundamentów silnego pań¬
stwa
.................................................................. 69
Bogdan Szlachta, Państwo jako naród czy jako prawo? O pewnym wątku konserwa¬
tywnej krytyki Konstytucji marcowej
...................................... 79
Włodzimierz Bernacki, Kryzys demokracji w polskiej myśli liberalnej okresu między¬
wojennego
............................................................. 99
Barbara Pawełko, Idea krajowa w myśli Michała
Romera
przed I wojną światową
... 113
Mateusz Nieć, Obóz narodowy wobec prób odzyskania niepodległego państwa polskie¬
go w latach
1914-1918
(poglądy i stanowiska Kraju)
......................... 123
Marek Maciejewski, Federacyjne koncepcje piłsudczyków u zarania Drugiej Rzeczy¬
pospolitej
............................................................. 139
Maciej Marszał, Nacjonalizm integralny Związku Młodych Narodowców
1934-1939 159
Grzegorz Ławnikowicz, Idea uspołecznienia państwa w myśli polityczno-prawnej pol¬
skiego międzywojnia
.................................................... 177
Władysław T. Kulesza, Koncepcje Kazimierza Świtalskiego dotyczące reformy ustroju
państwa w okresie międzywojennym
....................................... 193
Jacek Srokosz, Krytyka demokracji i parlamentaryzmu w myśli Stanisława Cara
.... 203
Małgorzata Łuszczyńska, Filozofia prawa w Polsce okresu międzywojennego
........ 217
Anna Machnikowska, Wymiar sprawiedliwości w
II
Rzeczypospolitej
-
wielkie zamie¬
rzenia, trudne rozstrzygnięcia
............................................ 235
Józef Koredczuk, Spory o kształt prawa karnego w Polsce międzywojennej
.......... 255
Sebastian Ziembicki, Komparatystyka prawnicza Rafała Lemkina w
XX-leciu
mię¬
dzywojennym
.......................................................... 269
Adam Bosiacki, Doktryny samorządu terytorialnego
II
Rzeczypospolitej
........... 277
Jacek Przygodzki, Koncepcje podziału terytorialnego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w la¬
tach
1918-1921........................................................ 291
Radosław Antonów, Polska polityka społeczna w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym
303
10
Spis treści
Jacek Bartyzel, Psychologiczno-historyczny charakter Polski w historiozofii i psycholo¬
gii dziejowej Jana Karola Kochanowskiego
................................. 313
Łukasz Machaj, O kapitalizmie, komunizmie i nowym ustroju gospodarczym
-
publi¬
cystyka Stanisława Piaseckiego na łamach „Prosto z mostu
(1935-1936) ....... 325
Paweł Fiktus, Polska myśl kolonialna u progu Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej
............ 339
Artur Łuszczyński, Polska i Czechosłowacja
-
dwa modele odradzania państwowości
na początku
XX
wieku
.................................................. 357
Marek Białokur, Powstanie I Republiki Czechosłowackiej i jej polityka wobec Pokki
w pierwszych miesiącach niepodległości w myśli politycznej działaczy obozu naro-
dowo-demokratycznego
................................................. 367
Jarosław Macała, Problem tzw. partii katolickiej w
HRP......................... 385
Kazimierz Ostaszewski, Recepcja społecznych encyklik papieskich w programach
stronnictw chrześcijańsko-demokratycznych w Polsce w latach
1918-1939....... 411
Jakub Jerzy Skoczyłaś, Ustrój polityczny Polski w poglądach Stanisława Starzyń-
skiego
................................................................ 421
Paweł
Sydor,
Myśl polityczna i prawna polskiego ruchu trockistowskiego w okresie
dwudziestolecia międzywojennego
........................................ 437
Arkady Rzegocki, Kilka refleksji o znaczeniu pojęcia „racja stanu w polskiej myśli
politycznej
............................................................ 453
Summary
................................................................ 459
On the trails of the Independent
Polish political and legal thought betiueen
1918
and
1939
Summary
When Poland regained independence after
123
years of captivity, it was the most important event
in the modern history of the Polish nation. This was a rebirth of a nation that, after years of
Rus¬
sification
and
Germanisation,
was trying to function again within its own state; a nation that was
sovereign and wanted to be treated just like other nations on the international stage. After the fall of
the two biggest enemies of free Poland
-
Germany and Russia
-
Poles were able to seize the historic
opportunity and rebuild their state. Thus emerged an independent Poland which many poets dreamt
about; a state which wanted to unite its various parts and overcome the consequences of its social and
cultural backwardness
-
a legacy of the difficult times of foreign rule.
After the euphoria caused by the triumphal arrival in Warsaw of
Józef Piłsudski,
who took power,
after the victorious
Wielkopolska
Uprising, after Roman Dmowski successful diplomatic campaign
during the Versailles Conference, and after the victorious Polish-Bolshevik war, there came the time
for reflection on the Poland of everybody
s
dreams.
Faced with a new socio-political situation, the creators of Polish political and legal thought had
to tackle new problems, the main point of reference of which was the state and its future shape
-
both
political and territorial. It was up to the Polish political and legal elites to answer the difficult ques¬
tions about the borders of the new state, about its political and social system, about the scope of the
public administration s competence and, finally, about the scope of economic reforms that were to
get the newly revived Poland out of the economic, cultural and educational collapse. The problems to
be discussed evolved during the
1920s,
as the Polish statehood grew stronger and the social-political
system changed, and during the
1930s -
due to an increasing impact of international factors, includ¬
ing the emergence of totalitarian states. Taking all this into account, we can divide Polish political
and legal thought from the inter-war era into several periods. The first
-
until
1922 -
was a period
of the revival of the independent state. At that time Polish political debates focused mainly on the
problem of the resurrected country s borders. The fight for western borders (of
Wielkopolska
and
Silesia) as well as eastern borders, the culmination of which was the Russo-Polish war that ended
with the Treaty of Riga in
1921,
was the main subject of discussions involving Polish politicians and
lawyers. It is worth mentioning that this difficult period also saw the beginning of an important
debate on the political and social system of the Polish state. The lack of traditions of statehood and
parliamentarism and the severity of political and social conflicts hindered the cooperation between
political parties. What the revived state did not lack was sharp social contrasts, a sense of injustice as
well as a desire for fundamental reforms on the one hand, and fierce, often egoistic protests against
them on the other. We could even go as far as to say that there was no universally accepted respect
for the principles of democracy and the rule of law. In spite of all this, Poles did hold a free election to
the Legislative Assembly and in
1921
they adopted a modern and fully democratic constitution (the
March Constitution). It is worth stressing the fact that at the very beginning of the Polish indepen¬
dence, heated political debates led to the emergence of modern social legislation and social reforms
which to this day are an example for social policy.
460
Summary
1922-1926
is the second period in the history of Polish political and legal thought. This was
a period of impatience and bitter disappointments with parliamentary democracy. The assassination
of the legally elected first president of independent Poland, Gabriel
Narutowicz,
in
1922
opened
the field for political speculation of various parties, great and small, the subject of which was non-
parliamentary takeover of power. Low political culture, ignorance of legal norms, lack of a sense of
responsibility for one s own state
-
all those factors contributed to a crisis of Polish parliamentarism.
This crisis gave rise to various concepts presented as alternatives to democracy, and to political pro¬
grammes that highlighted non-parliamentary ways of seizing power. We should agree with
Stanisław
Cat-Mackiewicz, who said that Poland at the time was utterly corrupted and dominated by a vari¬
ety of mafia-like relations between various political parties and factions. It is worth mentioning
here such organisations as
Pogotowie Patriotów Polskich
[Polish Patriots Service] and
Stronnictwo
Faszystów Polskich
[Polish Fascists Party]. It has to be said that Polish political and legal thought
after
1922,
in search of new systemic solutions, looked with increasing admiration at political trans¬
formations in the Apennine Peninsula.
Benito
Mussolini s March on Rome
(28
October
1922)
was
an extraordinary inspiration for some political parties in Poland to seize power in a non-parliamen¬
tary way. The success of the Italian leader must have made Polish politicians reflect on the political
doctrine of Italian fascism. As has already been mentioned, some political parties in Poland at the
time, for instance National Democrats, were fascinated by the political solutions used in Italy. It
has to be stressed, though, that the Italian model of power takeover also inspired, indirectly,
Józef
Piłsudski,
who on
12
May
1926
organized a non-parliamentary and bloody March on Warsaw .
However, Poland s political elites had very vague ideas about Italian fascism. The National Demo¬
crats, for instance, did not recognise, or rather were unwilling to recognise, the role of Italian war vet¬
erans (the so-called
arditi),
who could not find a place for themselves in the post-war Italian society,
in the political transformations in Italy. Writers associated with Dmowski must have been consumed
with envy and hostility when they looked at the emerging myth of
Piłsudskis
Legions and the cult
of Marshal
Piłsudski
himself. Although some veterans organisations, e.g.
Związek Hallerczyków
[Haller
Association], were within the orbit of the nationalists influence, they were not very active
and did not aspire to play a more independent role in politics. Unlike their Italian counterparts, the
Polish veterans were not burdened with a memory of mutilated victory in WWI. On the contrary
-
they could feel like true victors. The only powerful veterans circle which could play an independent
political role and which had specific political demands, was not only outside the nationalists sphere
of influence, but constituted an anti-nationalist force. Undoubtedly, people associated with the Polish
Military Organisation and
Piłsudskis
Legions were the best suited to adopt the slogans used in Italy
by Mussolini. Shared war memories combined with the myth of the leader (the Commandant),
a sense of historic mission as well as an aversion to political parties, and glorification of the state were
the main elements of both Italian fascism and political thought of the Legions veterans. It has to be
said, however, that between
1922
and
1926
Poland, unlike Italy, did not reveal militarising tenden¬
cies in politics. It was not until the coup of
12
May
1926
and the subsequent colonels rule that the
role of the army in Poland s political life became more pronounced. It is worth noting that in addition
to National Democrats and
Piłsudskis
followers, liberals and democrats too became interested in
Italian fascism. In
1924
the deputy prime minister and member of the Polish People s Party,
Stanisław
Thugutt, who could hardly be suspected of any totalitarian sympathies, met Mussolini during a pri¬
vate visit to Italy. Many years later, in his autobiography, he wrote that the leader of the
Blackshirts
had made a positive impression on him. General
Władysław Sikorski,
associated with liberal and
democratic circles, was also very interested in Italian fascism. In
1922,
in
Polska Zbrojna
he wrote
that the fascists were an expression of health and power, and that fascism in the internal life of Italy
may become a revival movement the main principle of which is that the interest of the state should
be above the interest of the classes
(...).
However, this interest in Italian fascism on the part of some
liberals and democrats did not last long.
Summary
461
The next period in the history of Polish political and legal thought is a period of developing the
concept of the sanation of the state, namely a period that covers the years between
1926
and
1930.
The
1926
May coup began a new chapter in the short history of the Second Polish Republic. The rule
of the
Sanacja
regime, based on Pitsudski s authority, was an attempt to impose a specific concept
of how Poland should develop further. Initially, during
Kazimierz
Barteľs
premiership, the regime
recognised the freedom of political discussion the subject of which was how to heal the state. At that
time, both the left and the right were discussing a new constitutional formula for the state. It was at
that time that a number of constitutional projects were drafted by eminent Polish lawyers, such as
Władysław
Leopold Jaworski. We should also mention here the constitutional survey, which was the
work of the greatest legal minds of the Second Polish Republic. This is why the period can easily be
called a time of looking for a new formula of the state or a time when the views on the state and its
laws became crystallised. Of course, as the
Piłsudskis
camp grew stronger in Poland, the sphere of
political discussion began to shrink, an event associated with an attempt to impose on society a cer¬
tain
raison
d état,
certain political principles: that the good of the state is more important than the
interests of various classes, parties and ideologies; that the military should be placed outside politics;
that the executive is superior to the legislative; that it is important to respect the highest authority in
the state
-
in the person of
Józef Piłsudski.
This period can also be called a period of relative liberal¬
ism, because this liberalism could only develop as much as Marshal
Piłsudski
would allow.
Piłsudski
himself would say, after the May coup, that he did not aspire to become a Polish Mussolini ; in his
opinion, the fascist system that had evolved in Italy was not suitable for the Polish social and politi¬
cal conditions. It should be stressed that the Stock Exchange crash and the global crisis of capitalism
in the late
1920s
had its negative consequences also for Poland. The economic crisis and the result¬
ing social crisis made the Polish intellectual elites look for and draft political solutions that would
strengthen the authority of the state and limit the role of law, and freedom of citizens.
The latter tendency was especially visible in the next period of the history of Polish political and
legal thought, e.g. between
1930
and
1935.
That period saw animated discussions on the state and its
role in social and political life. We could say that this was a period of explosion of state-related politi¬
cal thought that involved parties from both sides of the political scene. However, it was the ruling
camp that exercised a monopoly on state-related thought, restricting, by means of censorship and
other tools of repression, free public debate on the role of the state in social life. The first half of the
1930s
is one of the most repressive periods in the inter-war era. The
1930
Brześć
case and its later
consequences cast a sad shadow on the political legacy of the Second Polish Republic. The proposals
of the so-called colonels were put forward to justify and strengthen the power of one political centre
which considered itself to be the best representative of national interests. The colonels assumed that
they were the only architects of the independent Poland and as such were responsible for strengthen¬
ing its statehood. This made it impossible for other centres of political thought to adopt the definition
of the good of the state as advocated by the
Sanacja
regime. The good of the state was defined in a va¬
riety of ways by the colonels, nationalists, socialists, members of the people s party, Christian demo¬
crats or conservatives. The antagonisms that emerged in the
1920s
became even more pronounced in
the next decade, a fact that made a lasting agreement among members of the anti-Sanacja opposition
impossible. Moreover, within the ruling camp too there were two different approaches to the notions
of state and common good, which the state was supposed to express. The first approach
-
based on
solidarity
-
drew on the political doctrine of Leon Duguit and
Jerzy
Sorel,
and was advocated by such
figures as the prime minister Walery
Sławek
and the eminent lawyer
Wacław Makowski.
The second
approach
-
thomistic
-
referred directly to the teachings of St. Thomas Aquinas and his understand¬
ing of the common good. We could say that the main advocates of this approach were the lawyers
Ignacy Czuma
and
Czesław Martyniak.
Both approaches were reconciled in the great compromise
of the April
1935
Constitution drafted by the above mentioned Walery
Sławek
and
Ignacy
Czuma.
We could advance a thesis
-
close to Pihudski s followers
-
that the April Constitution, so strongly
462
Summary
criticised by the National Democrats, was a safeguard against totalitarianism, the consequences of
which were so painfully felt by Poland s western and eastern neighbours. The authors of the
1935
Constitution might have been afraid of ideological penetration by communism, fascism and Hitler-
ism, and hence their desire to create a kind of moral safeguard for the citizens against state interfer¬
ence. It is worth stressing that it was in that period that modern legislation, which survived many
years after WWII, was created. This legislation includes the criminal code, civil code and commercial
code. They were undoubtedly the greatest achievements of Polish legal thought the authors of which
included lawyers of national and European renown.
1935-1939
was a period of relative liberalisation of Polish political life, a fact associated with
the decomposition of the ruling camp. Following the death of Marshal
Józef Piłsudski
(1935),
there
emerged two models of power among the Polish ruling elite: the first one, Caesarean , emphasised
the strong political role of the new leader , Edward
Rydz-Śmigły,
and was supported by a new na¬
tionalistic party, Camp of National Unification. The second, presidential model stressed the leading
role in politics of the President of Poland,
Ignacy Mościcki.
Its adherents included the so-called castle
group headed by
Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski.
In addition, the post-1935 period saw the emergence of
the so-called
Sanacja
left, the objective of which was counteracting authoritarian tendencies. From
the point of view of the development of political thought, this four-year period in the history of the
Second Polish Republic was a time full of various concepts concerning Poland s political system or
the country s role in Europe and the world. In the first case this period was by no means uniform
among the ruling elites. We could distinguish there a sub-period
-
lasting until
1938 -
marked by
the development of the Polish model of Caesareanism as well as discussions about Polish state
and religious totalitarianism, and a time
-
after
1938 -
of looking for a broad agreement, involv¬
ing all parties, in the face of the German threat. We might say that the beginning of the attempts at
national reconciliation came with a speech by the deputy prime minister
Eugeniusz
Kwiatkowski in
Katowice on
24
April
1938.
In his speech Kwiatkowski called for national unity to be created on the
basis of voluntary consolidation without resorting to the mask and scourge of totalitarianism. It
should be emphasised that this period was marked by richness of thought not only with regard to
statehood, but also with regard to social and economic affairs. What should also be noted is Poland s
considerable economic achievements in the second half of the
1930s,
to mention only the construc¬
tion of a state-of-the-art port in Gdynia or the creation of the Central Industrial Region. In addition
to political thought geared towards addressing internal affairs, there were many issues raised within
the context of international affairs. Poland s activity in the League of Nations and the dynamic de¬
velopments in international politics encouraged various political circles to put forward their own
concepts of foreign policy. The problem of political, military and economic alliances was the main
point of reference in the face of the Nazi and the Soviet threats. Shortly before the outbreak of WWII,
there was not a single entity among the major political parties in Poland that would advocate an alli¬
ance with the Third Reich. It is worth noting that Polish concepts of foreign policy formed after
1935
were a point of reference for the diplomatic activities of the Polish governments in exile following the
outbreak of the Second World War.
The ideological legacy of inter-war Poland still deserves to be explored with regard to its political
and legal thought. The outstanding intellectual achievements of lawyers, politicians and sociologists
in the reborn Poland can also be used today in the work on the reform and transformation of the
Polish state. The present volume is an attempt to meet these needs. It is a result of an international
conference organised by the Chair of Political and Legal Doctrines of the Department of Law, Ad¬
ministration and Economics of the
Wrocław
University to celebrate the 90th anniversary of Poland s
independence. The conference was entitled: On the trails of the Independent. Polish political and
Summary
463
legal thought between
1918
and
1939,
and took place in the beautiful resort of
Kudowa Zdrój
be¬
tween
5
and
7
November
2008.
The conference generated avid interest among Polish scholars who deal with political and legal
thought of the inter-war period; the organisers also invited guests from the Ukraine, Lithuania, the
Czech Republic and Germany.
The present publication opens with papers by
Janusz
Sondel
(Jagiellonian University) and
Marek
Kornat (Polish Academy of Sciences) dealing with the problem of the continuity of Polish statehood.
Janusz
Sondel
examines the Roman concept of
tus postliminii
(right to return that could be applied
in the case of a nation conquered by force), which was used in the inter-war period by such Polish
luminaries of international law as
Ludwik
Ehrlich
and
Stanisław
Hubert, who were trying to prove
that Poland revived in
1918
was not a new state. Such an argument could be applied not only to issues
covered by international law, but also to private disputes over property confiscated by the tsarist au¬
thorities as part of their repressions in the aftermath of national uprisings. On the other hand,
Marek
Kornat has analysed the opposite positions concerning the problem of whether the revived Poland
was a newly established state. This author argues that although the French prime minister Georges
Clemenceau
considered Poland to be a new state and the German propaganda (a view shared by
the British prime minister David Lloyd George) referred to Poland as artificial entity, the Polish
authorities emphasised the continuity of the Polish statehood.
Michał Śliwa
(Pedagogical University
in Cracow) addresses the ideological dilemmas faced by Polish socialists after
1918.
He argues that
Polish socialist thought in the inter-war period was far poorer than in the era of captivity following
the partitions.
Krzysztof
Kawalec (Wroclaw University) reflects on the myth of Poland as a big state
in the actions of elites during the first few years of the Second Republic and concludes that, gener¬
ally speaking, in
1918
the entire political elite wanted to rebuild Poland as a regional superpower.
He answers the question posed in literature on the subject about whether the politics of the period
could have been different, more rational, by saying that there was no sensible alternative at the time
to the idea of building a great Poland. A paper that corresponds in a way to this work is an article
by
Iwona
Barwicka-Tylek (Jagiellonian University), entitled: Virtuous citizen
-
effective authority
-
good state. According to the author, in its search for the foundations of a strong state, political
thought in the inter-war period was characterised by great moral expectations about the newly es¬
tablished state, a fact that caused growing frustration after
1918
and only later, in the
1930s,
helped
to stem the increasing totalitarian tendencies.
Bogdan Szlachta
(Jagiellonian University) presents
selected themes from the conservative criticism of the March Constitution, while
Włodzimierz Ber-
nacki (Jagiellonian University) analyses the views of the Polish liberals in the inter-war period on the
crisis of democracy.
In subsequent articles Barbara
Pawełko (Wrocław
University) points to the figure of
Michał
Römer
as a representative of what has been called the national idea, while the stance of the national¬
ist camp towards attempts to regain independence between
1914
and
1918
is presented by
Mateusz
Nieć (Wrocław
Technical University).
Another group of problems under discussion begins with a paper by
Marek Maciejewski (Wrocław
University), who analyses the
federationalist
concepts advocated by the
Piłsudski
camp at the begin¬
ning of the Second Republic and how those concepts could be implemented. Next,
Maciej Marszał
(Wroclaw University) discusses the idea of Polish integral nationalism, developed especially between
1934
and
1939.
Grzegorz Ławnikowicz
(Maria
Curie-Skłodowska
University) examines the idea of
nationalisation of the state, promoted by the luminaries of the
Sanacja
regime
-
Walery
Sławek
and
Adam
Skwarczyński.
This concept was based on an assumption that the government had more and
more tasks to fulfil
-
tasks that were getting increasingly complex
-
but that the state had to be pre¬
vented from becoming omnipotent, because it is society that should be the supreme value and hence
the need for educating society so that its members could work for the common good.
Władysław
T.
Kulesza (Warsaw University) has tackled the issue of systemic reforms undertaken in the inter-war
464
Summary
period by
Kazimierz Świtalski.
Criticism of democracy and parliamentarism in the writings of the
constitutionalist and politician
Stanisław
Car is examined in the article by
Jacek Srokosz (Wrocław
University).
The next group of papers deal with legal thought and the justice system in the Second Polish Re¬
public.
Małgorzata Łuszczyńska
(Maria
Curie-Skłodowska
University) examines the development of
Polish philosophy of law between
1918
and
1939,
which was studied not only by professional phi¬
losophers of law, such as
Czesław Znamierowski
or
Czesław Martyniak,
but also by representatives of
various disciplines of law. Anna Machnikowska
(Gdańsk
University) addresses the issues facing the
justice system in Poland between
1918
and
1939.
According to the author, this was a wasted oppor¬
tunity to make it a genuine third power .
Józef Koredczuk (Wrocław
University) analyses the debates
over criminal law in the inter-war Poland, referring, among others, to disputes between the classical
school headed by Edmund
Karol Krzymuski,
and the sociological school led by
Juliusz Makarewicz.
The followers of the first school argued that what mattered most was the dogmatic side of codifica¬
tion, while the second school raised the issue of crime as a social phenomenon and criminal as a hu¬
man being. To this article corresponds a paper by Sebastian
Ziembicki (Wrocław
University), who
deals with
Rafał
Lemkin s legal thought until
1939.
Lemkin, a student of
Juliusz
Makarewicz,
Wacław
Makowski
and
Emil Rappaport,
studied at that time comparative criminal law. Next, Adam Bosiacki
(Warsaw University) explores the problem of territorial self-government in the Second Polish Re¬
public, pointing to the fact that neither dominant doctrine nor a uniform definition of self-govern¬
ment emerged in that period. Three currents were competing at the time: naturalistic
(Antoni
Opol¬
ski, Rafał Górski),
pro-state
(Władysław Leopold Jaworski)
and state-naturalistic
(Tadeusz Bigo). The
supporters of the first current stressed the notion of non-centralisation advocated by Anglo-Saxon
scholars, assuming that self-government was a political community that was natural and older than
the state. The second group argued that self-government was a creation of the state, which granted
it its rights and obligations. A similar problem is analysed by
Jacek Przygodzki (Wrocław
University),
who in his paper discusses the concepts of the territorial division of Poland between
1918
and
1921.
The author notes that the discussions led to the emergence of a three-tier division, not fully imple¬
mented, into
województwo
(province),
powiat
(district) and
gmina
(municipality), a division based
of the principle of
déconcentration.
Radosław Antonów (Wrocław
University) analyses the social
policy, which
-
in his opinion
-
was of very high academic quality in the inter-war period and had
a measurable impact on legislation.
The following group of papers deals with slightly lesser known aspects of political and legal
thought from the inter-war period. And thus
Jacek Bartyzel (Mikołaj Kopernik
University) presents
the vision of Poland in the philosophy of history ( historical psychology ) of
Jan Karol Kochanowski
(1869-1949).
According to
Kochanowski,
two types of mentality clash with and complement each
other in history
-
the group (collectivist) mentality and the individual (individualistic) men¬
tality. The Polish mentality represents the extreme individualistic type, in contrast to the group
civilisations
-
Prussian, Muscovite and Jewish. Thanks to this mentality Poland in past centuries
was a haven of liberty, but that liberty is also the reason why Polish society lacked and still lacks dis¬
cipline.
Łukasz Machaj (Wrocław
University) analyses the views of the writer
Stanisław Piasecki
on
capitalism, communism and Poland s new economic system.
Paweł
Fiktus
(Wrocław
University), in
turn, examines the origins of the idea of Polish colonialism.
Artur Łuszczyński
(Maria
Curie-Skłodowska
University) analyses two models of rebuilding
statehood in the early 20th century, taking Poland and Czechoslovakia as examples. A similar prob¬
lem is explored by
Marek Białokur (Opole
University), who discusses the attitude of the National
Democrats towards Czechoslovakia and Polish-Czechoslovak relations during the Paris Peace Con¬
ference
(1919-1920).
Jarosław Macała (Zielona Góra
University) analyses the difficult issues associated with the ex¬
istence of the so-called Catholic party in the inter-war period. Continuing this thread,
Kazimierz
Summary
465
Ostaszewski (Catholic University of Lublin) examines the reception of papal encyclicals dealing with
social issues in the programmes of Christian Democrats in Poland from
1918
to
1939.
The views of
the conservatives from the
Podole
group on the state s political system, as expressed by
Stanisław
Starzyński,
are discussed by
Jakub Skoczyłaś (Wrocław
University).
Paweł
Sydor
(Łódź
University)
presents the development of ideological and political concepts of the so-called Trockist movement in
Poland in the inter-war period. The volume ends with reflections by Arkady Rzegocki (Jagiellonian
University) on
raison d état
in Polish political thought. The author argues that the notion of
raison
d état
was associated with absolutism until the
1930s
and, consequently, was not very popular.
Translated by Anna Kijak
|
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| era | Geschichte 1918-1939 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1918-1939 |
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| genre | (DE-588)1071861417 Konferenzschrift 2008 Kudowa gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Konferenzschrift 2008 Kudowa |
| geographic | Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV036097497 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:11:31Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788322930335 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018987958 |
| oclc_num | 644093158 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 465 S. |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis |
| series2 | Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis |
| spelling | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 pod Red. Macieja Marszała ... Wrocław Wydawn. Uniw. Wrocławskiego 2009 465 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3150 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: On the trails of the independent Geschichte 1918-1939 gnd rswk-swf Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd rswk-swf Rechtsphilosophie (DE-588)4048821-4 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)1071861417 Konferenzschrift 2008 Kudowa gnd-content Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 s Rechtsphilosophie (DE-588)4048821-4 s Geschichte 1918-1939 z DE-604 Marszał, Maciej 1968- Sonstige (DE-588)133969118 oth Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 3150 (DE-604)BV004668106 3150 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018987958&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018987958&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd Rechtsphilosophie (DE-588)4048821-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4115590-7 (DE-588)4048821-4 (DE-588)4046496-9 (DE-588)1071861417 |
| title | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 |
| title_auth | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 |
| title_exact_search | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 |
| title_full | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 pod Red. Macieja Marszała ... |
| title_fullStr | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 pod Red. Macieja Marszała ... |
| title_full_unstemmed | Na szlakach niepodległej polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 pod Red. Macieja Marszała ... |
| title_short | Na szlakach niepodległej |
| title_sort | na szlakach niepodleglej polska mysl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 1939 |
| title_sub | polska myśl polityczna i prawna w latach 1918 - 1939 |
| topic | Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd Rechtsphilosophie (DE-588)4048821-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Politisches Denken Rechtsphilosophie Polen Konferenzschrift 2008 Kudowa |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018987958&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018987958&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV004668106 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT marszałmaciej naszlakachniepodległejpolskamyslpolitycznaiprawnawlatach19181939 |