Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.):
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Łódź
Wydawn. Uniw. Łódzkiego
2009
|
| Ausgabe: | Wyd. 1. |
| Schriftenreihe: | Byzantina Lodziensia
12 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The riots and social unrest in Byzantine cities in the fourth century AD |
| Beschreibung: | 236 s. 24 cm. |
| ISBN: | 9788375253399 |
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The riots and social unrest in Byzantine cities in the fourth century AD | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text |
SUMMARY
The Riots and Social Unrest in Byzantine Cities
in the fourth century AD
In the present book I have classified riots and social disturbances, and examined the attitude
of both the local and state authorities in the face of public disorder. I have also described the
manners in which the emperors tended to tackle the problem of social unrest. Subsequently, I have
outlined further research goals and put forward some hypotheses concerning the frequency of riots
and public unrest cases. Additionally, I have determined the most probable chronology of the
majority of conflicts in question, trying, if possible, to indicate their perpetrators and participants.
Finally, I have made an attempt to detect what I have termed "anatomy of rebellion", i.e. its
structure, duration and geographical range.
The events analyzed in the work were grouped according to economic, religious and social
criteria. My analysis have shown that the vast majority of all riots had their roots in religious
issues of the time. Economic problems brought about definitely fewer outbursts, while the least
frequent were riots provoked by sports fans.
It is the conflict between the Orthodox Christians and the
Arians
which seems to have been
not only most widely discussed by ancient authors but also the most explosive in reality. The riots
would normally erupt as a result of the rivalry over bishoprics. The source material, however,
allows to analyze only those of the religious conflicts that broke out in the largest cities, i.e.
Antioch (ca.
328-330),
Alexandria
(339, 356-357, 373)
and Constantinople
(342-344).
What
I deem crucial is the fact that the sees in these cities used to be vied for by men of strong
personality, with an impeccable record, able to administer their ecclesiastic communities with
great dexterity and therefore commanding a well-earned respect. For this reason, I want to stress
firmly that the belivers' involvement in doctrinal disputes and their support to ecclesiastic
personages hinged heavily on a number of extra-theological factors.
The fourth century witnessed only few Christians-versus-Pagans conflicts, which were
significant enough to attract the attention of chroniclers. The most dangerous riots took place in
Alexandria (ca.
357,
in
361
and in
391).
It should be added, however, that the Pagans there were
each time provoked into rioting by the Alexandrian bishops.
Following the accession of the pagan emperor Julian, the attacks directed against the
Christians came about in many cities of the East. It was of course the Christian priests and all those
who had been involved in combating paganism before
361
who fell victim to these acts of
violence. Usually, however, the Christians and the Pagans should be considered to have been
living with each other on a peaceful basis and clashes between them arose only when one group
went so far as to violate the norms and traditions important to the other. Religious differences
themselves did not result in violence.
Anti-
Jewish riots were even less frequent. In the fourth century, following the example of the
ecclesiastical legislation, Christian emperors introduced a variety of edicts restricting the rights of
the Jewish minority. Contrary to these officially fostered anti-Jewish sentiments, however, the
Christian population refused to adopt a hostile attitude towards the Jews. It is obvious that if such
232
hostility had existed, it would have been likely to provoke a considerable number of conflicts
between the two groups. But there are almost no such records to be found in the source material. It
was only once that the Christians in Callinicum, instigated by their bishop, launched an attack
against the Jews by setting fire to the synagogue
(388).
Although it is true that the Jews staged two uprisings, one should remember that both of them
were directed against the Roman authorities and not against the Christians themselves. The
relations existing between the Christians and the Jews resembled those between the Christians and
the Pagans. Both can serve as an example of a peaceful coexistence, established and maintained
regardless of their religious differences.
Riots of an economic nature were bound up almost exclusively with supply problems. In
order to maintain public order, cities had to be regularly supplied with grain, which had to be sold
at a price people could afford to pay. Unfortunately, for a variety of reasons, supplying necessary
grain was a requirement that was often hard to fulfill. Disruptions in food supply were caused by
climatic anomalies, and above all, by droughts. It was they which were to be blamed for poor
harvests, which in
tum
resulted in scarcity of grain on the local market and, consequently, in an
increase in prices of bread and flour. Local entrepreneurs, i.e. grain speculators, still exacerbated
the food shortage by hiding away the grain in their private warehouses. It was not until the prices
had soared that did the speculators market the precious commodity at a considerable profit. The
situation used to be further deteriorated due to the stationing of the military near the cities. The
troops were supplied with food acquired in the region in which they camped. This was likely to
have a harmful effect upon the life of civilians struggling with paucity of food.
The Syrian city of Antioch is used in the work as an example illustrating the above mentioned
pattern. The case of Antioch also proves that only far and few between riots broke out because of
high taxes and the only incident of such unrest recorded in historical sources is "the riots of the
statues", which took place in Antioch in
387.
It might be inferred, however, that analogous protests
against the excessive demands of the
fiscus
occurred in a number of municipal centres but they
were staged in the cities which were smaller and less affluent then Antioch.
My analysis of sources containing accounts of two rebellions in Antioch
(354
and
387)
allows
me to present one more important conclusion. The unrest caused by food shortages and heavy
taxation tended to evolve into political riots. In
354,
the rioters, by attacking the state and the local
authorities, impinged on the emperor's position while in
387
they directly turned against the ruler.
Both the cases prove that it was a particularly uncompromising position of the local authorities
which was the prerequisite for the evolution.
Sports fans' emotions destabilized the situation in the city of Thessalonica in
390.
This
outbreak of public disaffection shows clearly the extent to which sentiments of the hippodrome
audiences had to be reckoned with by the local authorities. One should remember that it was the
military commanders' determination not to give in to the people's demands (who called for the
release of a chariot driver whose arrest
-
it is worthy of mention
-
was probably fully justified)
that led the Thessalonica inhabitants to rebel. Upon closer examination of the event, however, one
is inclined to opine that while the chariot driver's affair became the direct cause of the riot, it was
the people's general dislike of the army stationed in Thessalonica for a long time that had created
a perfect breeding ground for the eruption of violence. It appears that the situation was multi-
faceted. The inhabitants were ordered to share their houses with soldiers whose behavior was often
harsh, unruly and undoubtedly left much to be desired.
In order to advance a plausible thesis on frequency of riots and social unrest cases, one would
have to be able to rely on some statistics pertaining to the fourth century on the one hand, and to
the fifth and the sixth centuries on the other. There are almost thirty cases of social upheavals
discussed in the work. Unfortunately, there are very few scholarly monographs raising the question
of social disturbances in the fifth and the sixth centuries to be compared with our findings
233
concerning the fourth century. As a result, any comparison between the two epochs remains
impossible. To make such the undertaking doable, new research has to be conducted.
As far as the fourth century is concerned, one is justified in saying that the largest cities were
threatened by outbreaks of violence in equal measure. Each of the municipal centres suffered from
a similar number of riots (in Alexandria
- 8,
in Antioch
- 7,
and in Constantinople
- 5).
Neither is
it possible to determine a time space which was especially turbulent. Almost each decade of the
fourth century is characteristic of unrest cases and one can only notice that the discussed incidents
were less frequent in the first quarter of the century.
The maintenance of public order was a responsibility of the city councils, i.e. the municipal
government. They, however, had at their disposal no adequate police forces to suppress riots. The
functionaries the councils could make use of were supposed to deal with local crime and minor
offences, at the same time performing an auxiliary role in administering justice.
Undoubtedly, there is some chaos to be found in the structure of the local police. The scope of
competence of particular officials and functionaries is not likely to have been clearly defined and
must have overlapped. On top of this, the only definition of the local police duties we are familiar
with includes no mention of the force being responsible for suppressing riots. The absence of such
competence might indicate that the imperial legislation simply did not take it into account. It is
highly probable that the police were few in number and poorly armed. The silence of sources as
for the participation of the local forces in the suppression of popular riots corroborates only the
impression that the police were neither legally allowed nor able to take part in such actions.
Of all riots and disturbances discussed here none was stifled by a provincial governor's
forces. The reason seems to be quite obvious. Following the reforms introduced by Diocletian and
Constantine
the Great, civil servants had no longer the right to command military units. The forces
still subordinate to them were used solely for their personal protection and not for pacifying
enraged crowds. An angry mob gathered in the hippodrome in Antioch
(354)
and murdering the
governor of the province may be a clear indication of weakness of the imperial administration.
While the case of Antioch clearly shows inactivity of the state administration in the face of
social unrest, riots and disturbances in Alexandria additionally prove partiality of the
administration system. For instance, both the civil (prefect of Egypt) and military (duces of Egypt)
supported the
Arians
by organizing, coordinating and sometimes participating in the raids on
Orthodox churches. Such developments were often accompanied by violence, looting and arson,
i.e. acts that should rather be prevented than provoked by state representatives. It is also worth
adding that in the conflicts between the Christians and the Pagans the authorities would strongly
support the Christian party (as indicates the example of battles over the temple of Serapis). Such
unfair attitudes were made possible by the lack of legal arrangements binding the officials to
follow specific procedures in time of unrest. Of course, the officials' arbitrary acts were closely
connected with their religious beliefs.
By scrutinizing the attitudes adopted by the highest imperial authorities, i.e. the emperors,
towards the problems under discussion, we may also try to indicate the means with which riots and
rebellions were usually coped with. Sources tell us both about military actions resulting in
thousands of casualties among civilians and in the ruin of entire cities as well as about leniency
resulting in sending warning letters to the rebellious populations. Accordingly, one may speak
about tough measures, i.e. the use of the army, and about mild ones, which included no argument
of force but only the force of (for example, verbal and written) argument.
Confronted with the rebellions directed against the authorities, the emperors usually resorted
to tough measures. It was, however, not a rule. A given emperor's reaction was a result of his
personality and, above all, his political experience.
In most cases, we are in no position to determine the perpetrators and participants of
rebellions. It is because ancient authors usually use general and very enigmatic terms (i.e. people,
234
crowd, mob), thereby suggesting only a considerable number of those involved in the riots. If
sources allow us to identify the ones who contributed to the outbreak of a rebellion, they usually
turn out to be not personages who chanced to appear at the crime scene but people directly
involved in the conflict (for example, the lower clergy emotionally attached to their bishop and
trying to protect him against his adversaries).
Although neither ancient nor Byzantine authors give an exact duration of riots, their remarks
enable us to conclude that the accidents did not last long. The most detailed chronological data we
possess consider "the riots of the statues" (Antioch
387).
It is likely to have lasted no longer than
a few hours. Source narratives suggest that also other rebellions were characterized by a similar
duration.
The conclusion does not exclude a notion that cities might have experienced some longer
periods of turbulence, tensions and continual street fighting. Quite on the contrary, such accidents
appear to have taken place quite often and the reason for similar outbreaks were a mere increase in
food prices or a popular undertaking to re-instate a dethroned but still appreciated bishop. This
time too we are not in a position to determine the exact duration of such explosive situations.
Various accounts seem to indicate that economic disturbances in Antioch (about
331-334
and
362)
or Alexandria
(337, 356-357, 365-366)
persisted for many weeks and even months.
The structure of discussed rebellions is not always the same. In three cases (Antioch
354, 387
and Thessalonica
390)
two phases can be clearly discerned. The first included verbal protests,
which the authorities ignored or just refused to accept as justified
(387
and
390),
while the second
one was an open rebellion sweeping through the streets and the hippodrome. Accordingly, one can
infer that in the above mentioned cases the second phase was a natural consequence of the first.
Unlike the developments characterized above, a rebellion that occurred in Constantinople in
342
can be split into no particular phases. It broke out the moment the
magister militum
tried to oust
the Constantinopolitan bishop and was preceded by clashes between the supporters and the
opponents of the Church official. Consequently, a rebellion against the authorities interfering with
the appointment of the bishop was easy to foresee. The conclusion that can be arrived at is as
follows: it was always the stance of the authorities which determined whether the first phase would
develop into the second or whether riots would break out suddenly and without previous protests
communicating their advent.
Territorial range of riots is not dealt with in the sources. Twice (Antioch
354
and
Thessalonica
390)
rebellion began in the hippodrome and these are the only disturbances of the
fourth century I know that took place in such sporting venues. Since those two cases (along with
the third one, i.e. unrest in Antioch in
313)
are just a small fraction of issues discussed here, I am
prone to thinking that the sports-event-based riots of the fourth century were rarely as large and
dangerous as to draw attention of ancient and Byzantine chroniclers.
In this context, it was the churches, and especially those in Alexandria, which were
particularly frequently mentioned in the chronicles. This can hardly come as a surprise considering
the fact that most riots of the fourth century broke out for religious reasons.
The map of places under a particular threat of attack includes municipal official buildings. The
phenomenon is exceptionally prominent in descriptions of the events of
354
and
387,
when it was the
houses of various officials and generally municipal administration buildings which were the targets of
enraged people. The above mentioned conclusion, though hardly original (rebellions against
authorities are quite naturally directed against the buildings which are occupied by functionaries), is
nevertheless of some importance. It enables us to put forward a thesis that riots were solely confined
to certain urban districts and tended to engulf only isolated points on the city map.
translated by
Maciej Kokoszko
and
Artur Mękarski
SPIS TREŚCI
Wstęp
. 9
Rozdział I. Władze miejskie i państwowe na straży porządku publicznego
1.
Wstęp
. 21
2.
Kompetencje oraz możliwości samorządu miejskiego w zakresie bezpieczeństwa
publicznego
. 22
3.
Kompetencje oraz uprawnienia urzędników państwowej administracji prowincjonalnej
w zakresie bezpieczeństwa publicznego
. 31
A. Kuratorzy
(curato
res)
i obrońcy
(defensores)
. 31
B.
Namiestnicy prowincji
(procónsules, consulares, correctores, praesides)
. 33
С
Prefekt Egiptu
(Praefectus Aegypti)
oraz Prefekt
Augustalis (Praefectus Augustalis) . 35
D.
Wikariusze diecezji
(vices
agens
praefectiorum lub inaczej
vicarii)
. 36
E.
Prefekt pretorium (praefectus
pretorio)
. 37
F. Agentes
in rebus
. 38
4.
Władze Konstantynopola: prokonsul
(proconsul)
oraz prefekt miasta (praefectus
urbi)
. 38
5.
Wojsko jako narzędzie do tłumienia rozruchów
. 43
6.
Wnioski
. 47
Rozdział
II.
Bunty, rozruchy i niepokoje wywołane kłopotami aprowizacyjnymi
oraz opodatkowaniem
-
przykład
Antiochii nad
Orontesem
1.
Problemy aprowizacji miast oraz podstawowe wiadomości na temat obciążeń podatko¬
wych w
IV
w.
n.e
. 51
2.
Znaczenie
Antiochii
na Wschodzie w
IV
w. n.e
. 56
3.
Udokumentowanie źródłowe rozruchów antiocheńskich
. 59
4.
Protesty w hipodromie (ok.
313
r.)
. 61
5.
Niepokoje w Syrii z powodu głodu (ok.
331-334
r. n.e.)
. 63
6.
Kryzys aprowizacyjny i bunt z
354
r
. 66
7.
Protesty przeciwko Julianowi
(362/363
r.)
. 75
8.
Niepokoje wywołane kłopotami aprowizacyjnymi
(383-385). 79
9.
„Powstanie przeciwko posągom"
(387
r.)
. 81
A. Nadzwyczajne opodatkowanie (superindictio), jako bezpośrednia przyczyna powsta¬
nia
. 81
B. Czy do wybuchu powstania doprowadziły problemy lokalne?
. 84
C. Czy powstanie wywołała klaka teatralna?
. 88
D. Polityczny charakter buntu
-
atak na budynki rządowe oraz przestępstwo obrazy
majestatu cesarskiego
(crimen laesae
maiestatis)
. 90
E. Reakcja władz lokalnych
. 92
F. Reakcja cesarza. Procesy przed sądem komisarzy cesarskich
. 95
10.
Wnioski
. 101
Rozdział III. Rozruchy wywołane kontrowersją ariańską, rywalizacją chrześcijaństwa
z pogaństwem oraz pogarszającą
siţ
sytuacją Żydów
1.
Rozruchy i niepokoje wywołane kontrowersją ariańską
. 107
A. Rozruchy w
Antiochii (ok.
328-330
r.)
. 112
B.
Niepokoje w Tyrze
(335
r.)
. 116
C.
Zamieszki w Konstantynopolu
(ок.
335
r.)
. 117
D.
Niepokoje i bunty w Aleksandrii
(337-338
r.)
. 118
E.
Represje przeciw Atanazemu i jego stronnikom
(18
III
—15
IV
339
r.)
. 120
F. Niepokoje i rozruchy w Konstantynopolu
(337-344). 123
G. Rozruchy związane z trzecim wygnaniem Atanazego
(8
II
356-24
II
357). 128
H. Zamieszki i bunty związane z piątym wygnaniem Atanazego (maj
365 -
styczeń
366
r.)
. 132
I. Spory i bunty związane z wyborem
Demofila
i Ewagriusza na biskupstwo Konstanty¬
nopola (ok.
369-370
r.)
. 133
J. Atak na kościół świętego Teonasa i represje wobec nicejczyków w Aleksandrii
(373
r.)
. 134
K. Zamieszki w Konstantynopolu
(379
r.)
. 136
L. Zamieszki związane z antyariańskąpolityką Teodozjusza Wielkiego
(381-383
i
388) 137
2.
Konflikty chrześcijańsko-pogańskie
. 138
A. Atak pogan aleksandryjskich na Wielki Kościół w Cezarejonie
(356
r.)
. 140
B. Rozruchy w Aleksandrii
(357-358
i
360-361
r.)
. 141
С
Wystąpienia pogan w Gazie i Aretuzie
(361
r.)
. 146
D. Bunt pogan w Aleksandrii
(391
r.)
. 148
3.
Napięcia w stosunkach z Żydami
. 154
A. Czy w Jerozolimie ok.
325
roku wybuchł bunt Żydów?
. 158
B. Bunt Żydów w miastach Palestyny
(351-353
r.)
. 162
4.
Wnioski
. 166
Rozdział
IV.
Bunt w Tesalonice
(390
г.).
Przykład konfliktu wywołanego emocjami sportowymi
1.
Wstęp
. 169
2.
Topografia i znaczenie Tesaloniki
. 173
3.
Charakterystyka źródeł
. 176
4.
Przyczyny buntu
. 179
A. Sprawa woźnicy cyrkowego
. 179
B. Zakwaterowanie wojska
. 183
С
Różnice kulturowe i religijne między Gotami a Rzymianami i Grekami
. 186
5.
Przebieg powstania
. 187
A. Sprawcy buntu
. 187
B. Etapy buntu
. 189
С
Problem obecności lub nieobecności cesarza w Tesalonice, w
390
r.
-
datacja buntu
190
6.
Reakcja cesarza
. 193
A. Okoliczności wydania rozkazu o użyciu wojska
. 193
B. Interwencja wojska oraz jej skutki
. 197
7.
Wnioski
. 204
Zakończenie
. 207
1.
Klasyfikacja
. 207
2.
Częstotliwość
. 210
3.
Reakcja władz
. 212
4.
Sprawcy
. 215
5.
„Anatomia buntu" (wybuch, etapy, zasięg czasowy i przestrzenny)
. 216
Bibliografia
. 219
Summary
. 231 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Filipczak, Paweł ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1141938839 |
| author_facet | Filipczak, Paweł ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Filipczak, Paweł ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_variant | p f pf |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036094482 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)644086102 (DE-599)BVBBV036094482 |
| edition | Wyd. 1. |
| era | Geschichte 300-400 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 300-400 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Byzantinisches Reich (DE-588)4009256-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Byzantinisches Reich |
| id | DE-604.BV036094482 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-12T16:04:18Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788375253399 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018985014 |
| oclc_num | 644086102 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-19 DE-BY-UBM |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-19 DE-BY-UBM |
| physical | 236 s. 24 cm. |
| psigel | gbd_JL_Z1003 |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | Wydawn. Uniw. Łódzkiego |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Byzantina Lodziensia |
| series2 | Byzantina Lodziensia |
| spelling | Filipczak, Paweł ca. 20./21. Jh. Verfasser (DE-588)1141938839 aut Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) Paweł Filipczak Wyd. 1. Łódź Wydawn. Uniw. Łódzkiego 2009 236 s. 24 cm. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Byzantina Lodziensia 12 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The riots and social unrest in Byzantine cities in the fourth century AD Geschichte 300-400 gnd rswk-swf Aufstand (DE-588)4003554-2 gnd rswk-swf Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd rswk-swf Byzantinisches Reich (DE-588)4009256-2 gnd rswk-swf Byzantinisches Reich (DE-588)4009256-2 g Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 s Aufstand (DE-588)4003554-2 s Geschichte 300-400 z DE-604 Byzantina Lodziensia 12 (DE-604)BV012366978 12 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018985014&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018985014&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Filipczak, Paweł ca. 20./21. Jh Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) Byzantina Lodziensia Aufstand (DE-588)4003554-2 gnd Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4003554-2 (DE-588)4056723-0 (DE-588)4009256-2 |
| title | Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) |
| title_auth | Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) |
| title_exact_search | Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) |
| title_full | Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) Paweł Filipczak |
| title_fullStr | Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) Paweł Filipczak |
| title_full_unstemmed | Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) Paweł Filipczak |
| title_short | Bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego Bizancjum (IV wiek n.e.) |
| title_sort | bunty i niepokoje w miastach wczesnego bizancjum iv wiek n e |
| topic | Aufstand (DE-588)4003554-2 gnd Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Aufstand Stadt Byzantinisches Reich |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018985014&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018985014&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV012366978 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT filipczakpaweł buntyiniepokojewmiastachwczesnegobizancjumivwiekne |