Psychopatologia życia politycznego: podręcznik ilustrowany
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Wrocław
Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT - Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe
2009
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 200 s. 21 cm. |
| ISBN: | 9788374325554 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804141117446291456 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis
tresei
Wstęp
.......................................................5
1.
Walka o uznanie. Polska i Niemcy w Europie
............21
2.
Poszerzenie pola walki
...................................45
3.
Dlaczego polscy liberałowie potrzebują lewicy?
..........65
4.
Kryzys
...................................................97
5.
Religia a granice bezradności państwa
...................111
6.
Ascetyzm wyuczony
....................................132
7.
Dwa świstki papieru
....................................157
Bibliografia
................................................181
Indeks autorów
............................................187
Contents ...................................................191
Summary ..................................................
193
Adam Chmielewski
Psychopathology of the Political Life.
An Illustrated Textbook
Contents
Introduction
.................................................5
1.
The Struggle for Recognition. Germany and Poland
in the European Union
..................................21
2.
Expansion of the Battlefield
..............................45
3.
Why Polish Liberals Need the Left?
......................65
4.
The Crisis
.................................................97
5.
Religion and the Limits of the Powerlessness
of the State
..............................................
Ill
6.
Self-Induced
Ascetism,
Academic Style
...................132
7.
Two Slips of Paper
.......................................157
Bibliography
................................................181
Index of Authors
...........................................187
Summary
...................................................193
SUMMARY
Psychological aspects of political life constituted a subject of
the keen philosophical interest ever since the most ancient times.
Insightful observations of the psychological phenomena which
have filled the political space established by the Athens s de¬
mocratic experiment have become a basis for political theories
of the greatest Greek philosophers, Plato and Aristotle. A deep
appreciation of political significance of human social emotions
has played an equally fundamental role in the political works
of
Niccolo Machiavelli,
Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
Adam Smith and John Locke. They have been of the greatest im¬
port for David Hume, the leading thinker of the Enlightenment
who in this, as well as in other matters, has adopted a deep
sceptical attitude toward the Enlightenment belief in reason as
capable of exerting its regulatory and controlling power over
emotions, famously arguing that reason is and ought only to be
a slave of the passions.
The Athenian democracy has opened the space for a more
egalitarian expression of the political agency of human indivi¬
duals for the first time in history. Development of contemporary
democracies, together with the accompanying technological and
social advance, has resulted in opening of the public space for
the human individuality more widely than ever before. Since
the sphere of human subjectivity is capable of more dynamic
transformations than other aspects of social life, and since, wi¬
thin the liberal democracies, subjectivity and emotionality reveal
themselves both in an unprecedented degree and in a diversity
of novel forms, some of which tend to undermine the social
stability, they often come to be perceived as pathological ones.
For this reason an inquiry into political phenomena considered
194_________________________________
Adam Chmielewski
pathological has now become an independent and well defined
subject of scholarly interest.
This book is about political emotions; it is also about poli¬
tical methods of controlling and managing them. It has been
written from a rather uncontroversial point of view according
to which emotions play a crucial and an indispensable role in
the functioning of human societies. I also believe that, perhaps
more controversially, that the dynamics of human subjectivity is
of a fundamental importance in the sphere of knowledge, in the
moral conduct, in the artistic creation, as well as in the matters
of politics. It is thus only natural that one of the chief tasks of
politics should be seen as an intelligent understanding of them,
their adequate interpretation, and an innovative search for ef¬
fective methods of their regulation and control. Conceptions of
political philosophy which disregard the sphere of human emo¬
tions cannot be adequate.
This book, however, is not so much a theoretical contribu¬
tion to the political science of human emotions, but rather an
analysis of some pathological phenomena which made themse¬
lves felt, sometimes very acutely, within the contemporary Polish
politics. It has been designed as a collection of illustrations of a
claim that the presently dominant forms of Polish politics, and
new developments within it, are a result of the psychopatho-
logies responsible for a gradual decline and degradation of the
Polish political space as a whole; a decline which seems already
irreversible.
I argue that the degradation in question stems to a large
extent from a failure of the Polish political elites adequately to
understand and manage the emotions of the Polish society. Ac¬
cording to the interpretation put forward here, the failure has
been a cumulative effect of various modes of political disregard,
misuse and abuse of social emotions. More specifically, it has
been the failure resulting from an inability of one part of the
Polish political elites to understand the role played by the poli¬
tical emotional variable , and the cynical instigation and explo¬
itation of it in the political struggles by an another part. In my
opinion, all forms of these misuses result in a manifest disregard
of a common good. In particular, the present degenerative trend
in the Polish politics I attribute especially to pathological modes
of employment of social emotions by leading figures of the
Po-
Summary
195
lish political right, themselves no less pathological in character,
who have claimed a (temporary) success in hijacking the Polish
politics and have pushed it into the abyss of a new form of the
authoritarian populism. For this reason, despite the fact that the
book is published at the time of celebrations of the 20th anni¬
versary of the commencement of the democratic transformation
of the country, it has not been written in a self-congratulatory
style.
Pathologies described in this book reveal themselves not only
in the area of the practical political life in Poland, but also within
the narrower scope of the Polish political debates. The specific
Polish understanding of political ideologies of liberalism, conse¬
rvatism and the leftist thought is the case in point. Drawing on
the recent writings by
Bronisław
Lagowski, David
Ost,
Andrzej
Walicki, Adam Michnik, as well those of Frank
Füredi
and John
Gray, I argue that a specific Polish brand of liberalism, both
in its practical as well as doctrinal dimensions, is responsible
for squandering the emancipatory potential of the Solidarity
movement, for generating a variety of political problems which
stand in the way of the badly needed and much delayed moder¬
nisation of the country, and for contributing to the rise of the
authoritarian populism in Poland.
In Chapter
1,
The Struggle for Recognition. Germany and Po¬
land in the European Union, the attention is focused on a radical
reversal in the Polish foreign policy after
2005.
The peaceful
transformation of the country initiated by the roundtable talks
in
1989
has become a symbol of an unprecedented change in
the course of Poland s recent history. It has also been interpre¬
ted as turning point in traditional Polish attitude to the history
itself. The spirit of peaceful transformation has dominated the
first
15
years of the transition from Communism to democracy;
it seemed that, ever since, the history for the Poles will be trans¬
formed not by desperate violent uprisings but through peaceful
processes of negotiations and mutual understanding. It also se¬
emed that, from that crucial point on, Poland will be eager to
learn, like other European countries did, to reconcile its newly
recovered national identity with other ones within the European
framework. During that time Polish foreign policy has been al¬
most unanimously understood as a way of promoting national
interest through cooperation and agreement, and not through,
196
Adam Chmielewski
often futile, even if justified, resistance and violence. Such an at¬
titude has informed the Polish foreign policy especially toward
the immediate neighbours, Germany in particular. It seemed cer¬
tain that the old Polish saying which may be roughly translated:
As long the world is the way it is, a German will never be a
Pole s brother , will never be revivified as the chief principle in
Poland s relation with Germany. The general elections in
2005,
however, have marked a beginning of a dramatic setback in this
respect. It has been effected by extreme nationalist and popu¬
list parties of the Polish right who professed a specific version
of
exterminative
politics, inspired by the political philosophy of
Carl Schmitt.
As a result, the Polish foreign policy has become
almost completely subsumed to the disastrous pre-war principle
of two enemies , the enemies being Poland s powerful neigh¬
bours, Russia and Germany. By reference to several incidents
in the German-Polish relations in
2005-2007,
as well as to the
Hegelian concept of the struggle for recognition, I explain how
this came about.
The title of the Chapter
2,
Expansion of the Battlefield, has been
borrowed from Michel Houllebecq s novel Extension
du domaine
de la lutte.
It is devoted to the predicament in which the Polish
leftist political movements have found themselves twenty year
after the demise of the really existing socialism , and to the
misbegotten attempts to recover their old vigour and popular
support. A failure of a recent attempt to revive the Polish politi¬
cal left has been attributed to the fact that a coalition of several
leftist parties, formed in the run-up to the general elections in
2007,
has disregarded the potential of political anger organised
by some trade union associations and by a newly established
women s party. I argue that this disregard has eventually led to
a failure to expand the political battlefield, and that its expan¬
sion could have secured a larger electoral support for a more
egalitarian political agenda.
The aim of Chapter
3,
Why Polish Liberals Need the Left?, is to
provide a tentative answer to the question concerning the pro¬
spects for an alliance between liberalism and social democracy.
My response to the question is twofold. In the first part of the
chapter I argue that, yes, from the point of view of present pro¬
blems in Western countries, the prospects for such marriage are
bright indeed. I support this answer by a diagnosis of the cur-
Summary
197
rent status and role of liberalism in Poland s present political
space. I argue that chief reason for the current crisis of libera¬
lism in Poland is a general tendency toward self-limitation of the
Polish liberal parties in the implementation of a social eman¬
cipatory tasks. For, from the very beginning of socio-political
transformation of the country, the Polish liberals have delibera¬
tely confined their political interests to the economic sphere, and
worked to create the entrepreneurial class as well as to enhance
its social and political role. At the same time, no less delibera¬
tely, the Polish liberals have neglected egalitarian demands for
the emancipation of wide social strata within the social, cultural
and political spheres. As a result of this deliberate exclusionary
self-limitation, some important areas of the public space, de¬
serted by liberals, have been filled by radical, nationalist and
fundamentalist political parties which in
2005
have won a signi¬
ficant popular support and marginalised the liberal movement
itself. I point out also to the fact that a similar failure has been
suffered by Polish political parties which, although nominally
leftist, have in fact pursued a neo-liberal agenda. I argue that in
order to regain some level of political stability and accountabi¬
lity, Polish liberals, in order to avert the danger of an repeated
marginalisation,
would have to address a range of current eco¬
nomic, social and cultural demands, engaging in this with the
parties of the left.
In the second part of the chapter, however, I reconsider the
above affirmative opinion by reference to some global problems.
The analysis seems to point out to a pessimistic conclusion that
in the face of global problems a genuine attempt to
universa¬
lise
the imperatives of both liberty and equality must fail. As
a consequence, the marriage between liberalism and social de¬
mocracy, instead of being an exemplar of a decent and gene¬
rous marital couple, seems to become a morally questionable,
gangster-like collusion against the excluded and the poor in De¬
veloping Countries.
In Chapter
4,
The Crisis, I attempt to throw some light on the
recent global economic crisis. By reference to Joseph Schumpe-
ter s theory of capitalism and his prophecy of its demise, I ar¬
gue that the recent crisis should be understood as a result of an
extreme intensification of the principles which constituted the
very essence of
a neoliberal
vision of economy. Analysing some
198
Adam Chmielewski
aspects of the dynamics of the changes in the American produc¬
tivity, I draw attention to two trends which contributed to the
fall of the American economic power. One of them is the transfer
of jobs to the regions of the world where the surplus of labour
force abounds, the second is the gradual de-materialisation
of the US economy. I contend that the latter trend, encouraged
by the monetarist economic theory, has eventually led to a deep
change in the function of money; in consequence of the
neoli¬
beral
dogma, the money in the US economy has been increasin¬
gly used not so much to organise the production, distribution
and consumption of goods, but to the wilful generation of the
money-like products. As a result of the failure of the US federal
supervising agencies to control these practices, the unrestrained
production of largely worthless bonds and other papers by the
unsupervised banks and funds was tantamount to forgery of the
coin which, subsequently distributed liberally across the world,
has had disastrous consequences to some states, robbing them
and their citizens of their savings. I also devote some space to
the actual and possible effects of the global crisis on the Polish
economy.
In Chapter
5,
Religion and the Limits of the Powerlessness of the
State, I address the issue of the place of religion in the public life
of contemporary Western societies. I argue that since the state
founded on religious laws has proven to be incapable of prese¬
rving peace and tolerance between citizens professing different
religions, and since it would be unreasonable to expect a fal-
libilist humility and moderation from religions in discharging
their respective missions, it should be the task of the state to
ensure a framework in which individuals may be able to live in
peace, irrespective of the differences of the outlooks or religions
they profess. In conclusion, referring to the famous speech by
Stanislas Clermont-Tonnere in which he proposed to deny the
collective recognition to religious groups within a state, while
offering a full range of rights to their individual members, I pro¬
pose that a solution of the problem of the place of religion in
contemporary societies will have to be based on a conjunction
of two distinctions: one, between the positive and negative re¬
cognition, and the other, between the individual and collective
recognition. According to the proposed idea, the contemporary
state is to extend its negative recognition to those groupings
Summary
199
of its citizens which have proven themselves incapable of obse¬
rving the principles of toleration, and, simultaneously, a positive
recognition of the civic right of their members as individuals.
This solution naturally involves a presumption of the validity
of a third distinction, between the private and the public. Even
though the distinction between the private and the public has
been repeatedly undermined by the argument that all private
is political, and by the fact that, from an agonistic view of the
political, it cannot be precisely delineated once and for all, it
nevertheless points to a political measure which follows from
an awareness that a legitimate state cannot become a safe-haven
to all religions professed by its citizens if it is not able to trans¬
cend all their incompatible claims to incontestable truth. This
cannot be achieved by a state that proclaims it own complete
helplessness versus religions.
The final two chapters are devoted to the present grave pro¬
blems faced by the higher education and the scientific research
in Poland. In Chapter
6,
Self-Induced
Ascetism,
Academic Style, I
attribute the recent crisis of the Polish
Academia
to a disregard
of the Polish state authorities of its duties in supporting the in¬
novative humanistic, scientific, and technological investigations
conducted by the Polish scholars at their home universities. The
bitter diagnosis of the present predicament of the Polish uni¬
versities I supplement by a proposal to remedy the situation by
an immediate introduction of students tuition fees, as well as a
scheme for its distribution and spending.
The subject of the Chapter
7,
Two Slips of Paper, is an aborted
attempt to subject the academic staff to the so-called lustration
by the Polish authorities in
2007.
Having recounted some per¬
sonal adventures and repressions endured by myself during my
academic career in Poland, and the complexity of choices faced
by the academics during the Communist regime, I attempt to
demonstrate how and why the lustration bill was tantamount
to an unprecedented and grossly unjust violation of human ri¬
ghts and as well as of the academic freedoms and autonomy. I
also try to explain why and how both the construction and the
popular construal of the lustration law now results in an unde¬
served sentencing of many individuals to life-time infamy and
condemnation.
200
Adam Chmielewski
John Gray, one of the most incisive contemporary thinkers,
has recently become famous for his bleak outlook as for the
future fate of humanity. Someone even wondered where a mi¬
santhrope like him finds a motivation to get out of bed every
morning. While pondering on the topics discussed here, I have
found, somewhat to my own surprise, that the overall conclu¬
sions of the book are rather gloomy and that, like Gray, I incre¬
asingly tend to adopt a grim view of the future as far as both
the Polish and global politics are concerned.
Despite the initial optimism which inspired me to put toge¬
ther this book, I have found, gradually, fewer reasons to continue
to hold on to it.
Adam Chmielewski
Wrocław,
September
2009
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
München
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| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
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| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018959695 |
| oclc_num | 591695287 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 200 s. 21 cm. |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT - Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Chmielewski, Adam 1959- Verfasser (DE-588)132642247 aut Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany Adam Chmielewski Wrocław Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT - Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe 2009 200 s. 21 cm. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Politik Political culture Poland Psychologie (DE-588)4047704-6 gnd rswk-swf Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd rswk-swf Polen Poland Politics and government 1989- Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 s Psychologie (DE-588)4047704-6 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018959695&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018959695&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Chmielewski, Adam 1959- Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany Politik Political culture Poland Psychologie (DE-588)4047704-6 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4047704-6 (DE-588)4046514-7 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany |
| title_auth | Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany |
| title_exact_search | Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany |
| title_full | Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany Adam Chmielewski |
| title_fullStr | Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany Adam Chmielewski |
| title_full_unstemmed | Psychopatologia życia politycznego podręcznik ilustrowany Adam Chmielewski |
| title_short | Psychopatologia życia politycznego |
| title_sort | psychopatologia zycia politycznego podrecznik ilustrowany |
| title_sub | podręcznik ilustrowany |
| topic | Politik Political culture Poland Psychologie (DE-588)4047704-6 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Politik Political culture Poland Psychologie Polen Poland Politics and government 1989- |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018959695&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018959695&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT chmielewskiadam psychopatologiazyciapolitycznegopodrecznikilustrowany |