Rusinimas: Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Lithuanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Vilnius
LII Leidykla
2009
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: Russification: Lithuania and Belarus after 1863 |
| Beschreibung: | 538 S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789955847144 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1816692269509509120 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
Turinys
Pratarmè
.7
¡VADAS
.11
Tyrimo
problema
.11
Istoriografi]
a
.14
Tyrimo metodas
ir
knygos
struktura
.41
Terminologinès problemos
.45
ADMINISTRACINÉS
RIBOS IR TAUTINÉ
POLITIKA
.53
TAUTINÉS
POLITIKOS
STRATEGIJOS
PABEŠKOS
XIX
Α.
7-ОЮ
DEŠIMTMEČIO PRADŽIOJE
.75
RUSINIMO
REIKŠMÉS
.99
КАП»
ATSKIRTI
„MUS" IR „JÜOS"?
(Tautiškumo definicijos
politinèje
praktikoje)
.119
Draudimai
žeměvaldos srityje
.120
Procentiniai
mokesčiai
.,.141
Valdininkq. ir
mokytoju, keitimas
.149
Numerus clausus ¿vedimas.164
Tautinès
statistikos rinkimas .172
Žydu.
identifikavimo
problema
.194
KONFESINIAI EKSPERIMENTAI.209
Masinis
kataliką
vertimas steciatikiais.„211
Ideologinis kontekstas.214
Vietos valdMos vaiämüo .„.:.221
meteđM
.
^;.,.;.,,.
.
.¿.^:.
.231
6
Turinys
Konfesinès
politikos
pokyčiai nuo
1868
m
.247
Ar
gali
katalikas buti
rusas?
Rusu
kalbos
pridètinèse
katalikiškose pamaldose
problema .
255
Religija
ir
kaiba
XIX
a.
I
pusèje
.257
Kokia
kaiba
baltarusiai turi
mokytis
katalika
katekizmo?
.259
„Rusiškos
katalikybès"
šalininkai
ir
ju. programa
.264
„Vilniaus klerikalai" ir „katalikybès atlenkinimas"
.272
1869
m. isakas dèi
rasu.
kalbos kitatikiu. pamaldose
.278
Baznytinès unijos projektas
.286
LINGVISTINÈS
POLITIKOS
METAMORFOZÈS
.301
Lenką
kalbos eliminavimas
iš viešojo gyvenimo
.302
Mokyklu. depolonizacija
.305
Politika lenkišku.
knygu.
atžvilgiu
.305
Žydai
ir
rusu,
kaiba
.317
Rusinimas
pagai
Muravjova
.319
Ar
turi „žargonas"
ateiti?
.333
Kokia
kaiba
turi melstis
žydai?
.342
I.
Kornilovo požiurio i „Žydu.
klausimą"
metamorfozès
.353
Kirilicos
ivedimas líetuviu. raštijoje
.369
Lotynišku, rašmenu. draudimo
geneze
.373
Kirilicos ivedimas
-
lietuviu. akulturacijos
priemonè
.382
„Liaudies
mokyklu." steigimas Kauno gubernijoje
.393
Kirilicos ivedimas
-
lietuviu. asimiliacijos irankis
.411
Rusiško pradinio švietimo
metody
koregavimas
.,.425
Protestantiska
parapiniu. mokyklu, likimas
.436
Baltarusiu. kalbos statuso problemiškumas
.444
Ar
buvo draudimas spausdmti baltarasiškas knygas?
.446
Baltarusiit kalbos
vieta pradinèje mokykloje
.454
lavados
.465
Bibliografija
. 475
Trumpiniu.
sarasas
.
# 519
Iliustraciju
sarasas
.„. .
.52I
Asmenvardžiii
rodyklè
.„.„
.V
527
Santrauka
an¿a
kaiba
■C.'.^.-.',™».*
'
^1*^-··''·.'^0^^^-"^-T'- 533
Russification:
Lithuania and Belarus after
1863
Summary
This book is devoted to an issue which is almost a century and a half
old. The topic, which is being discussed in this book, has aroused the
interest of many a scholar as well as the general public: namely, what
were the aims of Russian nationality policy in the 1860s, which his¬
torians ordinarily have called the
Russification
period, in the so-called
NWP, which more or less covered the areas we now know as Lithuania
and Belarus.
While at the very beginning of the 1860s bureaucrats within the
Russian Empire and influential Slavophiles discussed various projects
for a policy of "divide and rule," including support for the ethno-cul-
tural strengthening of other non-dominant national groups (Ukrainians
and Belarusians as well as Lithuanians) as a method of achieving their
anti-Polish policy, after
1863
such projects were no longer of interest
to the central authorities, or local officials in the NWP. The suppression
of the
1863-1864
Uprising marks a sea change in Russian nationality
policy and a move towards clearly expressed discrimination against
non-Russians not only in Lithuania and Belarus but also in other wes¬
tern borderlands of the empire. However, at the same time it should be
stressed that many important measures in imperial policy, which were
implemented post-1863, had been discussed even before the Uprising
began and some had enjoyed the warm support of many imperial civil
servants, including Governor General Vladimir Nazimov of Vil'na.
Even when we study so brief a period as the 1860s and early 1870s
we can see that imperial officials propagated different models of natio¬
nality policy. Many influential
VED
officials, such as Ivan Kornilov,
Nikolai Novikov,
Vasilii Kulin
and Ivan
Shuľgin,
and certain gover¬
nors general (especially
Konstantin
Kaufman) and their subordinates
propagated radical nationality policy measures based on the ideology
534
SUMMARY
of ethno-cultural nationalism. These civil servants sought to assimilate
non-dominant national groups, which could be so assimilated, while
proposing a policy of segregation for those groups, which the empire's
potential for assimilation could not overcome. Other officials in the
NWP and also some of the ruling elite in St Petersburg gave priority to
a traditional model of nationality policy, according to which the political
loyalty of the empire's subjects, primarily the gentry, was supposed to
guarantee territorial integrity and stability. Thus officials, who favou¬
red the conservative concept, did not view the ethnic affiliation of the
empire's subjects as the basic criterion for assessing their loyalty or
lack of it. We find reflections of this nationality policy in the actions
of Governor General Mikhail Murav'ev of Vil'na, even though ele¬
ments of ethno-cultural nationalism were also a feature of his political
manifesto, and in those of Interior Minister
Petr Valuev
or Governor
General
Aleksandr
Potapov of Vil'na. The nationality policy fostered
by the latter two members of the imperial ruling elite sought first and
foremost the integration of other national groups, even though we can
also see elements of assimilation policy in their political manifestos.
In this way this research rejects the concepts of those historians,
who are inclined to portray Russian imperial nationality policy as a
monolithic mechanism with unchanging aims which, to put it bluntly,
sought to assimilate members of other national groups. However, at the
same time this study does not support another radical interpretation,
which claims that what we call the nationality policy of the Romanov
Empire was only a response from the authorities to "challenges" thrown
down by members of other national groups.
Without a doubt it is important to explain how the Russian imperial
authorities formulated the aims of their nationality policy in Lithuania
and Belarus both publicly and in private. It emerged that after the
1863-1864
Uprising was suppressed,
"Russification
of the province"
became an inseparable and very important part of normative discourse.
The multiplicity of meanings held by the term
Russification
has become
clearer: it could mean assimilation, acculturation and integration. Howe¬
ver, officials themselves were loth to write of Russifiying other nations,
since some of them thought that this term was politically incorrect by
analogy with Polonisation.
Therefore, alongside explanations of what the term
Russification
meant in Russian discourse at that time it was necessary to show how
SUMMARY
535
imperial officials conceived of nationality. A detailed analysis of various
nationality policy measures has revealed various concepts of nationality.
Despite the fact that official discourse avoided identifying nationality
with religion, when discriminatory policy was put into practice, reli¬
gious affiliation was the most important criterion for determining the
nationality of the gentry and urban population, whereby being a Catholic
meant being a Pole. Judaism was the most important criterion for iden¬
tifying who was a Jew. When the matter of the national affiliation of
peasants was being discussed, the dominant view in official discourse
was that ethnic origin and language were the most important national
denominator, although there were also many officials, especially in the
VED
administration, who gave priority to religion and so Catholic pe¬
asants were regarded often as "potential Poles," if not as Poles tout
court.
Since officials in the mid-nineteenth century regarded language and,
primarily, religion as the most important criteria for determining natio¬
nality, it's important to research the measures taken by Russian imperial
nationality policy which affected these two areas of national identity. An
analysis of confessional and language policy in the NWP in the 1860s
and early 1870s allows us to show that the authorities sought different
aims with regard to different non-dominant national groups.
Despite the resonant demands of Governor General Kaufman that
the Poles immediately become Russian, discriminatory policy in prac¬
tice shows that officials had no faith in their ability to assimilate this
national group with its deep historical traditions. The driving of Polish
out of educational establishments, the bans on publishing, importing and
distributing books in Polish, which were designed for the lower classes,
and other such measures were supposed to protect ordinary people from
Polonisation. No hope of success was held out by officials for trying to
make Russian the mother tongue of the Catholic gentry and townsfolk
in the near future at least.
Legislation regulating disposal of private land and especially the
application of such laws in practice show clearly that the process of
turning a Pole into Russian was regarded as
a
longterm
task, which
began with the most important stage, namely conversion to Orthodoxy.
Lack of trust in Polish converts to Orthodoxy, for example, ex-Catholic
priests, shows that in this case the threshold for "rejected
Russification"
was quite high. Thus there could be hope for successful results from
536
SUMMARY
assimilation only in future generations and the scale of this depended
on the number of Polish converts to Orthodoxy. However, officials did
not believe there would be mass conversions of Poles. Because officials
did not believe they could assimilate the Poles, it only remained for
them, according to the ideology of ethno-cultural nationalism, to follow
a policy of segregation, which is best symbolised by the imposition of
a
numerus clausus
in Russian educational establishments. The lack of
confidence that Poles could be turned into Russians is shown also by
the attempts to drive Polish landowners out of the Western Province.
We can discern some analogies between the policy towards Poles
and that towards the Jews. Some measures implemented or just planned
by the local authorities in the NWP may seem to be an apparent aim
for total assimilation. For example, there was the instruction that all
Jewish boys learn Russian, or Kaufman's attempts to ban Yiddish pu¬
blications. Indeed, many NWP officials cherished the hope that Russian
would easily become the Jewish mother tongue because their "jargon"
(Yiddish!) had no future, while Hebrew would remain a dead langua¬
ge, that is, a written language understood solely by rabbis. However,
in the Jewish case we can talk of assimilation only when there were
attempts to convert them to Russian Orthodoxy. Although certain NWP
officials would have welcomed the conversion of at least some Jews
to Russian Orthodoxy and their becoming Russians, and the authorities
did not abandon entirely their aims to have a "positive effect" on Ju¬
daism and reduce Jewish "fanaticism", they did not seek mass Jewish
conversions in the 1860s and the possibility of such a move was not
even discussed. The implementation of a more intensive policy of ac¬
culturation in the NWP after the
1863-1864
Uprising did not resolve
the Jewish Question; it merely exacerbated it. Since supporters of both
the religious and linguistic concepts of nationality understood that the
aim of assimilating the Jews was neither feasible nor desirable, offi¬
cials, especially those who worked in the
VED,
began to consider the
possibility of implementing a policy of segregation more and more. The
imperial authorities turned towards such a policy to solve the Jewish
Question in the 1880s.
In the case of the Lithuanians we can detect several ethno-political
strategies. Certain officials sought along with the influential Slavophile,
Aleksandr
Hiľferding,
to implement a so-called depolonisation policy.
One of the measures for effecting this policy was the introduction of
SUMMARY
537
Cyrillic into written Lithuanian, which came to be discussed intensively
early in
1864.
This way it was hoped that not only might Lithuanians
be protected from Polonisation but also their written culture could be
helped to develop (using Cyrillic now instead of the Latin alphabet) and
thus the public functions of the language might be extended. Just such
a policy was followed in areas of the Kingdom of Poland, inhabited
by Lithuanians, after the Uprising of
1863-1864.
However, other civil
servants, mostly influential
Viľna
Education District officials, held that
while the Lithuanians remained Catholic they were "potential Poles".
Since they were regarded as fanatics with regard to religion, a mass
attempt to convert Catholic peasants to Orthodoxy in the mid-1860s
did not affect them. Lithuanians would have become Orthodox, if the
imperial authorities had followed a plan to unite the Churches, which
was initiated by several local campaigners, some of whom were Cat¬
holic. However, the plan for implementing this was not even begun
to be discussed in detail. One of the probable reasons for abandoning
this plan was the fear that an attempt to abolish the Catholic Church
would arouse the great dissatisfaction not only of the Polish-speaking
gentry but also of the peasantry, and that this might take on radical
forms. Therefore, the supporters of ethno-cultural nationalism selected
a different ethno-political strategy. Vil'na Education District officials,
who were entrusted from
1864
with setting up "people's schools" in
the Kovno
Gubernia,
and transliterating written Lithuanian into Cyrillic
and banning the traditional Latin and Gothic alphabets, viewed this
measure differently from Hil'ferding and his companions. Novikov and
other education officials needed the introduction of writing Lithuanian
in Cyrillic not for Lithuanians to foster their written culture but for them
to learn Russian more easily. Admittedly, this nationality policy mea¬
sure could of itself have been viewed as assimilation only by imperial
officials who regarded language as the main criterion for determining
peasant nationality. Meanwhile, most
VED
officials were supporters of
the religious denominator for nationality. In various nineteenth century
sources we come across information as to how close there was a link
between one alphabet or another and a specific religious denominati¬
on (the Latin alphabet was associated with Catholicism, Gothic with
Protestantism and Cyrillic with Orthodoxy). In other words, alphabet
change was conceived of as a preparatory stage to a change in religi¬
on. Novikov did not disguise this aim too much. Thus using Cyrillic
538
SUMMARY
in written Lithuanian was viewed by some officials as an instrument
for Lithuanian acculturation, after which assimilation was not essential;
while others viewed it as a preliminary step towards assimilation.
According to the view dominant in Russian discourse at that time,
Belarasians were Russians. The imperial authorities attempted to put
this ideological view into practice. In language policy this was done
quite consistently. The imperial authorities banned not only the use
of Latin characters to record Belarusian in
1859
but also in effect al¬
lowed no publications in this language after the Uprising, even though
no formal prohibition as such existed. Officially the authorities did not
tolerate the public functioning of Belarusian. It was not used in primary
schools, the worship of various religious communities, or elsewhere.
There were more fluctuations in confessional policy. In this area the
local authorities also sought to implement an assimilation programme,
especially in
1865-1867.
Some local officials had a vision of Belarusian
Catholics' converting swiftly to Orthodoxy. However, not all members
of the ruling elite supported radical and often brutal measures in con¬
fessional policy also because they were afraid of a new "rebellion" or
new social theories which might develop where indifference reigned.
What is more there was a shortage of funds for pursuing a consistent
policy. Thus even in the Belarusian case the imperial authorities could
not follow a consistent policy of assimilation. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Staliūnas, Darius 1970- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1042528462 |
| author_facet | Staliūnas, Darius 1970- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Staliūnas, Darius 1970- |
| author_variant | d s ds |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV036035562 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)553380114 (DE-599)GBV607455977 |
| era | Geschichte 1863-1875 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1863-1875 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Belarus (DE-588)4079143-9 gnd Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Belarus Litauen |
| id | DE-604.BV036035562 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-11-25T11:05:56Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789955847144 |
| language | Lithuanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018927554 |
| oclc_num | 553380114 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 538 S. Ill., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2009 |
| publishDateSearch | 2009 |
| publishDateSort | 2009 |
| publisher | LII Leidykla |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Staliūnas, Darius 1970- Verfasser (DE-588)1042528462 aut Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų Darius Staliūnās Vilnius LII Leidykla 2009 538 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: Russification: Lithuania and Belarus after 1863 Geschichte 1863-1875 gnd rswk-swf Russifizierung (DE-588)4272016-3 gnd rswk-swf Belarus (DE-588)4079143-9 gnd rswk-swf Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 gnd rswk-swf Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 g Belarus (DE-588)4079143-9 g Russifizierung (DE-588)4272016-3 s Geschichte 1863-1875 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018927554&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018927554&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Staliūnas, Darius 1970- Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų Russifizierung (DE-588)4272016-3 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4272016-3 (DE-588)4079143-9 (DE-588)4074266-0 |
| title | Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų |
| title_auth | Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų |
| title_exact_search | Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų |
| title_full | Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų Darius Staliūnās |
| title_fullStr | Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų Darius Staliūnās |
| title_full_unstemmed | Rusinimas Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų Darius Staliūnās |
| title_short | Rusinimas |
| title_sort | rusinimas lietuva ir baltarusija po 1863 metu |
| title_sub | Lietuva ir Baltarusija po 1863 metų |
| topic | Russifizierung (DE-588)4272016-3 gnd |
| topic_facet | Russifizierung Belarus Litauen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018927554&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018927554&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT staliunasdarius rusinimaslietuvairbaltarusijapo1863metu |