Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923:
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
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Format: | Buch |
Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Službeni Glasnik
2009
|
Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Posebna izdanja
|
Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
Beschreibung: | 289 S. |
ISBN: | 9788651902669 |
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651 | 4 | |a Ireland |x History |y Easter Rising, 1916 | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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adam_text | САДРЖАЈ
Страна
Предговор
...............................................................9
ШТА
JE
ИРСКО ПИТАЊЕ? ШТА
JE
ИРСКА РЕВОЛУЦИЈА
И ЗАШТО
1916-1923?...................................................17
ИРСКО ПИТАЊЕ
ДО
СВЕТСКОГ
PATA
..................................23
Пад покрета за хоумрул и успон револуционарних снага
................23
Немачко подривање Ирске
и аустроугарска
објава
рата Србији
..........................................................28
АУСТРОУГАРСКА ШТАМПА НА СРПСКО-ХРВАТСКОМ
ЈЕЗИКУ
О
УСКРШЊЕМ УСТАНКУ
И ПОСТУСТАНИЧКОМ
ПЕРИОДУ
1916-1918....................................................33
Ускршњиустанаку Даблину
(1916)....................................35
Однос америчких Ираца
и Ватикана према
Ускршњем устанку
...................................................51
Суђење
и
погубљење Роџера Кесмента
.................................53
Хоумрул и
питање мобилизације
1916-1918............................60
ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКА
ШТАМПА И ПЕРИОДИКА
О АНГЛО-ИРСКОМ РАТУ
1919-1921....................................73
Рат током
1919.......................................................77
Рат у
првој
половини
1920............................................82
Рат у
другој
половини
1920............................................87
Штрајк глађу Теренса Максвинија
....................................102
Рат у
првој
половини
1921...........................................103
Преговори
у лето
1921...............................................
Ill
Англо-ирска мировна
конференција
и
стварање
Слободне Државе Ирске
.............................................123
ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКА
ШТАМПА О ИРСКОМ
ГРАЧЅАНСКОМ
РАТУ
1922-1923.............................................................149
Сукоби у
Слободној Држави Ирској
и рат у Алстеру
...................150
Атентат
на маршала Вилсона и борбе у Даблину
.......................160
Рат на
јутозападу
Ирске, Грифитова смрт
и Колинсова
погибија
...............................................166
Нови сукоби и
јењавање грађанског
рата
..............................172
8
Александар Раковић,
Jyîocnoeenu
u
Ирска револуција
1916-1923
Страна
ОСВРТ НА УПОТРЕБУ ПРИМЕРА
СРБИЈЕ
У БРИТАНСКОИРСКИМ
И МЕТЗУИРСКИМ СПОРОВИМА
1914-1923............................180
ИНСТИТУЦИЈЕ КРАЉЕВИНЕ СРБИЈЕ
И
КРАЉЕВИНЕ
СХС
О
ИРСКОЈ РЕВОЛУЦИЈИ
1916-1923....................................187
Институције Краљевине Србије
о
Ускршњем устанку
1916.............187
Институције Краљевине
СХС о Англо-ирском рату
1919-1921..........191
Институције Краљевине
СХС о Ираком
грађанском
рату
1922-1923......195
УПОТРЕБА
ПРЕДСТАВЕ О
ИРСКОЈ РЕВОЛУЦИЈИ
У СРПСКО-ХРВАТСКИМ СПОРОВИМА
1919-1923.....................197
Хрватски комитет
...................................................198
Хрватска
заједница
..................................................204
Хрватска
републиканска
сељачка странка
.............................209
Хрватски блок
......................................................213
Југословенска
републиканска
странка
................................225
Закњучак..............................................................
229
ПРИЛОЗИ
.............................................................235
Прва енглеска
побједа
...............................................237
Комешање
у
Ирској.................................................
239
Ирско
питање.......................................................
241
Један мрачан
лист
...................................................243
ВраћањередауИрској...............................................
245
Ирско
питање.......................................................
247
Енглези и
Ирци
.....................................................249
Душа
Шин-Фејна
....................................................253
Ирско
питање
.......................................................257
Ирско
питање
са гледишта
шинфејноваца.............................
265
Из
Нове Ирске
......................................................273
Conclusion.............................................................
275
Извори
и литература
..................................................281
Списак
фотографија
....................................................285
Индекс личних имена
...................................................287
Белешка о аутору
......................................................291
CONCLUSION
During the Easter Rising in Dublin of
1916,
Austro-Hungarian newspa¬
pers in occupied Belgrade
Beogradske novine,
and
Obzor
in Zagreb, reported
on the conflicts, trials and executions in Ireland. Both dailies, in accordance
with the war policy, took the side of Irish revolutionaries whom they conside¬
red their allies. The
Beogradske novine
in comparing the Serb and Irish que¬
stions attempted to depict British political hypocrisy in the treatment of
small nations. The
Beogradske novine
took an exclusively negative tone in
writing about their British enemy, accentuating their brutality and failed po¬
licy towards Ireland. Obzor s view on British rule in Ireland and the Easter
Rising was identical, with more informative reporting of greater scope. On
the other hand, the Belgrade daily
Pravda,
published in exile in
Thessaloniki
as of
1916,
did not report on the Easter Rising.
The attention of the Belgrade and Zagreb press in the Kingdom of Serbs, Cro¬
ats and Slovenes
(SCS)
was oriented towards the Anglo-Irish War
(1919-1921)
and Irish Civil War
(1922-1923).
The civil war, nonetheless, caused less interest.
Each newspaper had its own editorial stand on the Irish question, but almost
all, disregarding sympathies or antipathies towards the Irish, accepted the fact
that Ireland was a security issue for Britain, due to its geographic position and
Ulster minority, complicating the resolution through complete recognition of
independence. The Yugoslav press made mention of how links were establis¬
hed between the Germans and Irish during the World War, as well as between
the Irish revolutionaries and Soviets later on.
Left-liberal daily
Politika
reported, more often than other Belgrade new¬
spapers, on the wars in Ireland between
1919
and
1923.
It offered trustworthy
information and was sympathetic to the Irish Republicans. It also demonstra¬
ted being versed in the historical context of British-Irish relations.
Politika
accepted the self-proclaimed Irish Republic as a fait accompli. For
Politika,
the conflict between the Irish and British was a war between two warring fac¬
tions. The Anglo-Irish Peace Conference and Republican disagreements,
which later led to the civil war, were of interest to
Politika
and its Paris, Lon¬
don and later Dublin correspondents.
Politika
took a neutral stand during
the Irish Civil War. In the meantime, the paper devoted more attention than
276
Александар Раковић, Југословени
u
Ирска револуција
1916-1923
the remainder of the Belgrade press to news coming out of Ulster where the
Republican paramilitaries continued their fight with British forces.
Pravda,
close to the Democrats, in contrast to
Politika,
did not accept the
self-proclaimed Irish Republic and took an adversarial stand towards the Repu¬
blicans. Seldom, such as during the Republican hunger strike in
1920,
did
Prav¬
da
report in more detail than
Politika.
During the Irish Civil War,
Pravda
was
sympathetic towards the Irish Provisional Government. The Belgrade daily
Vre¬
me,
close to the Yugoslav Crown, supported the Irish Free State during the Irish
Civil War in a similar manner like
Pravda.
It did not restrain from taking a harsh
tone towards the Irish Republicans. Vreme s reporting mirrored the position of
the Yugoslav Crown on threats to legitimately elected bodies of government.
Samouprava,
daily newspaper of the Serb Radicals, took the side of Bri¬
tain, however with strong criticism directed at British rule in Ireland. Nonethe¬
less,
Samouprava
was convinced to the very end, that the British would resolve
the Irish Crisis with wisdom and generosity . Samouprava s reporting, altho¬
ugh offering excellent commentary on Irish circumstances, lacked daily brie¬
fing of the Anglo-Irish War.
Samouprava
showed no particular interest for the
Irish Civil War, taking the side of the Irish Free State.
Demokratija, newspaper of the Belgrade s wing of Yugoslav Democrats, to¬
ok a more balanced approach to the Anglo-Irish War but did not report in too
much detail on daily happenings in Ireland. Demokratija, like
Samouprava,
was
of the persuasion that the British had already made quite a lot of conceits and
that a dominion was the best the Irish could get. During its irregular publica¬
tion, in time of the Irish Civil War, the paper did not report on these events.
The Serb Republicans, a marginal yet vociferous parliamentary party, un¬
compromisingly supported the Irish Republicans. The party organ
Republika
qualified British rule in Ireland as repressive and so-called. They accepted the
Irish Republic as a fact.
Republika
was also scarce on daily events in Ireland.
Obzor
reported on the Anglo-Irish War objectively, although with more
understanding for the Irish. It took more interest in the peace process than
Po¬
litika.
It presented the positions of Sinn
Féin,
British and Ulster governments
thus giving a wide spectrum of viewpoints on the Irish question.
Obzor
saw no
other solution to the Irish crisis than the status of a dominion.
Although initially pro-British in its reporting, newspaper of the Zagreb s
wing of Yugoslav Democrats,
Riječ
was with the passing of time all the more
balanced in its approach to the Irish problem and the Anglo-Irish War. Despite
that, the paper s sympathies remained with the British to the end.
Riječ,
like
Obzor,
wrote of the Roman Catholic Church s support to the peace accord,
mentioning the Austro-Hungarian model as a possible resolution to the Irish
crisis. In time of the Irish Civil War,
Riječ
was favourable to the Irish Free State.
During the simultaneous hostilities in Ulster, on which
Riječ
reported more
often than
Politika,
it took the side of the British Government.
Прилози
277
The Zagreb press had more frequent news and more detailed commentari¬
es on Ireland than the Belgrade press. The Zagreb public was apparently more
interested in the Irish crisis. The Nova
Evropa,
pro-Yugoslav journal based in
Zagreb, presented both British and Irish arguments. However, newspaper of
the Croat Republicans
Slobodni dom
and later other newspapers, began a diffe¬
rent, more cunning approach to the Irish question.
The Serbian and later Yugoslav Government received reports, from its em¬
bassy in London, on war occurrences in Ireland between
1916
and
1923.
The
reports were informative, analytical and of great quality. They alerted to the
seriousness of the situation and were more disposed to the British. Nikola Pa-
šić,
long standing Serbian and Yugoslav Prime Minister, also gave such support
in the Parliament of Serbia, later Kingdom of
SCS.
However, it was just in that
Parliament of the Kingdom of
SCS
that some Croat members, in reason of the¬
ir ¿(identifying the Irish with the Croat question, verbally clashed with Serbs
and Pro-Yugoslav Croats.
A particular topic in the Yugoslav press was just the use of the perception of
the Irish Revolution in the resolution of Serbo-Croat disputes as well as the Croat
status in the Kingdom of
SCS.
The
Slobodni dom
was of the opinion that the Croat
question should be resolved in the context of the Irish questions solution.
Obzor
later joined it in that stance. Great efforts to resist this form of comparison of the
Croat and Irish questions were given by
Riječ,
which had the support of the se¬
cond party organ Demokratija. The Belgrade RepubliL· pointed to possible com¬
plications in Serbo-Croat relations, including the eventuality of an Irish scenario,
in the absence of change in the Government s policy towards Croat demands.
Croat revolutionaries gathered by and close to the
Frankist
Croat Commit¬
tee, both abroad and at home, were preparing a guerrilla war against the Kingdom
of
SCS
from its very creation; similar to the Irish Republican Army s against Bri¬
tain. They termed this form of armed conflict the Irish method and were thus
convicted and jailed in
1921
for high treason. Their codeword was Sinn Fein .
Several foreign interests and factors entangled the Croats in the struggle
against the Kingdom of
SCS,
for now we know but of the Hungarians being fa¬
miliar with the Irish method . The British Embassy in Belgrade informed its
government of the Croat readiness to battle the Kingdom of
SCS
in the Irish
manner. Simultaneous to the secret preparations for the armed Irish method ,
the Croat press and politicians were comparing the Croat and Irish fates and
national questions.
The Croat Republicans sinisterly began demanding a political solution for
the Croats in the Kingdom of
SCS
that would be similar to Irish
revendications
from Britain. They were later joined in their demands by the Croat Union. All
ethnicities and both groups, later on fractions, of the Democratic Party warned
of the incomparability of the two national questions. The Serb Radicals also
did not believe that the Croats and Irish had anything in common.
278
Александар Раковић, ЈуШловени
u
Ирска револуција
1916-1923
Following the unification of the Frankists, Croat Republicans and Croat
Union into the Croat Bloc (May
1921),
their parallels between the Croat and
Irish questions gained swing. The Croat Bloc, during its political confronta¬
tion with the Yugoslav authorities, Radicals and Democrats, used the Irish
example more than any other for resolving the Croat question. Threats of ar¬
med struggle according to the Irish scenario were not uncommon.
The Croat Bloc sent a felicitation to the British following the signing of the
Anglo-Irish Peace Treaty in December
1921,
however the Yugoslav authorities
stopped the telegram. The political leadership of Croat secessionists, republi¬
cans and federalists took all the more affirmative stands on British policy ho¬
ping to gain support for resolving the Croat question in the Kingdom of
SCS
in fashion similar to the Irish. However, during the fratricidal conflict of the
Irish Civil War, the Irish example became ever the less desirable for Croats who
began stepping away from it. Britain certainly never accorded them support.
Finally let us review certain parallels of Irish-Serb similarities that have
occurred during the resolution of British-Irish and inter-Irish disputes.
While summing up impressions from the failed talks at the conference on
the Irish question and the delimitation of Ulster counties, members of the Bri¬
tish Government were read Austria-Hungary s ultimatum to Serbia. Churchill
considered that the Irish problems would disappear in mists and storms befo¬
re this ultimatum.
During the World War, Germany had not given up on attacking Britain from
behind. The possibility of German troop debarkation on the Irish isle was conside¬
red along with talk of an uprising with Irish Republicans in Ireland and the USA.
One of the leaders of the Irish revolutionaries, Sir Roger Casement, wrote in
1915
in Berlin how the British press was indignant because Austria did not allow Ser¬
bia access to Adriatic ports all the while failing to notice that the best Irish ports
were completely empty because of British policy towards the Irish.
On the other side, the Northern Irish Protestants considered Serbia their
ally and friend. Sir Edward Carson, leader of the Unionists, demanded in
1915
that Britain implement mobilization in Ireland in order to complete its troops
that would then be sent to assist attacked Serbia. Other Ulster leaders shared
his opinion. But, the British Government was not ready to implement mobili¬
zation and in turn further aggravate circumstances in Ireland. In protest, Car¬
son resigned his post in Government. He viewed the issue of military assistan¬
ce to Serbia a question of honour.
The exclusion of Ireland from mobilization awoke further suspicions in
Protestants towards Catholics. Relations were bad before, but they were, despi¬
te the differences, two communities that felt Irish. However, the avoided mobi¬
lization was one in a series of triggers that led to divisions. Sir James Craig,
who was Prime Minister of Northern Ireland from
1921,
said during the World
War that he was no longer an Irish, but rather a Briton or
Ulsterman.
Прилози
279
Following the crushing of the Easter Rising, all of its leaders with the ex¬
ception of
Éamon De Valera
were executed. During the trial of two leaders of
the Irish uprising,
Pádraig
Pearse and Roger Casement, it was said in the co¬
urts and newspapers that their inspiration or pretence for resolving the Irish
question was, among others, in the resolution of the Serb question. Pearse and
Casement asked why Ireland was prohibited what Serbia was allowed.
De Valera
was of the opinion that the Irish question should not be compa¬
red to the Serb during the Anglo-Irish peace talks in
1921.
He probably tho¬
ught that Serbia, through the creation of the Kingdom of
SCS,
received such
territorial expansion that the two national questions were incomparable at the
moment. Any Irish comparison to Serbia would probably seem pretentious.
Besides, the British viewed Irish revolutionaries from the time of the Anglo-
Irish War as extension of the same anti-British policy from the time of the
Easter Rising which should be offered as little as possible.
As world opinion became ever more informed of the internal weaknesses
of the Yugoslav state, strained by Serbo-Croat relations, conflicts on the bor¬
ders of the Kingdom of
SCS,
in
Dáil Éireann
would be heard giving warnings,
during the Irish Civil War, to the renegade Irish Republican Army that the
Irish Free State would not be little Serbia in the West of Europe and that it
would solve the civil war by force.
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geographic | Irland Jugoslawien Ireland History Civil War, 1922-1923 Press coverage Ireland History Easter Rising, 1916 Ireland History War of Independence, 1919-1921 Ireland Relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Relations Ireland Irland (DE-588)4027667-3 gnd |
geographic_facet | Irland Jugoslawien Ireland History Civil War, 1922-1923 Press coverage Ireland History Easter Rising, 1916 Ireland History War of Independence, 1919-1921 Ireland Relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Relations Ireland |
id | DE-604.BV035852116 |
illustrated | Not Illustrated |
indexdate | 2024-07-09T22:06:08Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9788651902669 |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-018710134 |
oclc_num | 613657957 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
physical | 289 S. |
psigel | BSBWK1 |
publishDate | 2009 |
publishDateSearch | 2009 |
publishDateSort | 2009 |
publisher | Službeni Glasnik |
record_format | marc |
series2 | Biblioteka Posebna izdanja |
spelling | Raković, Aleksandar Verfasser aut Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 Aleksandar Raković Beograd Službeni Glasnik 2009 289 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Posebna izdanja In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1916-1923 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte Press and politics Yugoslavia History Südslawen (DE-588)4058460-4 gnd rswk-swf Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 gnd rswk-swf Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd rswk-swf Irland Jugoslawien Ireland History Civil War, 1922-1923 Press coverage Ireland History Easter Rising, 1916 Ireland History War of Independence, 1919-1921 Ireland Relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Relations Ireland Irland (DE-588)4027667-3 gnd rswk-swf Irland (DE-588)4027667-3 g Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 s Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 s Südslawen (DE-588)4058460-4 s Geschichte 1916-1923 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018710134&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018710134&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Raković, Aleksandar Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 Geschichte Press and politics Yugoslavia History Südslawen (DE-588)4058460-4 gnd Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 gnd Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4058460-4 (DE-588)4049716-1 (DE-588)4171210-9 (DE-588)4027667-3 |
title | Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 |
title_auth | Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 |
title_exact_search | Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 |
title_full | Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 Aleksandar Raković |
title_fullStr | Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 Aleksandar Raković |
title_full_unstemmed | Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 Aleksandar Raković |
title_short | Jugosloveni i Irska revolucija 1916 - 1923 |
title_sort | jugosloveni i irska revolucija 1916 1923 |
topic | Geschichte Press and politics Yugoslavia History Südslawen (DE-588)4058460-4 gnd Rezeption (DE-588)4049716-1 gnd Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd |
topic_facet | Geschichte Press and politics Yugoslavia History Südslawen Rezeption Nationalbewegung Irland Jugoslawien Ireland History Civil War, 1922-1923 Press coverage Ireland History Easter Rising, 1916 Ireland History War of Independence, 1919-1921 Ireland Relations Yugoslavia Yugoslavia Relations Ireland |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018710134&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=018710134&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT rakovicaleksandar jugosloveniiirskarevolucija19161923 |