Od San Stefana do Slivnice: Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Novi Sad
Fil. Fak.
2008
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Monografije / Filozofski Fakultet Novi Sad, Odsek za Istoriju
53 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: From San Stefano to Slivnica |
| Beschreibung: | 346 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788680271828 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1806960704618496000 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
САДРЖАЈ
ПРЕДГОВОР
. 9
ПРВИ ДЕО
-
ПРОТИВ САН СТЕФАНА
Примирје
у
Једрену, Санстефански
мир и
Србија
. 17
Ka
конгресу
-
Преговори
с Аустроугарском
.28
На Берлинском
конгресу
.41
Од
конгреса
до
успостављања
дипломатских односа
.49
ДРУГИ ДЕО
-
ВРЕМЕ
ОПРЕЗНЕ
САРАДЊЕ
(1879-1883)
Србија
и Бугарска
између
интереса великих
. 61
Успостављање
дипломатских односа
.69
Први
спорови
. 81
Покушаји сарадње
. 92
Припреме Бутара за
уједињење
и
реакције
у
Србији
. 101
Посета бугарског кнеза
. 112
Државни
преврат
у
Бугарској
и
Тајна конвенција.
118
Устанак у Херцеговини
. 132
Погранична
комисија
. 140
Трговински „неспоразуми"
. 148
Политичке прилике у
Бугарској,
балканска
турнеја
кнеза
Александра и
Србија
. 154
ТРЕЋИ
ДЕО
-
У СЕНЦИ ЕМИГРАНТСКОГ
ПИТАЊА
(1883-1885)
Велике
силе и Балкан у
време
погоршања
српско-бугарских односа
. 165
Тимочка
буна и прелазак бунтовника
у Бугарску
. 168
Припреме емиграната у
Бугарској
за
нову
буну у
Србији
. 175
Прекид дипломатских односа
. 183
Посредовање Савеза
три цара
. 195
Преговори владара
.206
Припреме емиграната за упад у
Србију - Покушаји
нових
преговора
две владе
.213
Поново
Македонија
.232
ЧЕТВРТИ ДЕО
-
KA
ОЧЕКИВАНОМ
Бугарско
уједињење
и
велике
силе.
253
Србија
и
уједињење
—
одлука и припреме за рат
. 260
Европска
дипломатија
и припреме
Србије
за рат
.276
У
ишчекивању сукоба
. 289
Рат,
примирје,
мир
.299
ЗАКЉУЧАК
. 315
SUMMARY
. 321
ИЗВОРИ
И ЛИТЕРАТУРА
. 327
ИМЕНСКИ РЕГИСТАР
. 339
SUMMARY
FROM
SAN STEFANO
TO SLIVNICA
Serbia against Bulgaria
1878-1886.
One of the turning points in the 19th century history of the Serbo-Bulgarian
relationship is the year
1878 -
the year of the
San Stefano
Treaty and the Con¬
gress of Berlin Torn between aspirations and possibilities, Serbia gained what
seemed to be a modest territorial expansion after the wars of
1876-1878.
On the
other hand, at the beginning of
1878,
for a moment Serbia faced the prospect a big
Slavic state being created in its vicinity. Due to its size the
San Stefano
Bulgaria
regarded Serbia as an inferior Balkan state
-
with both small territory and small
population, surrounded by potentially hostile states. Such sequence of events
brought hopes of the Serbian statesmen to an end for they had been dreaming
of the liberation and unification of Serbs on the territory of the former Ottoman
Empire. It even represented a potential danger to the survival of an independent
Serbia. A conflict of interests among great powers prevented the course of events
not favourable for Serbia. According to the reached compromise, the
San Stefano
Bulgaria was divided. Vassal Bulgarian principality and the autonomous province
of Eastern Rumelia were created.
The decisions made at the Congress of Berlin were in favour of Serbia,
which had even expanded its territory with the help of Austro-Hungary. How¬
ever, Prince/King Milan and the Serbian statesmen lived in constant fear of the
creation of Bulgaria within the borders determined by the Treaty of
San Stefano.
Therefore, it was not surprising that following the Congress of Berlin, Serbian
politics towards Bulgaria and the Bulgarian question were mainly determined by
the experience gained in the final phase of the Great Eastern Crisis. The official
Belgrade had not forgotten the fear and uncertainty introduced by the news of
creating the
San Stefano
Bulgaria. Hence, one of the essential diplomatic efforts
was to prevent similar course of events in the future. As early as
1881,
the Serbian
sovereign talked about his readiness to wage war against the Great Bulgaria and
only four years later he declared war against the Bulgarian unification without any
hesitation. The historical research into the Serbian state politics towards Bulgaria
and the Bulgarian question from the
San Stefano
Treaty to the Serbo-Bulgarian
war clearly indicates that these two events are related. In other words, this proves
that the main causes for this war should be looked for in the provisions of the San
Stefano
Treaty and the creation of a large Bulgarian state, its potential existence
representing a serious danger to Serbian national and state interests. In the first
couple of years after the Congress of Berlin and after establishing diplomatic rela¬
tions, the relationship between Serbia and Bulgaria seemed to be stable. However,
321
antagonism
between the leading political powers of these two states was present
all the time.
A border dispute between the two states had been a problem until the spring
of
1879,
when the international commission marked a new border between Serbia
and Bulgaria. In the same year, the Serbo-Russian commission decided not to
change the old borderline between the two countries. This border dispute clearly
showed differences in the point of view of the Serbian government and intel¬
lectuals on one side and the Russo-Bulgarian representatives on the other. The
way in which the border was finally established, the expulsion of the Serbian
civil authorities from the districts now belonging to Bulgaria and the constant
pressure of the Russian representative in the commission not to change anything
in favour of Serbia indicated a growing rift between the Serbian government and
its traditional protector, Russia. The Russian representative in the international
commission was willing to support any request made by the Serbian government
regarding the question of the border between Serbia and Turkey and Bosnia and
Herzegovina. However, he persistently defended the interests of Bulgaria once the
Serbo-Bulgarian border was being established. What is more, the violent expul¬
sion of the Serbian authorities from the districts of Breznik and
Trn
was a Russian
initiative.
Soon after marking the border, Serbia established diplomatic relations with
the Bulgarian principality. At the beginning, these relations were conditioned to
a certain extent by the international positions of the two states i.e. the provisions
imposed by the Congress of Berlin. Mutual cooperation between Serbia and Bul¬
garia had been one of the strategic plans of the Serbian Prime Minister,
Jovan
Ristić,
at the time when the conflict with Austro-Hungary was being intensified.
At that moment, the Serbian representative in Sofia,
Sava
Grujió
was commis¬
sioned to write a memoir about the ways of improving relations with the neigh¬
bouring principality.
Ristić'
s
aspirations to seek ways of improving relations with
Bulgaria clearly showed that the two states had not had an entirely harmonious
relations, although they had to act as if everything was right. Due to recent past
experience the Serbian government monitored carefully everything going on in
the border areas, in the Bulgarian principality itself, but also throughout the Eu¬
ropean Turkey inhabited by Slavic population in order to be able to notice any
endeavour of Bulgarian patriots to unite the Bulgarian principality with Eastern
Rumelia and later on with Macedonia. On both sides of the border attention was
focused on potential agitation for people of Bulgarian origin who lived in and
around Pirot. Besides, the other two problems were questions of emigrants from
Pirot, after it came under the Serbian government and of the border. Even after
establishing a new border, the border dispute continued to cause dissatisfaction
not only among the representatives of the two states but also among the people
who lived in the border areas. Thus, it potentially made people on both sides of
the border turn to their local authorities hoping they would protect their interests.
322
Additionally, the impact of this constant dispute over the border land on the cre¬
ation of antagonism among the people in these areas should not be neglected. The
official Belgrade strongly reacted against any attempt of the Bulgarian authorities
to claim their rights in the districts which belonged to Serbia according to the
Congress of Berlin. That is also the root cause of the Serbian authorities immedi¬
ate reaction regarding the law on Bulgarian citizenship.
However, Serbian government was more concerned with the Bulgarian uni¬
fication movement, since it represented an even more serious danger to Serbian
state interests. After the Congress, Serbian peaceful politics was consistent. Serbia
avoided any chance of being criticised for the
déstabilisation
of the Balkan politi¬
cal scene. After two wars, peace was essential for Serbia. The country had been
financially exhausted and it probably would not have been able to take advantage
of a new Balkan crisis to increase its territory. The official circles in Serbia lived
in fear of the Bulgarian unification. Only did the Bulgarian activity on unifica¬
tion in
1880
force the Serbian government to begin preparations for more active
involvement in the Old Serbia and Macedonia. However, the fall of
Ristić'
s
gov¬
ernment interrupted these efforts. The main course of the activity of the Serbian
government in later period had already been determined by that time. The Serbian
government was founding the Society of Saint
Sava.
What is more, in the talks
between the representatives of the two states a delicate subject, such as the divi¬
sion of Macedonia, had been mentioned for the first time. Generally speaking, the
Serbian politics under the
Ristić
government could be described as the politics of
a rather cautious coorporation and of an attempt to establish good relations and
coorporation between the two states regarding mutual questions but protecting
own interests at the same time.
The opposition between Serbia and Bulgaria became even more apparent
under the new, progressive government. According to the new diplomatic ori¬
entation, Serbia relied on Austro-Hungaiy. On the other hand, Russia, the main
opponent of the Austro-Hungarian intrests in the Balkans, had a decisive influ¬
ence on the Bulgarian government. These two facts represented the root cause of
the above mentioned opposition. Serbian Prince Milan had a decisive role in the
shift of the Serbian diplomatic orientation. Although as a ruler, he participated in
decision-making about important state issues under the
Ristić
government, Prince
Milan still felt he was in the shadow of his Prime Minister. During the
80s
of the
19th century, Prince/King Milan became increasingly a leading figure in the Ser¬
bian political life. What is more, his opinion on many issues was prevailing. The
turning to Austro-Hungary had brought a gradual change in the relationship with
Russia. This change was becoming more and more evident throughout the years.
There were two events that had a special role in this change. The first event was
the change of the Serbian metropolitan Mihailo, who was the most important rep¬
resentative of the Slavophilic committee in Serbia. The second was the marriage
of
Petar Karađorđević
and a daughter of the Montenegrin Prince Nikola, which
323
had been approved by Russia, and which again raised the question of the dynasty.
The deterioration of the Serbo-Russian relationship did not, at first, have any evi¬
dent impact on the relations between Serbia and Bulgaria. The diplomatic activi¬
ties in Serbia and Bulgaria, even those concerning the liberation of compatriots in
Turkey, were in the shadow of very tumultuous internal affairs in both countries,
political battles and political crises. The Serbian attention was focused on the
fulfilment of obligations imposed by the Congress of Berlin. The main concern
of the Serbian government was for Bulgaria to fulfil its obligations regarding the
construction of a railway line for Constantinople. Due to the strong Russian influ¬
ence in Bulgaria and the current Serbo-Russian relationship, the Serbian sovereign
and its government paid special attention to the conflicts between the Bulgarian
political circles and Russian representatives in Bulgaria. What is more, they were
very satisfied to witness the decrease of the Russian influence in Bulgaria. At that
point, Serbian government was more concerned with Russian volunteers gathered
in Bulgaria who went to Herzegovina to help the rebels. However, this dispute
was quickly settled. More important for harmonious neighbouring relationships
between the two states was the consequence of the protective trading politics of
the Bulgarian government. Namely, they wanted to force the governments of the
neighbouring countries, which did not have trading contracts with Turkey, to start
negotiations with Bulgaria. Although the export from Serbia to Bulgaria was con¬
siderably bigger than the import, the trade between the two states was very lim¬
ited. Thus, the protective measures of the Bulgarian government did more harm to
the people who lived on the border than to the budget. When these measures came
into effect at the beginning of
1884,
they were regarded by the Serbian sovereign
and government as a proof that Bulgaria did not want harmonious neighbouring
relationships with Serbia.
Major problems in the Serbo-Bulgarian relationships appeared after the re¬
bellion in eastern Serbia in
1883
and the transfer of rebels from Serbia to Bulgaria.
In spite of the request of the Serbian government and King Milan in person, the
Bulgarian government did not remove Serbian emigrants from the Serbian border.
On the contrary, it allowed them to stay in the border towns and villages. The of¬
ficial Belgrade was not satisfied with such a move of the government in Sofia but
the dissatisfaction was not openly expressed. In the meantime, there was news of
preparations for emigrants' intrusion into Serbia,
Pašie' s
intentions to reestablish
connections with Russia through metropolitan Mihailo, the attempts of coorpora-
tion with the
Karađorđević
family and the plans for the overthrow of King Milan.
Consequently, the Serbian government now openly expressed its dissatisfaction
and reraised the question of the emigrants' removal from the border. As an answer
to these allegations, the Bulgarian government raised the question of the meadow
near Bulgarian village Bregovo. Two months later, diplomatic relations between
these two states broke off. This course of events had been particularly beneficial
to the emigrants who could continue their work and, in the summer of
1885,
324
they were close to their aim. The Serbian government was well informed about
their work. King Milan undoubtebly knew about the Russian involvement in these
preparations and its intentions to overthrow him. After diplomatic relations had
been broken off, there was news of Exarchate'
s
intentions to gain sultan's ap¬
proval for the occupation of new bishopric positions in Macedonia, as well as the
news of the Bulgarian preparations for the unification. Any Bulgarian success in
the process of unification was a potential danger to Serbian state intrests. In the
mid
80s
of the 19th century, according to the concepts of Serbian King Milan
and Serbian Prime Minister
Milutin Garašanin,
it was Bulgaria, not Turkey that
represented the main opponent to. Therefore, it was necessary for Serbia to search
for the alliance and association with the states which themselves had been endan¬
gered by the Bulgarian aspirations. In March
1885,
Garašanin
devised a plan to
increase the Serbian influence over the Old Serbia and Macedonia, relying on the
strengthening of the Serbian education and literature. Special attention was paid
to Khilandar, old Serbian monastery mainly inhabited by Bulgarian monks.
While the official Belgrade had been thinking of ways to put
Garašanin'
s
plan into action and had expected the intrusion of the emigrants from Bulgaria,
the coup in Plovdiv happened and the unification of Bulgarian principality and
Eastern Rumelia was announced. For the official Belgrade it seemed that turning
to Macedonia is just a matter of time. As for King Milan, this was the beginning
of everything he had been worried about ever since the
San Stefano
Treaty. In the
very first days, crucial decisions had been made which put Serbia in war against
the Bulgarian unification. From this point of view, when the events from the end
of the 19th century were over for a long time, the decision made by King Milan
seems to appear as rather rash, too subjective and based on a limited number of
facts. Still, his belief in dangers for Serbia of the
San Stefano
Bulgaria, was not
absurd at all. What was wrong, however, was the way in which the decision about
the war had been made and the stubborn determination to stick to that decision
even though it was obvious that Serbia did not have the support of any of the
great powers. After the lost war, the Serbian government had to continue with
strengthening its propaganda campaign activities in the Old Serbia and Macedo¬
nia. However, its position, after the lost war and the attitude it took regarding
advice of the great powers, was more difficult than it would have been otherwise.
The declaration of war against Bulgaria, which was a vassal state without even
the right to declare or wage war according to the international law, served Bul¬
garia well in strengthening its international position.
Bearing in mind the international relationships in the
80s
of the 19th cen¬
tury, the Serbo-Bulgarian war was just an irrelevant episode for the great powers.
It only postponed and hampered their intentions to solve the crisis, created after
the coup in Plodviv, peacefully and thus to avoid a major military conflict which
would have endangered their strategic interests and forced them to take an active
part in this conflict. On the other hand, this war had a profound impact on the
325
people who lived in these two countries at that time. After the official separation
achieved at the Congress of Berlin, the war had a significant role in the process
of the historical separation of these two nations. Every war inevitably causes even
stronger antagonism between two countries and their population. Slivnica victory
had an important effect on strengthening awareness of national identity among the
Bulgarian population. This was the war in which the Bulgarian army and Bulgar¬
ian peasants defended their unification alone and without any help. On the other
hand, the year
1885
represents the end of Bulgarophilism in Pirot. The Bulgarian
occupation of Pirot strongly influenced the people of this district, not only those
who had left the district and together with the army escaped to the north, but also
those who had stayed. The Bulagrian army together with the Bulgarophiles from
Pirot requisitioned, plundered and took away everything they could on their re¬
treat from Serbia. Immediately after their return to Pirot, Serbian authorities dealt
with a small number of the Bulgarophiles from Pirot who had helped the Bulgar¬
ian army during their stay in Serbia. Thus, the war, with its positive and negative
example, influenced the increase of national identity awareness of people in both
countries, as well as the development of awareness of the historical antagonism
between the Serbian and Bulgarian people.
The Serbo-Bulgarian war did not kill the idea of the Balkan alliance. It had
already been dead by the
70s
of the 19th century. The ideas of the Serbo-Bulgarian
treaty began to form again only at the end of the century. However, these were not
ideas of coorporation between the two brotherly, Slavic people as they had been
before. This time, they were a result of estimated permanent or temporary inter¬
ests of political circles in both states. This alliance was formed only in
1912
when
the state interests of both countries forced their governments to act that way.
326 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Samardžić, Momir 1974- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)143427067 |
| author_facet | Samardžić, Momir 1974- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Samardžić, Momir 1974- |
| author_variant | m s ms |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035661911 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)642985119 (DE-599)BVBBV035661911 |
| era | Geschichte 1878-1886 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1878-1886 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbien Bulgarien |
| id | DE-604.BV035661911 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:06:54Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788680271828 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-017716331 |
| oclc_num | 642985119 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 346 S. |
| publishDate | 2008 |
| publishDateSearch | 2008 |
| publishDateSort | 2008 |
| publisher | Fil. Fak. |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Monografije / Filozofski Fakultet Novi Sad, Odsek za Istoriju |
| spelling | Samardžić, Momir 1974- Verfasser (DE-588)143427067 aut Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 Momir Samardžić Novi Sad Fil. Fak. 2008 346 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Monografije / Filozofski Fakultet Novi Sad, Odsek za Istoriju 53 In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: From San Stefano to Slivnica Geschichte 1878-1886 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd rswk-swf Serbisch-Bulgarischer Krieg (DE-588)4146906-9 gnd rswk-swf Balkanfrage (DE-588)4143939-9 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 s Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 g Geschichte 1878-1886 z DE-604 Balkanfrage (DE-588)4143939-9 s Serbisch-Bulgarischer Krieg (DE-588)4146906-9 s Filozofski Fakultet Novi Sad, Odsek za Istoriju Monografije 53 (DE-604)BV011381689 53 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017716331&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017716331&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Samardžić, Momir 1974- Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Serbisch-Bulgarischer Krieg (DE-588)4146906-9 gnd Balkanfrage (DE-588)4143939-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4146906-9 (DE-588)4143939-9 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4008866-2 |
| title | Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 |
| title_auth | Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 |
| title_exact_search | Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 |
| title_full | Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 Momir Samardžić |
| title_fullStr | Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 Momir Samardžić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Od San Stefana do Slivnice Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 Momir Samardžić |
| title_short | Od San Stefana do Slivnice |
| title_sort | od san stefana do slivnice srbija protiv bugarske 1878 1886 |
| title_sub | Srbija protiv Bugarske 1878 - 1886 |
| topic | Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Serbisch-Bulgarischer Krieg (DE-588)4146906-9 gnd Balkanfrage (DE-588)4143939-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Außenpolitik Serbisch-Bulgarischer Krieg Balkanfrage Serbien Bulgarien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017716331&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017716331&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV011381689 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT samardžicmomir odsanstefanadoslivnicesrbijaprotivbugarske18781886 |