Hinged puhkavad puudes:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Estonian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
[Tallinn]
Huma
2009
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: Souls rest in trees |
| Beschreibung: | 103 S., [8] Bl. zahlr. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789949408719 |
Internformat
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Hinged puhkavad puudes |c Marju Kõivupuu |
| 264 | 1 | |a [Tallinn] |b Huma |c 2009 | |
| 300 | |a 103 S., [8] Bl. |b zahlr. Ill. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1814344174121517056 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
Sisukord
Eessõna
7
Puustoled
sa sündinud ja puuks pead sa saama.
11
Ristimärkja ristipuu
25
Ristipuud
Lõuna-Eesti
matusekombestikus
39
Uskumustest rituaalini
61
Kümme korda
lõika,
üks kord
mõõda.
75
In
memoriam
La atre
ristipedajas. Ühe pühapuu
lugu
87
Kokkovõtõq võro keelen. Hengeq puhkasõq puiõn
93
Summary. Souls rest in trees
96
Viidatud allikad
101
96
Summary
s Souls rest in trees
■a
Q.
TD
ra
го
■§
In my opinion, cutting crosses into trees on the way to the cemetery is one of
^ the most significant burial customs in historical
Võrumaa.
The phenomenon of
g, the cross-trees has conserved concepts of the tree as the residence of the
~ soul; today, they are unique in the whole Europe if not the whole world.
A cross-tree (a cross-spruce, -pine, -birch) is a big tree by the road or at
the crossroads or in a cross-forest, into which the dead person's godson or
closest male relatives cut a cross on the way to the graveyard.
The earliest reports on cross-trees or their analogues date back on to the
17th century. Systematic descriptions of the tradition are rather recent, from
the second half of the 19th century.
The origin of the tradition must be looked for in the animistic pre-Christian
times when afterlife was imagined to be the continuation of this life in the
forest where the bodies were left or, in more recent times, buried. Such forests
became sacred. Sacred groves were thus originally funeral places, and
according to beliefs, the souls of the deceased lived in the sacred trees. This
cosmopolitan belief is also known among Asian, African and Australian people.
Thus, the cross-trees are carrying on the ancient motive of the tree as a habi¬
tat for a soul. With the changing of the cult of the dead, the concept of a soul
living outside the body formed.
Sucha
soul could also be vicious at times-the
soul of
a suicider
or a witch. According to Estonian folk belief, a soul did not get
into the underworld if the dead had not been sacrificed to (Kulmar
1994).
Therefore the souls of the dead had to be atoned with a sacrifice and protec¬
tion magic (e.g. cutting a cross into a tree, the cross becoming a protective
means with the spread of Christianity and the belief that
a revenant
cannot
pass a cross sign) was to be used to stop them from returning home. In earlier
times, coloured ribbons or threads were hung on the cross-tree in memory of
the deceased, taking a sip of vodka while tying.
Analogues of cross-trees can be found in the funeral rites of the Orthodox
Setus, who leave boards on which the deceased lay in state, and straw and
birch whisks used for washing the deceased under the cross-tree, to rot. Until
the
1930s—1940s,
cutting a cross into a tree was a viable part of the funeral tra¬
dition in the western part of Saaremaa Island. The tradition was also known in
Northern Latvia, which historically was inhabited by Estonians and almost until
the birth of the Republic of Estonia in
1918
formed a joint cultural space-Livonia.
•α
з
D.
—
J. Vilkuna
(1992)
has written a monograph on the Finnish tradition of karsikkos
97
and cross-trees, although this tradition fell into oblivion as early as at the end
of the ^thcentury.
£
In recent past the necessity of cutting a cross is motivated by religious
conceptions (cross-cutting as part of prevention magic) or simply as following
an old tradition, whereby religious conceptions do not play any role (the cross
'S
is cut in memory of the deceased because it has always been done so).
Cros- J
ses
have also been cut into trees at places where people have been killed in
■§
accidents.
α
XI
The choice of the location of a cross-tree depends on the particular land- ^
scape, but generally it marks a conscious or unconscious border where the
relatives bid final farewell to the deceased; since the deceased is excepted
from among the living people. Cross-forests (coniferous or mixed forests) are
situated either in the immediate vicinity of the graveyard or on church-roads
-
in a grove between the village and the graveyard. Usually the trees have more
than one cross; if possible, the crosses of relatives are cut on the same tree.
Village cross-trees are usually old pines situated at the first junction of the
road leading from the village to the graveyard. The choice of individual (family)
cross-trees is determined by religious conceptions. The cross or, if necessary,
even several crosses are cut at consecutive junctions of the road to the grave¬
yard in order to prevent the deceased from returning home. Although, in their
appearance, the crosses made for prevention-magical purposes need not
differ from simple commemorative crosses, the cross-trees connected with
prevention magic are situated mostly in remote forest villages or on outlying
single farms. The people residing there have retained a firm belief in the evil
eye, home-visiting goblins, word-magic etc.
The Soviet period functioned as a factor conducive to the preservation of
the tradition of crosscutting as social changes in society had disrupted the
former way of life in the village community. If possible, the cross was cut on the
border of the farm expropriated by the Soviet authorities. By doing so, ancient
traditions were honoured, and protest was expressed against the violent and
alien social order. The practice of crosscutting was not limited to Lutherans
living in rural areas. Whether a person was baptised and a member of a con¬
gregation was insignificant in the given context as during the Soviet period
people's normal relations with the church had been severed. Cutting the cross
was even regarded as compensation for the absence of the clerical ceremony,
even more so because atheist schoolteachers, party secretaries, and other
functionaries who had moved in from elsewhere showed a negative attitude to
it. Older local parsons, generally, have a neutral attitude to crosscutting and
participate in the ceremony themselves, motivating their behaviour by local
customs and respect for the wishes of the deceased.
Г
Bayerische
J
Staatsbibliothek
і
98
The ritual of cutting the cross consists of selecting the cross-tree, cross-
cutting, offering a ritual glass of vodka and a snack. The cross-tree has to be
й
aesthetic-beautiful, alive and well visible from the road. The preferable spe-
3
cies
is pine. Crosses cut in pine bark remain visible and beautiful for a long
a. time; crosses cut into a spruce or a birch get scarred relatively quickly.
'S
The cross is cut by the closest male relative or the godson of the
jî
deceased. The shape of the cross depends on the skill and artistic taste of the
■§
cutter. Simple Latin crosses, so-called passion crosses are most widely
^ spread, and very often they are depicted together with a base for the cross
g, (burial mound). Greek crosses and St. Andrew's crosses and so-called Russian
·-
crosses are considerably less frequent. These Russian crosses show that
Orthodox Estonians also observe the tradition of crosscutting.
When the cross is ready, the ritual of offering vodka and snack follows.
Nowadays it is no more interpreted as a sacrifice but as a custom that must be
observed. Generally no offerings are tied on the branches of cross-trees any
more. Colourful ribbons and rowan-tree with black ribbon are attempts to
revive the pre-Christian tradition and hint at the neomythological outlook on
the world that has gained some popularity in Estonian society in the
1990s.
The ethic principles of South-Estonians do not allow them to break
branches from cross-trees or to fell these trees. If anyone violates these rules,
either out of ignorance or on purpose, a punishment is believed to follow.
There are rare reports on unpleasant experiences (haunting) in the vicinity of
cross-trees, and some people have been afraid to pass the trees in the dark
because of some inexplicable emotions of fear.
The family retains a later passive relation with the cross-trees. When dri¬
ving or walking past them, people try to recognise the trees of their kin. The
sign of the cross on a tree recalls the life of the deceased similarly to a tomb¬
stone in the graveyard. The only difference is that the sign (the cross on the
tree) becomes informative only for those who know the context.
With the so-called
Võru
movement, cross-trees have become in the centre
of positive attention as natural objects to be protected or as trees that would
need to be protected. Similarly, studying the
Võru
language and cultural his¬
tory in schools has increased children's heritage knowledge, it has pointed
children to cross-trees and opened the semantics of the phenomenon.
In
2003/2004,
when the cutting of fully grown forests was at peak, a lot of
holy forests in
Võrumaa
were destroyed partly due to unconsciousness and in
part of not caring. Some of them were actively used until they were cut down.
That was a destruction of a part of our culture, which has been saved on the
photos and videos. Most of holy trees and forests were cut down illegally. For
example some old people or people who want to grow their fortune don't even
know exactly where their forest is, not to mention what is growing there or
what culturally relevant sites there are. Even nowadays in Estonia holy forests
99
and trees are unprotected against (real estate) careless developers. Especially
the situation in
2005,
when in Rosma,
Põlva,
an actively used holy forest with
£
great relevance was cut down to straighten up a road. The missing
communi-
*§
cation between local municipality and people led to the scandal that affected
α
ТЗ
го
emotional and cultural historical damage cannot be compensated, due to go- J>
SZ
the whole country, at the end they decided to minimize the cutting. But the
vernors'thoughtless behaviour.
The topic of cross-trees and related events is an illustrative example of
a
α
folklorisation process, quite unanticipated by both local and western
folkbrists. g,
According to the example of cross-tree tradition we may agree thatthe factors
·-
driving the folklorisation process, such as, the ownership of land or forest, may
often function independently from active lore bearers. We may agree that
these objects of cultural heritage, which people have a passive relationship to
and which reflect the values of the past, are slightly better protected. The fate
of such ritual objects or sacred trees in the landscape, which tradition bearers
have retained an active ritual relationship to, often depend on the ability and
wish of tradition bearers to establish them in modern legal space. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Kõivupuu, Marju 1960- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1025434390 |
| author_facet | Kõivupuu, Marju 1960- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kõivupuu, Marju 1960- |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035594642 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)645353675 (DE-599)BVBBV035594642 |
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| id | DE-604.BV035594642 |
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| indexdate | 2024-10-30T13:03:59Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789949408719 |
| language | Estonian |
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| spelling | Kõivupuu, Marju 1960- Verfasser (DE-588)1025434390 aut Hinged puhkavad puudes Marju Kõivupuu [Tallinn] Huma 2009 103 S., [8] Bl. zahlr. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T: Souls rest in trees Baum (DE-588)4004845-7 gnd rswk-swf Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd rswk-swf Tod (DE-588)4060294-1 gnd rswk-swf Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 gnd rswk-swf Estland (DE-588)4015587-0 g Tod (DE-588)4060294-1 s Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 s Baum (DE-588)4004845-7 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017649802&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017649802&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Kõivupuu, Marju 1960- Hinged puhkavad puudes Baum (DE-588)4004845-7 gnd Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Tod (DE-588)4060294-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4004845-7 (DE-588)4008017-1 (DE-588)4060294-1 (DE-588)4015587-0 |
| title | Hinged puhkavad puudes |
| title_auth | Hinged puhkavad puudes |
| title_exact_search | Hinged puhkavad puudes |
| title_full | Hinged puhkavad puudes Marju Kõivupuu |
| title_fullStr | Hinged puhkavad puudes Marju Kõivupuu |
| title_full_unstemmed | Hinged puhkavad puudes Marju Kõivupuu |
| title_short | Hinged puhkavad puudes |
| title_sort | hinged puhkavad puudes |
| topic | Baum (DE-588)4004845-7 gnd Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Tod (DE-588)4060294-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Baum Brauch Tod Estland |
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