Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku: područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Croatian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Slavonski Brod
Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest, Podružnica za Povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje [u.a.]
2007
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Bibliotheca Croatica-Slavonica, Sirmiensia et Baranyensia
Studije ; 9 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Vinkovci in the Middle Ages |
| Beschreibung: | 207 S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789536659319 9789536015474 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku |b područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti |c Stanko Andrić |
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| 490 | 1 | |a Bibliotheca Croatica-Slavonica, Sirmiensia et Baranyensia : Studije |v 9 | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804139176344420352 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Ѕаакѓа/
Uvod
____________________________________________________________7
1.
Cibalska baština
________________________________________________13
2.
Germani i Huni
_________________________________________________18
3.
Nijema i tamna stoljeća
___________________________________________23
4.
Crkva i naselje na Meraji prije prvih zapisa
____________________________26
5.
Tragom svetoga Ilije
_____________________________________________32
6.
Bogata župa u računima papinske desetine
____________________________36
7.
Još
о
svetom Iliji i njegovoj vinkovačkoj crkvi
_________________________40
8.
Szentillye,
posjed Baćinskih od
roda Szente-Mágocs
_____________________44
9.
Pogled unatrag: naselje vukovarskih gradukmeta u
13.
stoljeću
_____________48
10.
Je li se
Szentillye
zvao i
Bogdánfalva?
______________________________51
11.
Sajmovi u
Szentillyeu
u
14.
stoljeću
________________________________58
12.
Franjevački samostan Sveti Ilija i srednjovjekovni Vinkovci
_____________61
13.
Parnice Baćinskih na početku
15.
stoljeća
____________________________66
14.
Dvojbena darovnica Alšanskih Talovcima
____________________________70
15.
Talovci kao suvlasnici
Szentillyea
__________________________________77
16.
Pobunjenici Lovro
Bánffy
i Ivan
Kishorvát
___________________________82
17.
Oružana akcija braće
Geréb
_______________________________________86
18.
Suvlasnici
Szentillyea
na početku
16.
stoljeća
_________________________90
19.
Sukob i dioba Lovre
Bánffyja
i Ivana
Kishorváta
_______________________93
20.
Posljednji vlastelin Vid Srlić/Srdić
_________________________________99
21.
Ilinci i Vinkovci u osmanskim izvorima
____________________________106
22.
Szentillye
poslije
Szentillyea
_____________________________________110
23.
Rješenje problema naseobinskog kontinuiteta
_________________________119
24.
Crkvena povijest Vinkovaca u doba turske vladavine
___________________124
25.
Crkva sv. Ilije na Meraji: epilog
___________________________________127
Prilog
1:
Važniji srednjovjekovni materijalni ostatci i arheološki nalazi
u Vinkovcima
____________________________________________135
Prilog
2:
Kronološki pregled izravnih pisanih podataka
о
Szentillyeu
i Vinkovcima u srednjem vijeku
____________________136
Prilog
3:
Shematski prikaz vlastelinske povijesti vinkovačkog
Szentillyea
_____140
Prilog
4:
Posjedi oko
Szentillyea
prema vlastelinskim popisima
_____________141
Zemljopisne karte, planovi i tlocrti
___________________________________145
Slike
_______________________________________________158
Summary:
Vinkovci
in the Middle Ages. The
Vinkovci
urban area
from the Late Antiquity until the end of the Ottoman rule
________________165
Bibliografija
______________________________________________________177
Kazalo vlastitih imena ______________
193
Summary:
Vinkovci
in the Middle Ages
(The
Vinkovci
urban area from the Late Antiquity until the end of the
Ottoman rule)
In antiquity, central parts of the present-day town of
Vinkovci
were
occupied by the Roman
colonia
named Cibalae. This was one of the major cities in
the Late Roman province of
Pannonia
Secunda
(or
Pannonia Sirmiensis).
Its
forum lay exactly under the main square of modern
Vinkovci.
The city was
surrounded by ramparts on three sides, the southern side being naturally protected
by the Sava s tributary river called Bacuntius (now Bosut). The eastern rampart
was also partly connected with a smaller stream flowing into the Bosut, later called
Ervenica; the confluence of the two was probably the site of the Roman port.
Cibalae was situated on the main highway connecting Italy with the eastern
provinces of the Empire. It was also well connected with the nearby cities of
Mursa
(Osijek)
on the
Drava,
Sirmium (Sremska Mitrovica) on the
Sava,
as well
as the forts forming the
Pannonian
section of the Limes along the Danube. Most
of the buildings in Cibalae were built of locally produced bricks. Potteiy and
ceramics were also made in large quantities, as it is testified to by the remains of
almost
60
potter s furnaces in various parts of the inner and outer city. The
remains of an aqueduct, a sewage network and several cemeteries (including four
stone sarcophagi) were also excavated.
Cibalae was an important early Christian center. According to early
hagiography, the city s bishop Eusebius was martyred probably in the middle of
the 3rd century, which makes him the earliest known bishop in
Pannonia.
In
304,
he was followed in martyrdom by the local church s chief lector named Pollio.
Cibalae probably played some role in the theological controversy provoked by the
Arian
heresy which was upheld by the bishops of IUyricum in the second half of
the 4th century (notably by those of Sirmium, Mursa, and Singidunum). Material
traces of the early Christianity in Cibalae include a portion of a basilica in the
south-western quarter of the city and a larger memorial complex at
Kamenica
outside the city, near the eastbound road leading to Sirmium. It is not known
whether Cibalae suffered an outright devastation during the Germanic and
Hunnic occupation of
Pannonia
after the battle of Hadrianopolis
(378),
or its
urban life became extinguished more gradually.
165
In the last quarter of the 5th century,
Pannonia Sirmiensis
was dominated by
the Gepids. In
488
they were defeated while trying to obstruct, at the rivulet Ulca
(now
Vuka)
near Cibalae, the migration of the Ostrogoths heading for Italy.
Under Theodoric the Great, the Ostrogothic kingdom based in Italy expanded so
forcefully that in
504
it recaptured
Pannonia
Sirmiensis and continued to control
it until the beginning of the emperor Justinian
I s reconquest
in
535
forced the
Ostrogoths to abandon this territory. The Gepids then retook Sirmium and its
surroundings, but they were soon challenged by the Lombards advancing from the
north of
Pannonia.
The Lombards victory over the Gepids in
552
at Asfeld (as
later described by Paul the Deacon) probably took place somewhere between
Cibalae and Sirmium. In
567,
the Lombards joined forces with the newly arrived
Avars, nomadic people originating from the inner Asia, which resulted in the
complete destruction of the Gepids, but it also urged the Lombards themselves to
move from
Pannonia
to Italy in
568.
The emperor of Constantinople then mana¬
ged to recapture what was left of the once glorious Sirmium, yet the Avars con¬
quered it in
582,
thereby completing their domination of
Pannonia.
The archaeo¬
logical picture of this mainly Germanic period is less complex in Cibalae/Vinkovci,
since it is only the presence of the Gepids that could be confirmed by the finds of
as many as
46
graves, located in several clusters within the area of the Roman city.
In connection with the period of the rule of Justinian I
(527-565),
Cibalae
is mentioned in a much later historical compilation entitled Epitome chronkorum
Casinensium, a work of the twelfth-century Benedictine monk and writer Peter the
Deacon of Monte
Cassino,
who falsely ascribed it to the ninth-century scholar
Anastasius Bibliothecarius. One of the most notorious medieval forgers, Peter the
Deacon summarized on the initial pages of his Epitome a fictitious donation deed
of the emperor Justinian I to St. Benedict of Nursia and his monastery of Monte
Cassino.
The donation enumerates a long list of possessions in various Roman
provinces, among them ten places situated in
Pannonia .
In actuality, Peter com¬
posed this list simply by making use of the famous late Roman Itinerarium Antonini.
The Epitome attracted the interest of Croatian historians because of its mention of
Cibalae among the
Pannonian
places donated to St. Benedict. The first scholars
who quoted this interesting information were
Mijo
Brašnić
and
Josip Brunšmid,
both unaware of the spurious nature of its source, and many more recent authors
followed suit. It is obvious, however, that Epitome and its account of Justinian s
donation
-
given their nature, source and actual author
-
do not shed any reliable
light on the fate of the Roman city of Cibalae in the sixth century.
The long period of the Avar domination in
Pannonia,
which lasted from
the late 6th to the end of the 8th centuries, is appropriately described as a dark age.
The only archaeological find from this period in
Vinkovci
is a pagan Slavic ceme¬
tery consisting of
8
cinerary urns, located some
300
meters west of the rampart of
Cibalae and dated to the 7th century. After the Avar state collapsed around
800
under the attacks of the armies of Charlemagne, the former territory of
Pannónia
Sirmiensis probably fell under the sway of the rulers of Bulgaria, who accepted
Christianity from Byzantium in
865.
However, there are no archaeological proofs
166
of the Bulgarian presence in this area and the only find in
Vinkovci
dating from
the 9th century is a Blatnica-style belt-end made of gilded bronze. Shortly before
the middle of the 10th century, the Hungarians extended their rule into the territo¬
ry between the Danube and the
Sava
(according to
Constantine
Porphyroge-
nitus), which probably encompassed the area around
Vinkovci
too. Probably in the
course of the 11th century, the Hungarians organized a county around an early
castle in
Vukovar
(Valkóvár)
on the Danube, next to the place where the
Vuka
(Valkó)
flows into it. The county s territory roughly corresponded to that of a ho-
monymous archdeaconry which made part of the bishopric of
Pécs.
By
1100,
the central
Vinkovci
area was repopulated, a new settlement
appearing near the western ramparts of Cibalae. Besides
16
graves belonging to the
Bijelo Brdo
culture, the substructure of a small early Romanesque single-vessel
church
(1ІХ6.75
m) was uncovered in
1965,
next to the more recent and larger
Gothic church which was in use until the 18th century. The site is located just
outside the western rampart of Cibalae and it belongs to a part of
Vinkovci
known
as Meraja. The finds originating from this same site comprise a medal of St. Bene¬
dict which was at first wrongly believed to be medieval and to indicate some sort
of connection between the church and the Benedictine order (presumably even
based on Justinian
Гѕ
donation of Cibalae to St. Benedict). In actuality, the medal
is an example of the well-known modern devotional object and is apparently not
older than the 19th century. Contemporaneously with the small church and the
earliest graves around it, a settlement appeared to the south-east of them, on the
inner side of the ancient rampart. It has been identified through the medieval pot¬
tery shards found in the eastern part of the present-day
Duga ulica
street. The
chronological layers of the pottery are shown to stretch from the end of the
11*
to
the mid-13 11 centuries, indicating also a gradual westward expansion of the settle¬
ment.
Written records concerning medieval
Vinkovci
are much younger than
these material remains. For long it was impossible to identify them because, unlike
many other populated places between the
Drava
and the
Sava,
the medieval settle¬
ment which preceded
Vinkovci
bore a completely different name. At first it was
wrongly supposed, primarily on the basis of early modern cartography, that the
place of
Vinkovci
used to be occupied by the late medieval castle of
Palina;
this was
proposed by
István
Szalagyi in the 18th century and later
Dezső Csánki
accepted it,
adding documentary data on
Palina. More
recent research showed, to the contrary,
that
Palina
once stood near the western boundary of the Vukovo
(Valkó)
county,
corresponding probably to the present-day village of
Paljevina.
A few Croatian
historians (Matija Mesid,
Vjekoslav Klaić,
their opinion being reiterated later by
several others) linked
Vinkovci
with a homonymous place mentioned in several
charters of the
15
century, which in reality belonged to the castle of Nevna (now
Levanjska Varoš)
in the same western corner of the Vukovo county. Finally,
Stje¬
pan Pavičić
was the first who, in
1933,
linked modern
Vinkovci
with the medieval
settlement called Szentillye, i.e.
Saint Elias .
This identification has been made
possible by the fact that the old parish church of
Vinkovci
(in Meraja) was dedica-
167
ted to St.
Elias
and, on the other hand, by considering the topographical data
contained in the written sources related to Szentillye.
Pavičiďs
solution of this
problem of historical topography has been recently corroborated by further evi¬
dence collected by
Pál
Engel,
who also distinguished the group of sources concer¬
ning Szentillye-Vinkovci from a group dealing with another Szentillye in the
eastern part of the county (now Ilinci near Tovarnik).
Even though it does not refer to Szentillye by name, it is clear that a charter
of the
Pécs
cathedral chapter from
1267
speaks about this settlement when it
enumerates the neighbours of the land called
Čepan/Csepán
(now
Cerić).
To the
west of
Čepan,
the land was owned by the people of the castle of Vukovo (populi
castri de Wolkov).
This means that the land of Szentillye at that time still belonged
to the main royal castle of the county and that it was inhabited by people employed
in the upkeep and service of this castle. Probably before the end of the
ІЗ1 1
centu¬
ry, Szentillye changed status and became a private estate of a prominent member
of the
Szente-Mágocs
kindred, Martin son of Joachim, who held the title of a
ban . He had three sons, Paul, Emeric, and Nicholas, whose main possessions
were
Bátya
(now a tract of land called
Bacino
near
Antin)
and
Liszkó
(later land
Liškovo
or Lijeskovo near Bobota), both situated north of the
Vuka.
It was by the
names of these two domains that their descendants styled themselves as landow¬
ners in written documents.
It appears that the sons of ban Martin were those who built a new and
larger Gothic church
(24x10
m) in Meraja, which has partly survived up to the
present day. The northern lateral wall of this new church was partly built upon the
foundation of the older church s southern wall, the latter being apparently pulled
down beforehand. It was supposedly in this new and larger church that the parish
priest named James (Jacobus
de Sancto
Elya) was serving while a special papal tax was
collected in
1333-5.
He contributed towards the tax as much as
62
grosses (or
1.55
marcas),
which was much higher than the average payment by parish priests in the
archdeaconry and also in the diocese. The account-book of this tax is the earliest
source providing, in Latinized guise, the name of Szentillye. It was clearly derived
from the name of the patron saint of the local parish church. The choice of this
saint is significant: the Old Testament prophet Elijah was rarely venerated in the
Western Church (except in the churches of the Carmelite order), while in Byzan¬
tium and among Slavs he always enjoyed great popularity. The cult of St.
Elias
apparently incorporated, in a modified form, the earlier pagan cult of
Perun,
the
heavenly god of thunder and one of the major gods in the Slavic pre-Christian
pantheon. A Slavic and Byzantine cultural substratum of
Elias
cult in the King¬
dom of Hungary-Croatia is corroborated by the fact that all the medieval churches
dedicated to him are found south of the
Drava.
The first record of the settlement s vernacular, Hungarian, name is found
in another charter of the
Pécs
cathedral chapter, from
1353.
It reviewed the boun¬
daries of the estate of
Monostor
(now
Nuštar),
to the south-west of which it listed
Szentillye and
Hegyfalu
owned by nine grandsons of ban Martin . In
1355,
a
general fair held in Szentillye on September
27
was mentioned. This occasion
168
was used to publicly issue judicial summons for certain noblemen of the county.
Another county fair in Szentillye, held on St. Bartholomew s day (August
24),
was recorded in
1396,
when two sons of Nicholas of
Liszko
brought a charge
against people who murdered the steward
(vilikus)
of their estate in
Liszko
while
he was returning home from the fair. Approximately from the same time dates the
treasure trove containing
с
250
coins of king
Sigismund
of Luxemburg and his
wife queen Mary, which has been found south of the church of St.
Elias
and west
of the settlement as outlined on the basis of medieval ceramic shards. The hoard
also includes a decorative pin fragment and a silver signet ring. Its deposition could
have been somehow connected with the unrest in the kingdom caused by opposi¬
tion to Sigismund s rule, especially after the Ottoman victory at Nicopolis in
1396.
The fourteenth-century history of Szentillye entails two more controversial
issues. According to Engel s hypothesis, Szentillye might have had another early
name,
Bogdan
or
Bogdánfalva.
Such double name would be consistent with the
occurrence of similar name pairs elsewhere, in which normally one name is of
ecclesiastical and the other of secular origin. There are all together four charters,
ranging from
1329
through
1390,
in which this
Bogdan/Bogdánfalva
appears. In
three of them, it is an estate owned by members of the family of
Bátya
who were
involved in a protracted lawsuit against the landowners of
Szentszalvátor
(the latter
place corresponds roughly to what is now Mirkovci east of
Vinkovci).
The last
document mentions a parish priest of
Bogdan.
The second issue concerns the possible existence of a monastery in
Szentillye and, related to this, the true character of the church of St.
Elias.
The
catalogue of the Franciscan order composed in
1385-90
by Bartholomew of Pisa
lists a locus
sancii
Helye
among the monasteries which formed the Custody of Usora
as a part of the Bosnian
Vicariate.
Since the first listed house in this custody was
that of
Đakovo
(i. e.
situated outside Bosnia itself), several historians have tried to
locate the monastery of/in Saint
Elias
north of the
Sava
too. Szentillye-Vinkovci
has also been proposed in this context, but this is unlikely because there is no later
trace of a such Saint
Elias in
the records of the Hungarian Observant Franciscan
Vicariate
(later Province), which separated itself from Bosnian jurisdiction in
1448.
An additional hypothesis by Diana
Vukičević Samaržija
that the old Gothic church
of St.
Elias in
Vinkovci
was originally Franciscan is also unacceptable, because this
church was preceded at the same site by by the older Romanesque church, which
was undoubtedly a parish church. More plausible solution to this problem of
church topography has been proposed by historians of the Franciscans in Bosnia,
who place the monastery of St.
Elias
in the town of
Modrica
south of the
Sava,
where the existence of a Franciscan convent and its ancient church of St.
Elias
is
well-documented in the 16th and 17th centuries. On the other hand, the absence of
the Franciscans or any other church order in SzentiHye or medieval
Vinkovci
is
not too puzzling: the place evolved into a market-town by the end of the Middle
Ages, but was never a really important town (cwitas); moreover, in its late period it
was co-owned by two different landowning families, which probably to any of
them made it less suitable for founding a monastery.
169
The earliest indications pointing to a divided landownership in Szentillye
date back to the beginning of the 15th century. Along with members of the family
of
Bátya
and
Liszkó,
the royal cup-bearer John of
Alsán
also appeared as holding
portions in the same string of estates, including Szentillye. Although the family of
Alsán
stemmed from the same
Szente-Mágocs
kindred, normally it did not share
possessions with their distant cousins of
Bátya
and
Liszkó;
therefore it seems that
John of
Alsán
personally secured his share in the latter s estates. This situation was
first recorded in an incomplete charter of palatine Nicholas of
Gora (Gara)
from
1413/5.
It deals with an attempt of David Lack of
Szántó
to obtain those parts of
the estates of the family of
Bátya
which used to be held by the late John of
Liszkó,
bishop of Bosnia and
Đakovo
in
1387-1408.
The bishop s property was allegedly
confiscated by king
Sigismund
because of the bishop s siding with the king s
opponents in the past internal struggles. Several members of the family of
Bátya
together with John of
Alsán
protested against this claim and were apparently suc¬
cessful in resisting it.
From this moment onwards, two separate historical lines of landowners can
be followed in Szentillye. One is the old line of the family of
Bátya
and
Liszkó.
Surviving sources refer to its following members as being owners of a part of
Szentillye: Ursula, widow of Nicholas of
Bátya,
and her son Ladislas, in
1410;
Emeric of
Liszkó,
in
1491;
and another Nicholas of
Bátya,
after whose death king
Wladislas II donated his possessions to John of
Aranyán
(Apatin)
and Blasius of
Tordafalva (Tordinci), but Nicholas relatives protested against it, in
1506.
The other line is somewhat batter documented and more complex. It star¬
ted with the baron John of
Alsán,
after whose death (in
1437
or shortly before) his
family ceased to exist. In
1424,
the king gave him the possessions of the deceased
sons of ban Paul of
Liszkó,
і.
e. Liszkó
itself with its appurtenances . In
1435,
John and his wife Clare donated
43
of their possessions to the four brothers of
Talovac
(Tallóc), a
family of Dalmatian origin which rose rapidly to the ranks of
elite during the last decade of Sigismund s reign. All of the donated possessions
were those which once belonged to the family of
Bátya/Liszkó
and which John of
Alsán
came to share with the remaining members of this family. Included among
them was Szentillye with a number of surrounding villages. Several details reveal
this donation deed to be a forgery, at least formally, but its main content is histori¬
cally plausible. In
1437
the Talovac brothers inherited through royal donation
most of the old estates of the family of
Alsán,
and subsequently other sources
show them holding even the possessions listed in the forged charter of
1435.
The
Talovac family succeeded in retaining these possessions even after it lost the previ¬
ous prestige and was defeated in the power struggle for
Slavonia
by their chief ri¬
vals, the counts of
Celje,
in 1440s. When the sons of the late ban Frank of Talovac
sold their possession in
Vukovar
to Job of
Gora
in
1462,
they had to offer as a
guarantee fifteen of their smaller possessions or possession portions. Among the
latter group they listed Szentillye. In
1464,
the lords of
Morović
(Marót,
county of
Vukovo) and those of
Dombóvár
(county of
Tolna)
struggled judicially to obtain
Szentillye and some other possessions from the family of Talovac, arguing that
170
these lands used to belong to John of
Alsán
whom they considered their relative
(rationegenemcionis).
It seems that the noblemen of Talovac sold their share in Szentillye, some¬
time before
1491,
to a branch of the once powerful family of
Gora
(now Gorjani)
which was known under the surname of
Bánfřy.
The latter attached Szentillye and
surrounding villages to a larger domain around their castle in Slakovci, to the east
of Szentillye. The last male generation of the
Bánfřys
of
Gora
comprised Lawrence
and his four sisters, one of whom, Clare, was married to John
Kishorvát
of Hlap-
čić,
a newcomer from Bosnia. In the course of two decades around the turn of the
15й1
and
Ιό*
centuries, the brothers-in-law acted jointly in most of the known
situations. During the succession struggle following the death of king Matthias
Corvinus in
1490,
they joined the camp of the Austrian pretender Maximilian of
Habsburg.
Allied with the noblemen of
Berislavić
(Beriszló)
of Grabarje, they atta¬
cked and looted, in the summer of
1490,
some of the major domains held by the
baronial family of
Geréb
of
Vingart,
whose members supported the elected king
Wladislas II of
Jagelló.
Next year the king confiscated all the lands of the violent
rebels and gave them to his loyal Ladislas, Peter and Matthias
Geréb.
In August
1491
the latter were peacefully installed as the owners of a long list of confiscated
estates situated in the counties of
Požega, Križevci
(Kőrös),
Vukovo and
Вас
(Bács),
as well as in Bosnia. Szentillye was quoted at the first place among the
appurtenances of the castle of Slakovci.
The act was soon to be revoked, however, because Wladislas and Maximi¬
lian signed a peace treaty in Bratislava
(Pozsony)
in November
1491,
which stipu¬
lated that Wladislas should pardon his rival s partisans and revoke confiscations
effected against them. This apparently did indeed happen so, but the
Geréb
bro¬
thers continued to insist on a large sum of compensation money. When in Octo¬
ber
1493
John
Kishorvát
and Lawrence
Bánfřy
were reckless enough to seize the
castle of Sotin
(Szata)
on the Danube from Peter
Várady,
archbishop of
Kalocsa,
the
Gerébs
united with the archbishop and occupied by force, in
1494,
most of
Bánfíy s
and
Kishorváťs
estates, the market-town of Szentillye being one of
them. The king supported the move of the
Gerébs
and
Várady,
and it was only in
April
1498
that the diet of the kingdom decided that
Bánfřy
and
Kishorvát
should
get their domains back. Yet this could not bring about a quick resolution of their
unfortunate situation; in August of the same year they were still in the middle of a
long lawsuit concerning this problem.
Even after palatine Peter
Geréb
died in February
1503,
Lawrence
Bánfřy
and John
Kishorvát
were not immediately able to recover their lands. The di¬
strict of Szentillye, as well as a few other domains, at first came into the hands of
the Croatian-Slavonian ban John Corvinus.
Bánfřy
and
Kishorvát
had to visit the
ban in
Varaždin
and pledge their loyalty and support to him before they were
allowed to take possession of their estates again. Moreover, they felt obliged to
make Corvinus the heir to all their lands in case that they both die without leaving
appropriate posterity. Back in control of their old domains,
Bánfřy
and
Kishorvát
started to wrangle with each other. In
1506
Lawrence
Bánfřy
appeared before the
171
king at
Buda,
complaining that his brother-in-law had dislodged from his ancestral
property and seized the charters concerning it. Lawrence therefore asked the king
to issue a confirmation of his legitimate rights regarding all of his estates. In the
issued charter, Szentillye was quoted together with a ferry on the Bosut pertaining
to it and with five surrounding villages. In the following year John
Kishorvát
also
came to
Buda
and obtained a copy of the same charter, in order to be able to
protect his own rights .
The quarrels and clashes between the two, of which few details are known,
were finally brought to an end with the help of certain prelates and barons . The
brothers-in-law agreed to let their disputes be resolved through the arbitration of
the royal chief treasurer Benedict
Batthyány
and the ban of Belgrade Emeric
Tö¬
rök
of Enying. In November
1507,
at
Buda,
they signed the agreement of division
which
Batthyány
and
Török
had prepared. Each party got two castles with do¬
mains attached to them and each of their remaining estates was divided into two
equal parts. Three estates, Szentillye,
Szentszalvátor,
and Okovci, made an excep¬
tion: the parties agreed to cede them to the cousins ( brothers ) of John
Kishorvát
named George and Stephen and to their respective families. In February
1508,
this
part of the agreement was officially implemented under the supervision of the ro¬
yal protonotary and a representative of the chapter of
Požega.
In addition to Geor¬
ge and Stephen, Stephen s children named Martin, Fruzina (Euphrosyna) and
Margaret were also mentioned on this occasion. It is also interesting to note that,
while Szentillye and
Szentszalvátor
were located next to each other, Okovci belon¬
ged to the group of estates around
Erdőszád (Pridvorje)
in the western part of the
county.
While their information remains scanty, the sources from around the turn
of the 15th and the 16th centuries are important because it is only here that Szentil¬
lye is explicitely described as an
oppidum,
market-town , and the existence of a
district (i.e. connected group of villages) around it is referred to. The list of villa¬
ges which made up this district can be extracted from five charters written betwe¬
en
1415
and
1506;
it slightly differs from one case to another. The villages are
never said to be the pertinentiae of Szentillye, which can be explained by the fact
that there was no castle in Szentillye and therefore it was not a fully-fledged center
of a composite domain. It is in the charter of
1491
that a place called
Vinkovci
appeared for the first time as a part of the group of villages around Szentillye. This
is one of the only two written mentions of
Vinkovci
which are preserved from the
time before the Ottoman conquest. The other is found in a charter of
1524
where
a certain
Vinko Vajda
of
Vinkovci (Vinko
Wayda
de
Wynkoch) is mentioned as a
peasant subject to Barbara of
Ivánkovo.
The correspondence of the names
Vinko
and
Vinkovci
is hardly a mere coincidence;
Vinkovci
at that time must have been a
young and small village, and this
Vinko Vajda
could have been a descendant of an
earlier
Vinko
after whom
Vinkovci
got its name.
In the last decades before the Ottoman occupation, the remaining sources
point to further changes of landownership in Szentillye. Three documents, from
1516, 1524,
and
1535,
mention a certain Vitus
Srlić
or
Srdić
with the designation
172
of Szentillye (Vitus Serlyth/Serdyth
de Zenthülye). In
the first case he appeared
among the neighbours of the
Ivánkovo
domain. The second charter, dealing with a
theft of pigs, was issued in the same
Ivánkovo
by Vitus himself and by Nicholas
Drágy,
the two sharing the office of the deputy count of Vukovo. The third is a
charter of king Ferdinand I of
Habsburg
proposing Vitus as a witness for the intro¬
duction of Stephen
Tahy
into the possession of
Gradisce in
the county of
Požega.
Little is known about Vitus
Srlić/Srdić
from other sources. Around
1515
he was
mentioned among the soldiers employed in the service of the Croatian ban Peter
Berislavić
of
Trogir.
In the early
1537
he was a henchman of Francis
Tahy,
who
sent him as a messenger to Vienna. Vitus origins are not known, nor is the way in
which he obtained a portion of Szentillye. It seems that not only he was a landow¬
ner in Szentillye, but that he also resided here during the last two decades before
the arrival of the Turks. It is from this period that we have the only surviving
medieval charter which was written and dated in Szentillye. It is a short report
dealing with the theft of a horse issued by George
Bánfíy
of Talovac and Emeric
Székely
of Rues, deputy counts of Vukovo, on June
20,1521.
Vitus of Szentillye probably held only a part of this domain, and this was
probably the part which had been possessed by the family of
Bátya
until the begin¬
ning of the
16
century. These hypotheses can be indirectly derived from a much
later source, a deed issued by Maximilian (II) of
Habsburg
in
1562.
Its text has
been preserved in the
Habsburg
registry books for the Kingdom of Hungary-
Croatia
{Libri
regii).
The
Habsburg
rulers routinely confirmed ancient possessions
and rights of their loyal subjects even when they referred to the parts of the
kingdom which were occupied by the Turks. Maximilian s charter was issued for
Thomas, Barbara and Anna, children of Nicholas
Gratkovački
(Gradkowachky),
confirming their right to possess
Alsógradpataka
and
Felsőgradpataka
in the county
of
Požega,
as well as some shares in Szentillye, Szentzsorvalt
(=
Szentszalvátor)
and Okovci in the county of Vukovo. All of these places, which the
Gratkovački
claimed to have belonged to their family ah antiquo, were at this point under the
Ottoman rule for a quarter of a century already. The
Gratkovački
family obviously
originated from
Grádpataka
or Gratkov
Potok
(now Ratkovica) in the
Požega
county. As for the three quoted estates in the Vukovo county, it is striking that
they make up the same group which was given to the relatives of John
Kishorvát
in
1508.
Thus it can be concluded that either the latter sold these lands to an ancestor
of the
Gratkovačkis
soon after
1508,
or they were themselves the ancestors of the
Gratkovački
family. Either way, the
Gratkovačkis
apparently represent the final
stage in that line of the landowners succession in Szentillye which previously in¬
cluded John of
Alsán,
the Talovac family, and Lawrence
Bánfíy
of
Gora
along with
his brother-in-law John
Kishorvát.
Szentillye fell to the Turks in
1536
together with the central and western
parts of the county of Vukovo. Soon after that the Ottoman sandjak of
Srijem
(Turk.
Sirem)
was established and the territory of Szentillye was included within
its western mhiye (sub-district) of
Ivánkovo.
The sandjak revenue survey from
с
1550
quotes a village of
Vinkovci,
otherwise called Ilinci . Ilinci is further descri-
173
bed in the source as a mezraa (deserted village) whose fields are used by the villa¬
gers of
Vinkovci, Trbušanci,
and Ostrovo. Another survey, put together under sul¬
tan
Selim
II
(1566-74),
provides a census of
Vinkovci
which consisted of
17
hou¬
seholds. The land of the deserted village of Ilinci was then shared by the inhabi¬
tants of
Vinkovci,
Żaluzje,
and
Cerić.
These data show that the medieval Szentillye
was for some reason permanently abandoned during the period of the Ottoman
conquest. Its Croatian name, Ilinci (corresponding in a typical way to Hungarian
Szentillye), was now recorded for the first time. The closest settlement to the land
of SzentilhVIlinci was
Vinkovci
(known from only two pre-Ottoman charters),
which had by now become a relatively sizeable village. The two were so close to
each other that they could be considered as just one place with two names. But
from the point of view of historical topography, they were never one and the same
settlement, as some later historians of
Vinkovci
believed. Szentillye/Ilinci was the
principal medieval settlement on the territory of modem
Vinkovci
and when it
ceased to exist in the 16th century, the nearby smaller village of
Vinkovci
gradually
took its place.
These changes were not recorded in the early modern European cartogra¬
phy until the late 17th century. On earlier maps, the area around the confluence of
the
Drava,
the
Sava
and the Danube was represented on the basis of the informati¬
on which was collected in the late Middle Ages and last updated in the first half of
the 16th century, during the years of the Ottoman conquest. The last cartographer
who was able to show new data about the recently lost territories was Wolfgang
Lazius, the author of the
Regni
Hungáriáé
descripţie
vera
published in
Vienna
betwe¬
en
1552
and
1556.
At the same time, this was the first map which showed Szentil¬
lye (Z.
Helye),
putting it inaccurately on the right side of the Bosut s upper (i. e.
western) course, between Ivankovo^vanka and
Nijemci/Tótnénemti.
Closer to the
position which should actually belong to Szentillye, Lazius placed the castle of
Herman and the fortified towns of
MorovicVMarót
and
Palina.
This imprecise, and
with the passage of time ever more obsolete, disposition of populated places was
repeated by most cartographers working between the mid-16th and the end of the
17th centuries. Their maps prolonged artificially the validity of a state of facts
which was basically late medieval and in which Szentillye had a relatively impor¬
tant place. The actual contemporary situation on the territory once occupied by
Szentillye was probably first shown on a plan drafted
с
1700
by
Luigi Ferdinando
Marsigli and entitled The Roman ramparts which now surround a village of
Slavonia
called
Vinkovci .
Although Marsigli showed no interest in the village it¬
self, it is important for the early topography of
Vinkovci
that it was situated within
and not outside the span of the Roman fortifications, which Marsigli was able to
clearly identify. Marsigli did not know the name of the Roman town which he
discovered, just like somewhat later Ladislas
Szörényi,
bishop of
Srijem,
did not
know it when he referred to
Vinkovci
as a place where many Roman antiquities
could be found. It was only in
István
Szalagyi-Salagius
De statu ecclesiae Pannonicae
(published in
1777-84)
that the antiquities of
Vinkovci
were identified as the
remains of Cibalae.
174
Scarce Christian sources from the period of the Ottoman rule seem to
suggest that around
1600
Vinkovci
and its neigbourhood were under a strong
influence of Calvinism, whose followers may have even used for some time the
church of St.
Elias in
Meraja. This church was still considered a parish church by
the Catholics, but it was attached to the parish of
Ivánkovo,
in which a priest was
actually serving in the early 17th century. According to ecclesiastical reports from
the second half of this century, the parish in
Ivánkovo
had two churches, one of
which was dedicated to St. John the Baptist (in
Ivánkovo
itself) and the other to St.
Elias (in
what then already was
Vinkovci).
During the wars for the liberation from
the Ottomans, around
1690,
Vinkovci
was deserted just like many other surroun¬
ding villages and it was only repopulated around
1700.
The parish was soon resto¬
red and given to the friars of the convent in
Šarengrad
to care about it; when in the
following years the diocesan organization was also re-established,
Vinkovci
became
once again a part of the bishopric of
Pécs.
The eighteenth-century visitation re¬
ports of the bishops of
Pécs
describe in detail the conditions of the ancient church
in Meraja, which was then dedicated to St. Vincent the Martyr and, as it was noted
in the visitation of
1755,
also to St.
Elias.
The choice of St. Vincent
(Vinko
in Cro¬
atian) as the new main patron saint was clearly motivated by a consideration that
the name of
Vinkovci
must have been connected in the past with the supposed pa-
trocinium of its church. The place where the church stood was, from the begin¬
ning of the
18
century, on the western fringes of the settlement, the new center
being at the present site, about half a kilometer to the east. (It remains an open
question, however, whether this indicates that medieval
Vinkovci
was also located
to the east of Szentillye.) It was in this new center that a new parish church, dedi¬
cated to St. John of
Nepomuk,
was built and consecrated in
1777.
The old church
became a property of the Slavonian Military Frontier and was turned into a
storehouse. While it has not been forgotten that once it was a church, its ancient
dedication to St.
Elias
waned and disappeared from memories. The only connecti¬
on between modern
Vinkovci
and its medieval precursor, Szentillye, was all but
lost, and it took a fair amount of historical curiosity to retrieve this missing link.
175
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Andrić, Stanko 1967- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)123057930 |
| author_facet | Andrić, Stanko 1967- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Andrić, Stanko 1967- |
| author_variant | s a sa |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035537823 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)644897079 (DE-599)BVBBV035537823 |
| era | Geschichte 300-1700 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 300-1700 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Vinkovci (DE-588)4108282-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Vinkovci |
| id | DE-604.BV035537823 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:39:55Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789536659319 9789536015474 |
| language | Croatian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-017593923 |
| oclc_num | 644897079 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 207 S. Ill., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest, Podružnica za Povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Bibliotheca Croatica-Slavonica, Sirmiensia et Baranyensia |
| series2 | Bibliotheca Croatica-Slavonica, Sirmiensia et Baranyensia : Studije |
| spelling | Andrić, Stanko 1967- Verfasser (DE-588)123057930 aut Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti Stanko Andrić Slavonski Brod Hrvatski Inst. za Povijest, Podružnica za Povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje [u.a.] 2007 207 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Bibliotheca Croatica-Slavonica, Sirmiensia et Baranyensia : Studije 9 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Vinkovci in the Middle Ages Geschichte 300-1700 gnd rswk-swf Vinkovci (DE-588)4108282-5 gnd rswk-swf Vinkovci (DE-588)4108282-5 g Geschichte 300-1700 z DE-604 Bibliotheca Croatica-Slavonica, Sirmiensia et Baranyensia Studije ; 9 (DE-604)BV014246228 9 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017593923&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017593923&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Andrić, Stanko 1967- Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti Bibliotheca Croatica-Slavonica, Sirmiensia et Baranyensia |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4108282-5 |
| title | Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti |
| title_auth | Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti |
| title_exact_search | Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti |
| title_full | Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti Stanko Andrić |
| title_fullStr | Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti Stanko Andrić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti Stanko Andrić |
| title_short | Vinkovci u srednjem vijeku |
| title_sort | vinkovci u srednjem vijeku podrucje grada vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti |
| title_sub | područje grada Vinkovaca od kasne antike do kraja turske vlasti |
| topic_facet | Vinkovci |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017593923&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017593923&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV014246228 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT andricstanko vinkovciusrednjemvijekupodrucjegradavinkovacaodkasneantikedokrajaturskevlasti |