Lietuva prieš LTSR: monografija
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Lithuanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Vilnius
Versus Aureus
2007
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 351 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789955340645 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text |
TURINYS
PRATARTIS
.7
¡VADAS
arba
šis
tas
аріє
riešuto tvirtybe
.
її
I
DALIS. Negandai atslinkus
.14
II
DALIS. Laukiant lüzio (1942-ieji)
.74
III
DALIS. Tarp vilties
ir desperacijos
(1943-1944
m. vasara)
.137
IV
DALIS.
„Mes
geriame
j
jus
iš kapo"
(і944
m.
vasara
-1945
m. pavasaris)
.214
PABAIGOS
ŽODIS
.261
LITERATURA IR
ŠALTINIAI
.279
ASMENVARDŽiyRODYKLÉ
.
338
LIETUVA
PRIEŠ
LTSR
SUMMARY
Lithuanian emigres at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries acquired
rich experience in the information war. This book is an attempt at an
overview of how emigres and the Lithuanian diplomatic service (LDS)
used information as a weapon at the start of the occupation of Lithua¬
nia in
1940-1945
to support the attempts by Lithuania to regain its
independence. Both the emigre community and the LDS represented
Lithuania to leaders of foreign states and the wider public as an ille¬
gally annexed, yet still independent and legally existing, state.
At the same time, the author tries to describe the situation with
information at the beginning of the
1940s,
when
émigrés
and the LDS
used information to achieve their various goals, such as for separate
operations against a person or an opposing organisation, or for bigger
campaigns to neutralise the damage done by a hostile press, to form
a positive image and influence public opinion, and to influence the
decisions of different governments in favour of Lithuania's case. The
changes
ofinformation
myths are tracked, that is, which facts and ar¬
guments were used to support the aims at different stages. The author
also makes an attempt to expose secret information processes (the us¬
age of intelligence).
The changing situation of
1940-1945
defines the "fragmented" struc¬
ture of the book, according to the historical circumstances and the
features of the use
ofinformation.
The book consists of four parts:
•
The first part looks into public perceptions and the changes in
them, and into information activity in relation to the reactions
to the occupation of Lithuania by the Soviets (in
1940)
and the
Nazis
(1941-1942).
270
•
lhe
second part
is devoted to the events of
1942,
when infor¬
mation activity was influenced by the fact that the USA joined
in World War II and became an ally of the USSR.
•
The third part deals with the information activity of
1943
and
the first half of
1944,
when there was a hope of evading the
Soviet occupation.
•
The fourth part deals with the second half of
1944
and the be¬
ginning of
1945,
when all information attempts became a reac¬
tion to the second occupation of Lithuania by the Soviets.
Writing the book was rather problematic, because the events
in the emigre community of this time are not the focus of much inter¬
est. Only a few researchers analyse episodes or persons in the emigre
life of the time. Therefore, the main source was archival material and
the press from the time.
In the middle of the 20th century, the Lithuanian
émigré
communi¬
ty was already mature, but it went through significant changes. At the
beginning of the
1920s,
when the USA halted immigration, the com¬
munity stopped growing.
Émigrés
from independent Lithuania were
re-directed, and their communities in South America (Brazil, Argen¬
tina and Uruguay) and Canada started growing. They went through
similar processes as the community in the USA had several decades
before. Political, public, cultural and religious institutions grew within
them, and specific information spaces were evolving. They were in¬
fluenced also by the LDS, which supported parishes, educational in¬
stitutions and the press. At the same time, we can notice a division
of the communities into separate streams and usage of information
means for their own goals. The diplomats had less impact on Ameri¬
can immigrants, especially after the coup of
1927
in Lithuania, which
'he majority of immigrants regarded with animosity. However, much
changed after the
1940
occupation by the Soviets, which was support-
ed by
émigrés
from Communism without hesitation.
The basis of the information activity of the
émigré
community in
tttó USA
and other countries was, as previously, the dissemination of
P"nted and oral information that influenced processes in the com¬
ity and in its political streams. This was especially true of the new
271
LIETUVA
PRIEŠ LTSR
communities and radical emigre groups in the USA: with the help of
the Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP), a strong stream of Commu¬
nists owning information infrastructures formed.
The dissemination of oral information was continued through
speakers; however, the earlier group of amateur speakers became
weaker, because new people rarely joined it, despite all the attempts
of the Communists to train new speakers. The speakers were further
used to spread information at one event (a meeting or circle) and with¬
in so-called "speech tours", but these were smaller and attracted fewer
people than in the
1920s
and
1930s.
Cinema was still popular, but the
Communists had better possibilities, as they could use films produced
and dubbed in Lithuanian in the USSR during World War II. Their
opponents had just a few copies of old films about Lithuania, and had
no hopes getting the material into film chronicles. The radio had a
wide influence, and different groups of emigres had several Lithua¬
nian radio hours. The attempts to organise radio broadcasting from
the BBC or the USA to Lithuania were not successful; neither were the
efforts of diplomats to commemorate Independence Day (February
16)
by radio messages. Some visual information means were used in
the events organised by Americans in support of the US military ac¬
tion. Folklore groups were active in this context, but this was far from
the achievements of the emigre community during World War I.
It was easy to get information from Lithuania before
1940.
The edi¬
torial boards of emigre periodicals usually received it from their spe¬
cial correspondents or luce-minded supporters in Lithuania. Informa¬
tion from colonies was received through the network of freelance cor¬
respondents or by exchanging information with other publications.
Another channel was the monitoring of the press.
The occupation of Lithuania cut off the flow of information from
Lithuania.
Émigrés
did not have a chance to send representatives to
Lithuania as they had during World War I. They had to rely on stories
brought by rare persons arriving and information collected through
various channels. When Germany occupied Lithuania in June
19fr
the members of the LCP who fled to the USSR had an advantage. Ihey
received information about Lithuania from their envoys via radio
communication, and could use Soviet intelligence information.
272
Émigrés
did not have these possibilities. Their contacts with US
intelligence and other allies were rare. Besides, they were objects of
Soviet surveillance themselves. P. Rotomskis was sent to work in the
Consulate General of the USSR in New York, and he actually led the
LCP. Members of the LCP instigated him to get access to opposing
organisations and to collect information about them.
The traditional institutions of information collection, the emigre
mass media, were losing their power. Press dissemination tours to col¬
onies, subscriptions and press campaigns disappeared, or lost strength
and served to preserve the earlier situation. After the
1920s,
special
information structures, information bureaus, disappeared. Even the
Lithuanian embassy in the USA did not have a press department. Af¬
ter the occupation of Lithuania, the old experience was remembered
again, and the following institutions were created: the Lithuanian Cul¬
tural Institute, the Lithuanian-American Information Center, the In¬
formation Bureau in Berne, etc. Consulates and embassies turned into
information centres, but none was as active and inventive, or had bet¬
ter connections with the non-Lithuanian press, as J.
Gabryś'
Lithua¬
nian Information Bureau in Switzerland and the Information Bureau
in Washington in the
1920s
and
1930s
Information actions aimed to achieve various goals: to break the in¬
formation blockade (such as LDS efforts to publish information about
Lithuania in the American press), to influence decision-makers (meet¬
ings of LDS representatives with officials of the USA and other states,
ending memoranda to them), to neutralise the information spread by
others, and to preserve or leak information.
Émigrés
exploited USA
wartime information control, and supplied specially tailored informa¬
tion about opponents to governmental institutions.
ВУ
the
1920s,
most of the information processes in the emigre
community were directed towards internal community aims, but
the events of the
1940s
made everyone re-address them again, and
Sf*kthe restoration of Lithuania's independence. For this purpose, a
s*eme created several decades ago was used: letters of protest and
reports on Soviet repressions were sent to institutions of the USA and
°«er countries, as well as demands to support the right of Lithua-
nia to independence and not to recognize it as a part of the USSR;
273
LIETUVA
PRIEŠ
LTSR
the mistakes about Lithuania in the non-Lithuanian press were con¬
stantly corrected; protest meetings and other events were organised,
and American politicians were invited to attend them, in the hope of
drawing the attention of the local media.
This period differed from the
1910s
and
1920s,
as no long-term in¬
formation campaign model was created. One of the reasons for this
was the rapid development of events (one occupying power was ex¬
changed for another, and that one was clearly temporary). There was
no clear structure that was active all the time, like
Gabryś'
Lithuanian
Information Bureau, and no significant actions similar to the Lithua¬
nian Days announced by W. Wilson and the Pope during World War I.
The participants in information confrontation had clear goals: one
side was defending the right of Lithuania to independence, the other
tried to confirm the myth that Lithuania had voluntarily joined the
USSR and had become an integral part of it. Both sides sought rela¬
tions with the leaders of other countries, and tried to provide them
with information that could result in decisions useful to the relevant
side. These efforts were united with those of two other countries that
had suffered a similar fate, Latvia and Estonia. Both sides also tried
to influence public opinion. One side struggled to create and develop
special information institutions; the other, the Communists, did not
formally create anything, but acted in co-operation, led from back¬
stage by Rotomskis.
Information centres used the same model as their predecessors
had several decades ago: they published and disseminated literature,
they sent material to the
émigré
and US press, they stimulated writing
by emigres, they provided information about Lithuania and the sup¬
port of emigres for its cause, they lobbied the governments of other
countries, they prepared resolutions and sent them to politicians, they
looked for contacts among the political elite, but they did not have the
same support that was provided by the Committee on Public Informa¬
tion in
1917-1918.
During this period, no one had enough resolution to work on the
campaign to solicit support for Lithuania as in
1919,
when Carl Byoir
and his team, not to speak of other smaller companies, were hired to
conduct it. Only the Nationalist Party (Tautininkai) tried to
рЬУ
274
PR specialists to collect money for their foundation. They also exploit¬
ed A. Smetona for that purpose. Nothing helped to influence the US
Congress to include the issue of the Baltic States in its agenda, as was
done in
1919.
There could be several reasons for this: the
émigré
com¬
munity was growing old and its activities diminished, and the younger
generation was torn apart by disagreements between fractions and
with the LDS. The latter had ruined the efforts to consolidate wider
groups of
émigrés.
The missed opportunities were evidenced by the
large sums spent to buy US war bonds by
émigrés,
while the national
funds attracted very few donors.
However, the biggest barrier was the Western countries that did not
acknowledge the annexation of the Baltic States in
1940.
Officially they
agreed to recognise the fact of the occupation; however, being allies of
the USSR in the war, they chose to ignore it and allowed the emi¬
gre community and the LDS to hope that the fate of the Baltic States
would be decided after the war in the spirit of the Atlantic Charter.
Lithuanian diplomats tried to retain their initiative in the actions
taken beyond the
émigré
community, and very often their actions did
damage the common efforts. The LDS had much better conditions for
lobbying, but more significant outcomes, such as meeting with
F.D.
Roosevelt or other senior American officials, could most often be
achieved with the help of contacts in the
émigré
community. There
were multiple reasons to explain this situation, but the complicated
Personality of P. Zadeikis, the Lithuanian ambassador to the USA, and
bis wish to control all the actions were among them.
lhe
character and intensity of information wars are usually defi¬
ned by the goals and the need to neutralise the information impact
ofthe enemy. Despite the fragmentation of the emigre community,
'here was only one main enemy: the USSR and its Communist emigre
allies (other enemies did not make any trouble, except some Polish
tempts to argue their right to Vilnius). Both fighting sides wanted to
influence the decisions ofthe governments of Western countries and
the opinions of their populations. One side tried to convince them
that Lithuania should be independent, the other that it should remain
«a integral part of the USSR.
275
LIETUVA
PRIEŠ LTSR
These goals influenced the creation
ofinformation
mythology and
its use for cognitive frameworks. In this case, one side tried to main¬
tain the image of the Republic of Lithuania as a country that had lost
its sovereignty only temporarily, but still existed legally as a state with
real governmental institutions. The other side created the myth about
free voting and elections that resulted in the Soviet Socialist Republic
of Lithuania voluntarily joining the USSR, and achieving huge results
in just one year; its people were fighting Fascism together with other
Soviet republics, and protested against imperialist attempts to dismiss
its choice.
Both sides used historical facts by modifying them to fit in with
these images. If one side treated the medieval wars with the Crusaders
as an honoured part of history that served to stop Mongolian penetra¬
tion to the West and the Crusaders' invasion of the East, the other side
emphasised the close partnership with the Russians in these wars.
The views on the history of the 20th century were also different.
For one side, the fight for independence was evidence of the people's
will to be independent, the years of independence were treated as a
period of a social, economic and cultural flourishing. For the other
side, the period
1918-1920
was evidence of the intrigues of Western
imperialists seeking to weaken the future USSR by creating around it
a shield of puppet states; and the years of independence were marked
by the elite's concern about its well-being and by the persecution of
all progressive forces, that ended with an invitation to Germany to
occupy Lithuania.
The cornerstone of creating myths for both sides was the year i94°>
and the events in Lithuania and around it. One side was promoting
ideas about annexation and the coercive inclusion of the country into
the USSR. Another talked about a mass revolution and its free will
expressed in voluntarily joining the USSR. The insurrection of June
1941
for one side was a sign that the people were against joining the
USSR, and of the hope of regaining independence; for the other it was
just the actions of several traitors.
Both sides created myths about the opposition to the German oc¬
cupation. One side described the peaceful boycotting of German de¬
mands and resulting repressions; the other told about fantastic bloody
276
massacres
and unbelievable partisan battles, as well as paying much
attention to the myth of the 16th Lithuanian Division as a national
fighting unit.
Despite the years of independence, the Lithuanian state and his¬
tory were not widely known in the world. There were still remarks in
the international press that Lithuanians and Russians were the same
nation. The Soviet side successfully exploited myths of the strategic
security of its borders and the legitimate return of historically owned
lands (including the Baltic states), thus appealing to the wider Ameri¬
can public (what would happen if Florida decided to separate from the
USA, and the world discussed
ifit
should join the USA again). In this
case, the opponents could fall back on the Atlantic Charter, stating
that territorial changes could not be recognized against the will of the
local population.
Inside the emigre community, the Soviet side sought that all ac¬
knowledge Lithuania as part of the USSR. It was active in attracting as
many
émigrés as
possible to the actions to support the Soviet strug¬
gle: sending parcels and letters to soldiers in the 16th Division, that is,
using "foot in the door" tactics. The other side tried to use the same
opportunities to collect signatures to a petition to send to Roosevelt,
but could not achieve the same strength as in the
1920s.
The emphasis on cruel Soviet repressions, deportations and massa¬
ges on the one hand, and the mixing of both real and fictional killings
of Jews and Lithuanians by Germans on the other, were also used to
revive the myth of the martyr exploited during World War I. Thus,
b°th sides were trying to relate martyrdom to the right of a true
Li¬
tanian:
the American patriot who supports US war actions or takes
P»t in them directly, and only wants for his sacrifices one thing, jus-
ϋ«
for his historic homeland.
h
the information war, success depends on the participants acu¬
ity and on whether it is offensive or defensive. Speaking about
par¬
lants,
we can see experienced fighters on both sides. They gained
experience during the
1920s
and
1930s.
Inside the
émigré
community,
the fight was both offensive and defensive, but beyond its borders the
^Porters of Lithuanian independence had to catch up with events
and defend the interests of Lithuania in a situation when the possibi-
277
LIETUVA
PRIEŠ
LTSR
lities only allowed reacting to enemy actions. No significant actions
that would attract the attention of the international media were initia¬
ted, and that was a difference from similar efforts of the period three
decades ago.
In May
1945
one of the stages in the struggle was over. Probably the
achievements of the Lithuanian side can be evaluated positively: one
of the most important aims was achieved, and the Soviet occupation
was not acknowledged as legitimate. It was firmly established that the
USA and other Western politicians, for various reasons, assigned to
Lithuania and other East European countries the role of martyrs.
The USSR and Soviet Lithuania were incapable of reaching victory
on this front. They did not reach the other goal either: Soviet Lithu¬
ania was not acknowledged in the emigre community, except by the
Communists. Both parties tried to expand their influence, but there
is no reliable data about which one won. We can use only data found
in the press about the numbers of participants at meetings and the
amount of donations collected. But this data is not entirely reliable, as
the numbers were the object of a struggle as well. Both parties accused
each other of exaggerating. It is possible to speculate that during these
years the political streams retained the same number of members: the
older generation was in no hurry to change their long-term views,
while young people were not interested in Lithuanian matters.
Though the emigres from Communism were optimistic about the
end of the war, probably only very few realised that a new enemy was
entering the information arena. Before leaving the USA, Rotomskis
was very aware of this enemy: tens of thousands of Lithuanians, dis¬
placed persons who had run away from the second Soviet occupation.
They caused many problems for the leaders of the Lithuanian Com¬
munist Party during the post-war years.
278 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Misiūnas, Remigijus |
| author_facet | Misiūnas, Remigijus |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Misiūnas, Remigijus |
| author_variant | r m rm |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035398483 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)254968642 (DE-599)BVBBV035398483 |
| era | Geschichte 1940-1945 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1940-1945 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Litauen |
| id | DE-604.BV035398483 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2025-01-07T13:10:38Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789955340645 |
| language | Lithuanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-017319167 |
| oclc_num | 254968642 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 351 S. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Versus Aureus |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Misiūnas, Remigijus Verfasser aut Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija Remigijus Misiūnas Vilnius Versus Aureus 2007 351 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1940-1945 gnd rswk-swf Widerstand (DE-588)4079262-6 gnd rswk-swf Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 gnd rswk-swf Besetzung (DE-588)4006020-2 gnd rswk-swf Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 gnd rswk-swf Litauen (DE-588)4074266-0 g Besetzung (DE-588)4006020-2 s Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 s Widerstand (DE-588)4079262-6 s Geschichte 1940-1945 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017319167&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017319167&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Misiūnas, Remigijus Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija Widerstand (DE-588)4079262-6 gnd Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 gnd Besetzung (DE-588)4006020-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4079262-6 (DE-588)4012401-0 (DE-588)4006020-2 (DE-588)4074266-0 |
| title | Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija |
| title_auth | Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija |
| title_exact_search | Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija |
| title_full | Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija Remigijus Misiūnas |
| title_fullStr | Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija Remigijus Misiūnas |
| title_full_unstemmed | Lietuva prieš LTSR monografija Remigijus Misiūnas |
| title_short | Lietuva prieš LTSR |
| title_sort | lietuva pries ltsr monografija |
| title_sub | monografija |
| topic | Widerstand (DE-588)4079262-6 gnd Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 gnd Besetzung (DE-588)4006020-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Widerstand Diplomat Besetzung Litauen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017319167&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017319167&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT misiunasremigijus lietuvapriesltsrmonografija |