O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Slovenian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Ljubljana
Inšt. za Novejšo Zgodovino
2006
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Zbirka Razpoznavanja
5 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 323 S. |
| ISBN: | 9616386115 9789616386111 |
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| 650 | 4 | |a Wirtschaft | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | Pregled vsebine
NEKAJ
MISLI
KNJIGI NA POT
9
VLOGA
SLOVENSKIH INTELEKTUALCEV
PRI EMANCIPACIJI SLOVENCEV
11
I.
POGLEDI POSAMEZNIKOV
29
Švedski merkantilist J. F.
Кгудег
v
glasilu
Kranjske kmetijske družbe
18.
stoletja
31
О
gospodarskih
in
družbenih pogledih
V.
F. Kluna
47
O protekcionističnih
nazorìh
Jjubljanskega
trgovca
V. C. Supana
71
О
socialnih in
gospodarskih
nazorìh
Ferda
Kočevarja
96
II.
SKUPINSKI NAZORI
109
О
različnih pogledih na
sociálno
in
delavsko
vprašanje
v
Notranji Avstrifi
ín
Trstu
v
predmarčni dobi
111
Gospodarski
in sociálni
nazori
Bleiweisovega krog
a
130
Slovenski duhovniki
in družbeno-gospodarske
rozmere
na
Slovenskem v
19.
stoletju
151
O sodalnih
in
gospodarskih
nazorìh
nemškega meščanstva na Kranjskem
od konca
60.
do začetka
80.
let
19.
stoletja
167
Ruski mir ,
južnoslovanská
zadruga
in
slovenski
liberalei
202
III. DOŽIVLJANJE
PROCESOV
221
Odmev industrijske revolucije na Štajerskem
v
prvi polovici
19.
stoletja
223
Karl Ludwig von Brück,
Trst
ín
Slovenci
245
Velika gospodarska kriza
1873 in
Slovenci
263
POVZETEK
281
SUMMARY
293
VIRI IN
LITERATURA
305
OSEBNO KAZALO
311
8
Summary
»The 19th century was a time of great expectations
of progress and
utopia,
which greatly intensified in the
last decades of the century in particular«, says the Ger¬
man historian Alexander Schmidt-Gernig. »More than
any other turn of the century, the period around
1900
was a time of excited literary and political deliberation,
scientific and technical prediction, religious prophesies
of the world s end and redemption, as well as of the
certainty of future revolution, and an associated com¬
pletely new social order. Contemporary diagnoses were
greatly influenced by fear of the future as well as by
future oriented hopes, which was mainly the result of
profound revolutionary processes caused by modern in¬
dustrialization
. « *
The Slovene space was in the 19th century relative¬
ly well informed about the major changes being experi¬
enced by the more rapidly developing Western Europe,
and particularly by Great Britain, with modern indus¬
trialization and the introduction of scientific and techni¬
cal discoveries in manufacturing and trade. Information
on the »miracles« of the new technical and industrial
period, accompanied by enthusiasm for modernization
and progress, started to advance in lands inhabited by
1
Alexander
Schmidt-Gering, Zukunftsmodel Amerika, Das europäische Bürger¬
tum und die amerikanische Herausforderung um 1900, Da neue Jahrhundert, Eu¬
ropäische Zeitdiagnosen und Zukunftsentwürfe um 1900, Hsg. Von Ute Frevert,
Vandenhoeck&Ruprecht, Göttingen 2000, p. 79.
SUMMARY
293
Slovenes as early as the thirties of the 19th century,
when the censorship in the Hapsburg Monarchy was
slightly eased. The most important Inner Austrian and
Slovene pre-March
(1848)
windows on the world in this
respect were
Graz
and Trieste. In
1838,
the Association
for the Promotion and Support of Industry in Inner Aus¬
tria was founded as one of many institutions established
by Archduke
Johann,
and which, through its journal,
the Inner Austrian Industry and Crafts Gazette, became
the most important promoter of industrialization and of
economic and social change in the Trieste hinterland in
the forties of the 19th century. In Trieste, from the be-
ginningOf the 1840s merchants and economic planners
inclined to the Austrian economic rise grouped them¬
selves around the insurance and shipping company,
Austrian Lloyd, led by the future Austrian Minister of
Finance
Karl Ludwig von Brück.
Their journal was the
Austrian Lloyd Journal, written in German, which, in
the decade before the revolutionary year
1848,
became
the main Austrian journal of economics and politics.
The articles and commentaries published by the Aus¬
trian Lloyd Journal not only expressed the views of the
Trieste merchants, but also the standpoints of the more
liberally oriented Vienna middle classes and the court
itself.
Circles in both
Graz
and Vienna were persuaded
that the future of Austria, of the Trieste hinterland and
of Trieste itself, was in industrial development and mod¬
ernisation of business and trade, following the example
of Western Europe. In this sense, as the »producers
spokesmen«, in
Graz
they proved that changes should
be well considered and gradual and should be based
on knowledge, reflection, state support and a larger so¬
cial role of the »productive classes.« In the industry and
crafts association and its journal, they saw their lead¬
ing role in spreading enthusiasm for technology, sci¬
ence and industry, in providing information on techni¬
cal innovations, new production procedures and tools,
and in constantly calling on the authorities to consider
the »economic view« in their decisions, and to modernize
and liberalize the Austrian economic, political and cus¬
toms system. In Trieste, there was less enthusiasm for
294
technology and industry, and the attention of the Lloyd s
circle was focused on issues of the Austrian economic
and, particularly, foreign trade policy. In the Austrian
Lloyd Journal, the Vienna and Trieste correspondents
highlighted the harmful effects of high customs protec¬
tive measures and of Austrian foreign trade regulations
oriented towards prohibition, and simultaneously open¬
ly called for a shift to liberal economic policy, in their
eyes personified by Richard Cobden and Manchester.
However, in spite of enthusiasm for modern industri¬
al achievements on the one hand, and for the ideas of
economic liberalism on the other, in neither
Graz nor
Trieste did they conceal the dramatic social contrasts
accompanying the formation of modern capitalist in¬
dustrial society. It is true that they tried to defend mod¬
ern industry, machinery, and entrepreneurs against the
criticism that they were to blame for the workers pov¬
erty but, in the same breath, they warned that strained
social, labour-employer relations represented a serious
danger and threat to the industrialization process and
to the emerging industrial-capitalist society. In the Aus¬
trian Lloyd Journal in the last years of the pre-March
1848
period, they already extensively presented in this
light the ideas of the French socialists, and even certain
findings of the book by
Friedrich Engels
»On the Condi¬
tion of Working Class in England«. Hereby, according to
Lorenz
Stein, they valued the socialist views with cer¬
tain reservation, and stressed the claims of Saint Simon
and Fourier on the connection of an individual with the
entire »social organism«, while decisively rejecting com¬
munism (they mentioned
Babeuf
and Buonarotti among
its ideologists).
The Inner Austrian Trade Journal and the Austrian
Lloyd Journal had subscribers and readers in
Styria,
Carniola, Carinthia and the Littoral, but local and pro¬
vincial papers in these areas did not adapt or reprint
their articles. In selecting articles and in reporting on
progress, science and industry, their editors were much
more reserved, and from time to time even published
negative and pessimistic reflections in the pages of the
papers they edited, striving for the preservation of tra¬
ditional relations and »immuteable« inherited moral and
SUMMARY
295
religious values. Nevertheless, in the provincial capitals
and in agricultural societies they cautiously joined the
persuasion that one should gradually open to »novel¬
ties«, improvements and modernization. Thus even Jan-
ez
Bleiweis,
prior to
1848,
gave his Novice (News) the
slogan: «He who does not swim with time, drowns in its
gallop«, although he remained an advocate of slow and
deliberate change, right up to his death and, as he said
in
1867,
rejected any idea of revolution or radical social
transformation.
Bleiweis was
an adherent of reforms and a realis¬
tic practical man, brought up in the enlightenment and
rationalist spirit, who constantly pointed out that na¬
tional prosperity and national autonomy could not ex¬
ist without a firm economy. He and his supporters be¬
lieved that the lands with a Slovene population should
continue for some time (that is also in the second half
of the 19th century) to retain the prevailing agrarian-
farming social and economic system, and gradually to
industrialize only on the basis of modernized agricul¬
ture. On the one hand this standpoint was founded on
the physiocratic image of the farmer as the most im¬
portant of the »productive states« and an indispensable
element of social stability and, on the other, on entirely
factual finding that the Slovenes, lacking capital and an
extended trade network, had no real potential for their
own industrial development, while opening to foreign
capital would bring Germanization. In his judgement
of the most urgent modernization mechanisms, Blei-
weis remained throughout his life bound to the mes¬
sages and images of the Enlightenment. According to
him, the precondition and principal factors of economic
development were education, self-discipline, diligence,
ingenuity and »willingness« to change. Economic and
social processes were supposed to run simultaneously
by maintaining balance in the »social organism« and by
enabling its «organic growth«, while the State was sup¬
posed to keep watch over them and provide protection
of the most endangered (classes) by preventing their
exploitation. Consequently, although they agreed that
the economy should get rid of the »old chains« and that
liberal competition was an important incentive to eco-
296
nomic development,
Bleiweis
and the collaborators of
Novice (News) decisively rejected the Austrian flirtation
with liberal economic policy and, from the sixties of the
19th century on, accused the government in Vienna of
unilaterally supporting »large factory owners, large mer¬
chants and large capital«.
Ever since the first half of the 19th century, Blei-
weis s modernization endeavours and the activities of
the
Bleiweis
Novice circle were supported by some phys-
iocratically oriented clergy, who wrote farming manu¬
als and encouraged the transformation of the Slovene
countryside by drawing attention to the principles of
modern farm management. In contrast to
Bleiweis,
his
collaborators and his fellow thinkers among the cler¬
gy, the members of the Carniolan Chamber of Crafts
and Trades, the majority of which were Slovene since
1866,
thought that the lands in the Trieste hinterland
also had favourable possibilities for the development
of trade and industry. They needed, though, an effi¬
cient and up-to-date traffic infrastructure. Optimistic
ideas in this direction were additionally encouraged by
the construction and opening of the Suez Canal in the
1860s. The Slovene chairman of the Carniolan Cham¬
ber of Crafts and Trades, the Ljubljana merchant Val¬
entin
C. Supan,
together with the Slovene members of
the Chamber and some Slovene politicians, persuaded
that the new waterway in the eastern Mediterranean
opened entirely new development potentials to Trieste
and the Inner Austrian lands, called for the construc¬
tion of an ambitious railway network, whereby Caxniola
and Ljubljana would become a major international traf¬
fic crossroads. The Illyrian Railways programme, pub¬
lished in
1872
and signed by Valentin
C. Supan, Etbin
Costa and Lovro Toman, was the first plan of traffic and
economic linkage of the Slovene territory. Its signato¬
ries advocated the construction of a railway transversal,
which was to connect south Germany (Bavaria) with
Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Ottoman Empire and
Istanbul through Carniola and Ljubljana. In the East-
West direction, the railway was supposed to run from
Budapest through
Styria
and Ljubljana to Trieste and
Italy, while the Austrian capital, Vienna, was supposed
summary
297
to get a new connection with Trieste, independent of the
private »southern railway«, in a North-South direction,
similarly running through Carniola. The railway plans
of V.C.
Supan
and Slovene political leaders were ear¬
nestly backed not only by both Slovene political camps,
but also by the Carniolan German party, since its lead¬
ers agreed that such a traffic network, with a railway
from Ljubljana towards
Karlovac, Bihać
and Sarajevo,
would open the door to the very promising »eastern, Ot¬
toman and Levantine markets« for regions in the Trieste
hinterland, which would accelerate their industrial de¬
velopment. »Carniola is not just the key region on the
way to the Adriatic Sea, but also the key region on the
way to the Orient«, stated the German
Laibacher Tag¬
blatt
in
1873.
»One need only consider how much con¬
cealed power there is in this (Carniola) province, and
how rapidly this province, as soon as these powers are
stimulated and used, would promptly and rapidly de¬
velop towards a new Belgium.«2
However, most of the Slovene national leaders
strongly supported the anti-liberal orientation of the
Carniola Chamber of Crafts and Trades, presided over
by Valentin
C. Supan
from
1866 - 1874.
Valentin
С
Supan
was one of the first men in the Slovene camp to
realise, as early as the second half of the 19th century,
the importance of knowledge of economic history and
economic theory and so tried to substantiate his eco¬
nomic-political ideas by relying on various economic-
political thinkers. In several of his writings, in German
and in Slovene, published in the sixties and seventies
of the 19th century, he decisively rejected the liberal
trade orientation of the Austrian government and, cit¬
ing
Friedrich
List and the American protectionist Henry
Carey, advocated a return to a policy of protection of
domestic production. In contrast with List and Carey,
according to
Supan
Adam Smith was a big »destroyer of
the countries and their economies« since, together with
leading English politicians and in line with »egoistic
English interests«, he supported the disastrous
»laisser
2
Since the first half of the 19th century, Belgium had been an example of a small
country with efficient and rapid industrialization.
298
faire«.
The principle »buy cheap and sell expensive«, im¬
posed by Smith as the guideline of economic science,
although true in itself, was still misleading under con¬
crete conditions, since the work of other people can only
be bought by someone able to sell his own work. With
Great Britain s major economic advantages, free trade
was only an
utopia
that could not be implemented until
»the world becomes a single state.« As long as different
countries with different spiritual and material potentials
still exist, more rapidly developing countries will always
destroy weaker ones,
Supan
claimed. In short: for free
trade it was only necessary to create a world with equal
natural resources and equal spiritual, material and hu¬
man resources,
-
so in given specific relations among
European countries and economies the Hapsburg Mon¬
archy, which, according to
Supan,
supposedly had ex¬
traordinary natural riches and »everything it needed«,
should turn away from liberal economic principles and
refocus
on the »protection of domestic labour.«
Supans
opposition to the liberal economic and po¬
litical trends prevailing in Vienna government circles in
the sixties and first half of the seventies of the 19th
century, were supported equally by Staroslovenci (Old
Slovenes) and Mladoslovenci (Young Slovenes). Both
thought that »simple national-economic conditions«
should be changed as soon as possible, and that it
could only be done by raising »national culture«, and
by »material help to the nation«. In this sense, the Slov¬
ene liberal camp, from the end of the sixties strove for
the systematic founding of »local savings banks all over
Slovenia«, and for the promotion of »the productivity
of Slovene lands through all types of national efforts«
while, similar to the Old Slovene conservatives, they re¬
jected more radical economic and social change, and
mistrusted the market economy and modern industrial¬
ization. In the sixties and the seventies, certain notable
representatives of the Young Slovenes
(Ferdo Kočevar,
Janko
and
Josip
Sernec and
Josip Vošnjak)
even said
that the Slavs and Slovenes, if they wished to avoid the
decay of farmers and agriculture and the social ten¬
sions caused (in their own words) by liberal capitalism
and individualism, should take a different route to de-
SUMMARY
299
velopment
than Western Europe. In this respect, they
idealized the Russian and the South Slav agricultural
collectivism, and Russian craft cooperatives and thought
that the social tensions that followed the introduction of
capitalistic social and economic relations, could be al¬
leviated by stimulating an awareness of common inter¬
ests, by forming family and craft cooperatives and even
by »social ownership of people s labour, producing in
the same areas of the economy«, as
Josip Sernec
wrote
in
1874.
Josip Vošnjak
was a little more down to earth,
saying categorically that Russian
»mir«
and South Slav
family cooperatives could not serve as a model in solv¬
ing the problem of the Slovene farmer and proposed the
legal imposition of the indivisibility of farm land within
the scope of a «permanent farmer s home«, which was
intended to ensure the survival of the farming family.
But
Vošnjak
also pointed out that progress and the
19th century »inventions« had not increased general
prosperity and »happiness«, mostly due to »liberal capi¬
talism«, which »enabled the unlimited accumulation of
wealth« by individuals and caused the poverty in which
»the present human race is writhing and moaning.«
Under such conditions in the Slovene territory of
the sixties and the seventies of the 19th century, liberal
economic principles were fairly sporadically advocated
only in the circle grouped around the Carniolan German
journal
Laibacher Tagblatt. In Laibacher Tagblatt
(and
partly also in
Laibacher Zeitung),
particularly during
the time of the German liberal regime in Austria, they
emphasized the importance of free competition and free
exchange for economic development and said that, at
a time of ever more rapid communications, steam en¬
gines and telegraphs, economic freedom was an inevita¬
ble precondition of »any progress.« Among the most en¬
thusiastic advocates of progress and economic freedom
who contributed to Laibacher Tagblatt, was the »Slov¬
ene renegade«,
Vinko Fereri
Klun. Already in the fifties,
when he was still a member of the Slovene camp, Klun
was arguing that the regions in the vicinity of Trieste
had all the necessary conditions for the »factories of the
future«, and could become the »Austrian Manchester«.
Meanwhile, in the sixties and seventies, Klun and the
300
Tagblatt
correspondents and editors, headed by Karl
Dežman,
proclaimed themselves to be the only genu¬
ine representatives of the Carniola middle classes. They
thereby underestimated and negatively evaluated Slov¬
ene economic efforts and stated with self-satisfaction
that Austria could only be grateful to the dynamism of
the »German tribe« for its trade and industrial develop¬
ment. Klun and the Tagblatt editors extensively stressed
the social contrasts caused by the workers poverty and
said that advocacy of better conditions for workers with
the help of legislation and various reforms, was one of
the important tasks of the liberal movement. In spite of
their enthusiasm for economic freedom, they thought
that liberal tendencies to restrict certain state compe¬
tences did not mean that the state should completely
renounce regulating political, social and economic rela¬
tions. In this sense, they rejected radical individualism
and claimed that total freedom and unconditional »in¬
dependence of an individual« were only an ideal, which
had already failed to survive the test of practicality at
the time of the French Revolution. In the unstable six¬
ties and the critical seventies of the 19th century, the
liberal economic views disseminated by
Laibacher Tag¬
blatt,
did not gain a larger circle of adherents and so¬
cial support, even among Carniola Germans. German
craftsmen and »manufacturers«, similarly to Slovene
ones, supported the »protection of domestic labour«,
while Slovene and German notions of the potentials and
perspectives of the Carniola economy and measures to
be adopted for its more rapid development, were much
more alike than either side was willing to admit. It is
true that the endeavours of the Carniolan German poli¬
ticians to implement liberal economic and social ideas
subsequently familiarized the Carniolan public with the
principal tendencies of European and Austrian liberal¬
ism, but it simultaneously got stranded in a blind alley
with the economic recession after
1873.
As elsewhere in Austria, the economic collapse of
1873
also caused a several years of stagnation in Slov¬
ene territory, but it was not followed by a long term
economic depression and more radical economic halt,
which could greatly obstruct already established eco-
SUMMARY
301
nomic trends or deeply interfere with trade and pro¬
duction flows or the socio-economic structure. In this
sense, the crisis in Slovenia also had more tangible
ideological, political and psychological than economic
and social consequences. Slovene papers responded to
the stock exchange crash and to the economic collapse
with similar assessments and unanimously ascribed
responsibility for the encountered conditions to liberal¬
ism and to the liberal economic policy. Thus, after the
crash of the Vienna stock exchange in May
1873,
only
Laibacher Tagblatt
continued to advocate government
economic and political orientations, and even its writ¬
ing on economic policy and trade freedom became more
and more contradictory and inconsistent. In this way,
the crisis strengthened the anti-liberal disposition in all
sides, and simultaneously reinforced the conviction, at
least in part of the Slovene elite involved in economic is¬
sues, that the Slovene economy had more decisively to
tread the path of modernization. While
Bleiweis
and his
standpoint that physiocratically modernized agricul¬
ture should remain the basis of the Slovene economy
for some time more, still had numerous adherents in
the eighties and even in the nineties, not only in the
Old Slovene but also in the Young Slovene camp since
the beginning of the seventies and particularly after the
1873
crisis ever more voices were heard arguing that
capitalism and »large factories« were inevitably the Slov¬
ene future, unless the Slovenes wanted to lag behind
the developing Austrian and Western European nations
even more than then. In the last decades of the 19th
century, optimistic expectations that Trieste and its
port would accelerate economic and social moderniza¬
tion of the large Slovene (and Inner Austrian) hinterland
proved equally unfounded. Ever since the beginning of
the 20th century, when, through its new railway con¬
nection, it could reach the South German, Czech and
Lower Austrian area, hitherto dominated by the North
German ports, the port of Trieste struggled with heavy
development problems, since, together with poor traffic
connections, it could only connect with a small portion
of Austrian trade. Trieste thus had no power substan¬
tially to influence modernization processes in its
hinter-
302
land, for which, as regretfully stated by representatives
of the Trieste middle classes in the second half of the
19th century, it had no financial resources or capital,
nor institutions which could stimulate economic change
in regions linked in one way or another to the port of
Trieste.
The outline of economic and social opinions in Slov¬
enia in the 19th century shows that the men involved
in the economy in Slovene lands were only partly or to
a limited extent aware of the long-term effects of eco¬
nomic and social changes experienced by more devel¬
oped Austrian regions and by Western Europe through
industrialization and modern industrial capitalism. On
the one hand, until the end of the 19th century, they
discussed how to protect the traditional structure of
Slovene society against profound disruption and how
to direct it on the path of modernization in the least
risky and conflictual manner and, on the other hand,
fearing more radical change, they rejected more liberal
economic policy and, from the 18th century on when5
in the choice between physiocratic and
cameralist
ideas
they favoured cameralism, they continued to turn for
support and help to the state. It is true that such views
were in a way bound to the Austrian reformistic political
tradition and to state managed modernization, but they
were simultaneously also founded on the economic and
social weakness of the Slovene middle classes, which
were only slowly parting with tradition and hesitantly
flirting with the modern age.
SUMMARY
303
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Vodopivec, Peter 1946- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1089875886 |
| author_facet | Vodopivec, Peter 1946- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Vodopivec, Peter 1946- |
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| era | Geschichte 1800-1900 Geschichte 1800-1900 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1800-1900 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Slovenia Economic conditions 19th century Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Slovenia Economic conditions 19th century Slowenien |
| id | DE-604.BV035302608 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:30:49Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9616386115 9789616386111 |
| language | Slovenian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-017107446 |
| oclc_num | 311310609 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 323 S. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | Inšt. za Novejšo Zgodovino |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Zbirka Razpoznavanja |
| series2 | Zbirka Razpoznavanja |
| spelling | Vodopivec, Peter 1946- Verfasser (DE-588)1089875886 aut O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju Peter Vodopivec Ljubljana Inšt. za Novejšo Zgodovino 2006 323 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zbirka Razpoznavanja 5 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1800-1900 Geschichte 1800-1900 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte Industrie Wirtschaft Industries Slovenia History 19th century Sozioökonomischer Wandel (DE-588)4318539-3 gnd rswk-swf Slovenia Economic conditions 19th century Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 gnd rswk-swf Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 g Sozioökonomischer Wandel (DE-588)4318539-3 s Geschichte 1800-1900 z DE-604 Zbirka Razpoznavanja 5 (DE-604)BV022867517 5 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017107446&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017107446&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Vodopivec, Peter 1946- O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju Zbirka Razpoznavanja Geschichte Industrie Wirtschaft Industries Slovenia History 19th century Sozioökonomischer Wandel (DE-588)4318539-3 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4318539-3 (DE-588)4055302-4 |
| title | O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju |
| title_auth | O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju |
| title_exact_search | O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju |
| title_full | O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju Peter Vodopivec |
| title_fullStr | O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju Peter Vodopivec |
| title_full_unstemmed | O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju Peter Vodopivec |
| title_short | O gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na Slovenskem v 19. stoletju |
| title_sort | o gospodarskih in socialnih nazorih na slovenskem v 19 stoletju |
| topic | Geschichte Industrie Wirtschaft Industries Slovenia History 19th century Sozioökonomischer Wandel (DE-588)4318539-3 gnd |
| topic_facet | Geschichte Industrie Wirtschaft Industries Slovenia History 19th century Sozioökonomischer Wandel Slovenia Economic conditions 19th century Slowenien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017107446&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=017107446&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV022867517 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT vodopivecpeter ogospodarskihinsocialnihnazorihnaslovenskemv19stoletju |