Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë: 1912 -1939
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Albanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Prishtinë
Inst. Albanologjik i Prishtinës
2006
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache m.d.T: Albania and Çamëria's question |
| Beschreibung: | 388 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789951411554 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë |b 1912 -1939 |c Lush Culaj |
| 264 | 1 | |a Prishtinë |b Inst. Albanologjik i Prishtinës |c 2006 | |
| 300 | |a 388 S. |b Ill. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache m.d.T: Albania and Çamëria's question | ||
| 648 | 4 | |a Geschichte 1900-2000 | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1912-1939 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Außenpolitik | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Geschichte | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Griechenland | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Albania |x Boundaries |z Greece | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Albania |x Foreign relations |z Greece | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Greece |x Boundaries |z Albania | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Greece |x Foreign relations |z Albania | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Çamëria (Albania and Greece) |x Ethnic relations |x History |y 20th century | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Çamëria |0 (DE-588)7535113-4 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 689 | 0 | 0 | |a Çamëria |0 (DE-588)7535113-4 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Geschichte 1912-1939 |A z |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804138312040972288 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Shqipëria
dhe
çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSHCULAJ
PASQYRA
E LËNDËS
Parathënie
..............................................................................5
Hyrje:
-
Fillet
e
problemit çam
......................................................11
-
Qeveria
e
Vlorës në mbrojtje të jugut
të Çamërisë
.......27
Kapitulu i
pare:
Problemi
çam dhe çështja shqiptare
1912-1920..............41
-
Çështja
e
Çamërisë në Konferencën
e Ambasadorëve
në
Londër
1912-1913...............................................................43
-
Çamëria gjatë Luftës se Pare Botërore
..........................59
Qëndrimi
і
Qeverisë se Durrësit ndaj çështjes came
.......69
Qeveria
e
Durrësit në mbrojtje të çështjes came në Paqen
e
Versajës
1919-1920..........................................................77
-
Qëndrimi
і
Qeverisë se Lushnjës ndaj çështjes se
Çamërisë
............................................................................113
Kapitulli
і
dytë:
Çështja came dhe
problemi shqiptar
1920-1924............123
-
Trajtimi
і
çështjes se Çamërisë në
Parlamentin
e
Shqipërisë
.........................................................................125
-
Në mbrojtje të çështjes kombëtare në arenën
ndërkombëtare
1921-1924...............................................135
Kapitulli
і
trete:
Çështja
e
kombëtare dhe shteti shqiptar në
vitet
387
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSHCULAJ
1925-1939...........................................................................207
-
Vijimësia
e përpjekjeve
diplomatike
1925-1928..........209
-
Trajtimi
і
emigrantëve shqiptarë nga qeveritë
e
Shqipërisë..........................................................................
243
-
Shtypi
dhe
shoqëritë shqiptare në
krah
të çështjes
kombëtare
..........................................................................263
-
Në vazhdën
e përpjekjeve
morale
për
mbrojtjen e
çështjes se Çamërisë
1929-1939.......................................291
-Përfundimi
.....................................................................335
-Rezymeja
.........................................................................347
-
Burimet
dhe literatura
...................................................359
-
Treguesi
i emrave
...........................................................373
388
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSH
COLAJ
Dr. Lush
CULAJ
ALBANIA AND
ÇAMËRIA S
QUESTION
1912 -1939
>
Summary (conclusion)
The position of Albanian state towards
Çamëria s
question in the years of
1912 - 1939,
is dealt mainly in the
light of Albanian sources
-
documentary and bibliographical
ones, enables us to draw some conclusions. Among them the
principal ones are these:
The Declaration of Independence of Albania on
November 28th,
1912
is considered one of the most
significant events in the history of Albanian people. That was
a product of age-long efforts and fighting against foreign
yoke, to defend territorial entirety (integrality) of fatherland,
and to create an Albanian independent state: The act of
Independence and raising the flag in
Vlorë
comprised a joint
victory for Albanian people, for all forces that took part in
the war for national liberation, with guns and pens, who from
Kosova
on the north to
Çameri on
the south, from the
Adriatic and the Ionian Sea on the west to
Kërçovë,
Shkup,
Preshevë
and
Kumanovë on
the east, and as well as for all
Albanians in the Diaspora anywhere in the world.
Nevertheless, the problem of territorial stretching of the
created Albanian state was in the focus of the South Eastern
European states and for the European states in general
347
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH
COLAJ
because of their greedy interests. The Balkan s allies (Serbia,
Bulgaria and Montenegro) showed their aspirations to
occupy all Albanian territories, and they were logically
against the creation of an Albanian state. The Ambassador s
Conference of London in
1913,
while drawing borders, did
not respect the ethnic principle and Albanian interests in
general, but it fulfilled the chauvinist objectives of Balkan
aggressors and also at the same time being cautious not to
aggravate relations between the Great Powers. With these
unjust decisions within the borders of Albanian state was
included only half of the Albanian territories and people
(around
28.000
square metres), while the other half remained
outside the state borders, thus it was detached arbitrary from
its motherland trunk (stock). This way, outside of its borders
remained many territories inhabited by Albanians in
Kosova,
in Montenegro, in Macedonia and in Greece. Such a partition
of territories and formation of an Albanian truncated state
mark the beginning of the one that is now called the
Albanian national question. Albania with cut limbs and
economically and politically frazzled, as an Albanian state
was due to play central role in solution of national question,
strongly backing Albanians, who though they lived in their
ethnic territories, remained detached from the national trunk.
Hereupon, it belonged to Albania to prove itself as the most
influencing factor about the position of Albanians in South
Eastern Europe.
The Provisional Government of Vlora was engaged in
protecting the rights of Albanian people only in diplomatic
way, by manoeuvring through contradictions characteristic
for the sides in conflict. Ending of the First World War with
a victory by
Antanta
Powers found Albania not only
348
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH CULAJ
politically partitioned and military occupied by forces of
some of winning powers and forces of neighbouring states,
but also in a very difficult economic situation. On the other
side the greedy neighbours required further partition of the
remained half Albania. To these demonic plans the Albanian
people tried to oppose with all its potential. There appeared
on the scene patriotic forces, who led the state in its efforts to
defend of territorial entirety and unification of Albanian
territories in a free and independent state.
However, the situation in Albania was very much
tensed. In Paris it was about to start the Peace Conference.
The circumstances imposed the idea for establishment a new
government, which would represent Albanian interests
before Great Powers (Governments). At the end of December
1918,
from the Congress of
Durrës
came out the government
of
Durrës
led by Turhan
Pashë Permeti.
The Congress of
Durrës
took the position not only in favour of the
Independence of Albania of
1913
defined by the
Ambassador s Conference, but also for a revision in its
favour of existing borders. The government of
Durrës
concluded that the territorial partition of Albania happened
firstly, because of lacking in traditional allies of Albanian
nation, and secondly because of its geographical favourable
(enviable) position.
Therefore, the positions (attitudes) of the government
of
Durrës,
held towards the national question, we view in the
context of circumstances of that time, in context of internal
situation and international developments. Although, it was in
a difficult position as a formal government, because it was
under Italian military occupation, the government of
Durrës
sent its delegation in the Versailles Peace Conference (held
349
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 »
LUSHCULAJ
from nth January
1919
until 21st January
1920)
in order to
defend (Protect) Albanian interests. However, the previous
balance of forces in international level, from which could
benefit Albanian question was destroyed, but in its disfavour.
The requirements and demands of Albanian delegation
presented before the Versailles Peace Conference were the
following: reconfirmation of Albania s Independence,
guaranteed by the London Conference in
1913,
and returning
the Albanian territories occupied by Serbia, Montenegro and
Greece.
Unfortunately, the demands of the government of
Durrës
that the detached Albanian territories be united to the
native state were not supported by decision making states
and in fact this conference sanctioned, from international
viewpoint, previous partition of Albanian territories. The
statesmen who were in this conference in Paris, except
President Wilson, continued to arrange things according to
the principle, the right belongs to more powerful one.
Albanian communities in Diaspora also contributed in
defending of the
Çamë
people, by protesting against the
annexation of
Çamëria
to Greece and with their demands that
it be united to Albania on ethnographic basis. The rancour
caused in Albania created new circumstances. The vanguard
of Albanian nationalism thought that it was right time for a
new action. Disregarding the presence of Italian army, a
group of patriots prepared the session of National Congress
of
Lushnjë,
which was held from 28th
- 3
1st January
1920.
At
the head of the New Government came Sylejman Delvina.
The Congress was in favour of an independent Albania
within its ethnic borders. The best success of Delvina s
Cabinet in foreign policy was considered the admission of
350
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSH CULAJ
Albania to the League of Nations on December 17th,
1920.
The membership of Albania in the League of Nations made
clear its position of an independent state on the basis of its
sincere intentions to respect its international obligations. The
most urgent demands the Albanian delegation presented
before the League of Nations was, freedom for Albanian
territories occupied by the Serbs, stoppage of Serbian and
Greek cruelties over Albanians who remained outside the
political Albania.
The Government of
Lushnjë,
the same way as the
other governments that followed it, extended their demands
for defending the Albanian population in Greece. Sufferings
of Albanians were augmented (increased) excessively
especially after inflicted losses of Greece by Turkey in
1922,
after which the Greece Government was forced not only to
withdraw its troops from Anadollia, but also to withdraw
(recall) the Greek population who was settled there a long
time ago. The Lossana Treaty of January 30th,
1923
decided
to exchange the Greeks of Anadollia with the Turks of Greek
territories.
Nevertheless, the year
1921
was a year of particular
importance for Albanian people. It was considered a success
the fact that at least it was saved the independence of
Albanian and territorial entirety of
1913.
This was a basis for further consolidation of Albanian
state. However, after aggravation of political struggle in
Albania, mainly after
1922,
creation of political spectrum, a
left and a right one, beginning of creation of nationalistic
concepts and moderate ones in Albanian politics and further
on, usage of patriotism as a political argument, weakened
very much the attention of state politics towards national
351
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 »
LUSH CULAJ
question. In spite of the fact that national question was an
inevitable dimension for Albanian government, the very
partition of Albanian (territorial) entirety brought on the
scene two different political irreconcilable positions
(attitudes).
The Albanian nationalism was distinguished for the
idea of continuity of political activity, not excluding even an
armed war for fulfilment of national unity. Different from
Albanian nationalism, Albanian Governmental positions
were in favour if supporting of Albanians in international
arena, keeping its neutrality and avoiding an armed conflict.
Attitudes of Albanian nationalists, according to whom the
political problem in final instance, should be solved through
a war, for the Albanian governors was a policy of illusions
and a political adventure.
Calvary of Albanians tragic sufferings under Greek
rule, makes the most painful (compassionate) of the Albanian
history. Bloody regimes were the main cause of great
Albanian population emigrations, which were performed
under terrible conditions and were costing to hundreds of
Albanians and their families with their lives. This problem
raised by the Albanian Government in the League of Nations
was of great importance, fighting so in continuity that the
Albanian population in Greece be excluded from the Turk
-
Greek exchange. Relying on this ethnical and historical
reality, which was recognised even by the Greek side,
Albanian Government took measures and actions for
protecting the rights of this population. There exist plenty
documents with demands submitted to the League of Nations
through which it was required that the Albanian Muslim
population within the Greek State, should not be included in
352
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH CULAJ
the process of exchange, presenting arguments about the
arbitrariness of Greek authorities detrimental to this
population.
Ahmet Zogu s Government was actively engaged in
opposing the plans of expulsion of Albanian population from
Çamëria.
Even through decrees for
systématisation
and by
giving land, the government made efforts to alleviate
sufferings for thousands refugees expulsed (expelled) from
their own lands in
Çamëria.
The involvement of Albanian state in this point
(problem) was inevitable and comprehensible. Although this
state was not so well organised and it was in a deep crises, its
voice was all the time loud in the international politics, and
also it had a strong influence over the Albanians who
remained outside political Albania. The role of Albania, its
complicated approaches, the policy of Albanian state was
observed through two viewpoints, through doubts between
these solutions: loyalty towards national question, or through
respecting the real report of forces. Any time has its own
truth, but the truth which is raised by negating everything,
will be negated by itself in the future. Albania of that time
did not meet legitimate aspirations of Albanian state. With
this vital problem was forced to deal with newly created
state, respectively with Albania within political borders.
Deputies of Albanian Parliament (National Council)
supported their
Çamë
brothers, by protesting in their favour.
This period of time with specific problems was also
(happening) in the years
1912-1939.
Which was the position
of Albania towards these developments outlived by
Albanians in occupied territories, in general, and in
Çamëria
in particular? This is a question that has been asked and will
353
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSHCULAJ
be asked repeatedly. We could give a right answer, only if
we study those historical events within time and space,
consequently starting from an analysis of the situation in
which was Albania at that time and of its capacities to act.
Albanian deputies expressed their thoughts that Albania was
a small and weak (powerless) country, so, in order to assure
fulfilment of human rights for their brothers outside of the
borders of
1913
they should knock at the doors of European
governments (chancelleries). The efforts and positions of
Albanian state for defending the
Çamë
population and also
all Albanians in Greece were accompanied with peculiar
features and specific problems in different historical
developments. They were dictated to a great deal by
conjunctures which were acting at that time.
The maltreatments carried out by the Greek
authorities over
Çamë
population reached to that extent that
there were human feelings rather than patriotic ones, which
forced Albanian statesmen not to close their ears to the
terrifying sounds of thousands of their brothers who suffered
under the heel of a strange regime and who loudly were
calling for help. Demands and reports presented to the
League of Nations enabled that before these international
institutions, in special meetings (sessions), during the years
1923-1928
and afterwards, Fan Noli,
Mithat
Frashëri, Benoit
Blinishti,
Mehmet Konica,
etc. to express the position of
Albanian governments in defence of the
Çamë
population.
They denounced the actions of Greek governments and of the
Mixed Commission, which falsified (distorted) the will of
this population, and, so supporting unjust actions which
brought about massive expulsion of Albanian Muslim
population from
Çamëria
and nearby provinces. This policy
354
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSHCULAJ
inflicted internal and external complications, it disturbed
(embarrassed) the public opinion in Albania and heavy
infringement of normal relations between these two states,
Albania and Greece.
However, many documents prove that Albania was
very much interested, in its policy with Greece, for a policy
of reconciliation and friendship, and for neighbouring good
relations.
Nevertheless, the issue of confiscation of
■
Çamë
population properties, or their ridiculous compensation
(payment) by the Greek state, Albanian government raised
the question continually before the League of Nations, and
also it entered into talks with the Greek Government about
this issue. The Greek Government promised that would sign
a treaty about the
Çamë
question in
1926.
In
1927-1928
the
Albanian Government addressed once
agam
the Greek
Government and required that Albanian properties (estates)
be compensated with a real price. It was convinced that the
Greek Government was able to meet kindly these proposals
in the interest of both sides. It decided to start once more
talks on this issue, and even sent delegations in Athens.
Unfortunately, these efforts did not result with a favourable
solution.
Anyhow, owing to self-sacrificing struggle of the
Albanian
Çamë
population to survive, from one side, and
efforts of Albanian Government and public opinion in
Albania on the other side, the chauvinist governments of
Athens did not succeed during the years
1912-1939
to fulfil
finally the swallowing plans to completely cleansing of
Çamëria
from Albanian population. This was considered by
Greek historiography a misfortune, an unforgettable failure.
355
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSHCULAJ
This ardent desire (yearning) the Greek chauvinist circles
succeeded to realise with an unseen barbarian repression and
cruelty in new favourable circumstances for them
immediately after the Second World War
1944-1945,
when
the majority of the
Çamë
population were massacred by the
Greek chauvinists and a considerable part of them were
compelled to settle themselves in Albania.
It. happens frequently that people who know history
and who understand in the right way the experiences from
history, to behave in politics more realistically, doing so with
no intention to put under question the interests of their
people, but on the contrary precisely in their favour: that
those interests to be wisely protected. In this context should
be answered the question: Should the Albanian diplomacy
have taken a drastic attitude towards the neighbouring states
in favour of solving the national question? It was
indispensable for Albania to be especially mindful of
possible traps set by neighbouring countries, because of the
conclusion that there did not exist any good neighbourhood
in South Eastern Europe.
If we try to give a definition about the results of
foreign policy of the Albanian state, in regard to the national
question, we could see that in the best case, it claimed for
protection of the rights of nationalities (minorities) and for
keeping a status quo; in the most delicate case, it called the
Yugoslav and Greek, governments as chauvinist ones; in the
most tolerant cases, it was ready to talk with them as with
friendly countries; in the most inferior case, it approved
silently with the reports towards Albanian nationalists; while
in the most valiant (courageous) case, it threatened that it
would resist as a nation.
356
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH
COLAJ
Nevertheless, the Albanian political class never had
any clear concepts about administration and solution of the
national question. This could be explained if we have in
mind the fact that none of the states which had and still have
a national problem, did not have (possess) any written
document to solve this problem. The explanation in this case
is quite plain as well. Countries which had national
problems, they were not lacking in ideas how to solve the
problems, but they were lacking in means (power) to realise
it. In fact, the problem was created because they were lacking
in these means at the very beginning. Finally, I can conclude
that the unsolved national question, as a backbone of our
national problem, and especially the attitude held about it,
today is one of the most politicised phenomena.
Relying on archive sources, on published documents
and on a wider historical literature, including the press
ofthat
time, I have made efforts to put some new light on the
national question and also on the attitude of the Albanian
state about this problem. I have tried to treat the
Çamëria
question with all its complexity on the basis of a genuine
analysis about positive and negative factors which have
influenced on its developments, always having in mind
historical circumstances of the time and especially the report
of forces on the international level.
357
|
| adam_txt |
Shqipëria
dhe
çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSHCULAJ
PASQYRA
E LËNDËS
Parathënie
.5
Hyrje:
-
Fillet
e
problemit çam
.11
-
Qeveria
e
Vlorës në mbrojtje të jugut
të Çamërisë
.27
Kapitulu i
pare:
Problemi
çam dhe çështja shqiptare
1912-1920.41
-
Çështja
e
Çamërisë në Konferencën
e Ambasadorëve
në
Londër
1912-1913.43
-
Çamëria gjatë Luftës se Pare Botërore
.59
Qëndrimi
і
Qeverisë se Durrësit ndaj çështjes came
.69
Qeveria
e
Durrësit në mbrojtje të çështjes came në Paqen
e
Versajës
1919-1920.77
-
Qëndrimi
і
Qeverisë se Lushnjës ndaj çështjes se
Çamërisë
.113
Kapitulli
і
dytë:
Çështja came dhe
problemi shqiptar
1920-1924.123
-
Trajtimi
і
çështjes se Çamërisë në
Parlamentin
e
Shqipërisë
.125
-
Në mbrojtje të çështjes kombëtare në arenën
ndërkombëtare
1921-1924.135
Kapitulli
і
trete:
Çështja
e
kombëtare dhe shteti shqiptar në
vitet
387
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSHCULAJ
1925-1939.207
-
Vijimësia
e përpjekjeve
diplomatike
1925-1928.209
-
Trajtimi
і
emigrantëve shqiptarë nga qeveritë
e
Shqipërisë.
243
-
Shtypi
dhe
shoqëritë shqiptare në
krah
të çështjes
kombëtare
.263
-
Në vazhdën
e përpjekjeve
morale
për
mbrojtjen e
çështjes se Çamërisë
1929-1939.291
-Përfundimi
.335
-Rezymeja
.347
-
Burimet
dhe literatura
.359
-
Treguesi
i emrave
.373
388
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSH
COLAJ
Dr. Lush
CULAJ
ALBANIA AND
ÇAMËRIA' S
QUESTION
1912 -1939
>
Summary (conclusion)
The position of Albanian state towards
Çamëria's
question in the years of
1912 - 1939,
is dealt mainly in the
light of Albanian sources
-
documentary and bibliographical
ones, enables us to draw some conclusions. Among them the
principal ones are these:
The Declaration of Independence of Albania on
November 28th,
1912
is considered one of the most
significant events in the history of Albanian people. That was
a product of age-long efforts and fighting against foreign
yoke, to defend territorial entirety (integrality) of fatherland,
and to create an Albanian independent state: The act of
Independence and raising the flag in
Vlorë
comprised a joint
victory for Albanian people, for all forces that took part in
the war for national liberation, with guns and pens, who from
Kosova
on the north to
Çameri on
the south, from the
Adriatic and the Ionian Sea on the west to
Kërçovë,
Shkup,
Preshevë
and
Kumanovë on
the east, and as well as for all
Albanians in the Diaspora anywhere in the world.
Nevertheless, the problem of territorial stretching of the
created Albanian state was in the focus of the South Eastern
European states and for the European states in general
347
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH
COLAJ
because of their greedy interests. The Balkan's allies (Serbia,
Bulgaria and Montenegro) showed their aspirations to
occupy all Albanian territories, and they were logically
against the creation of an Albanian state. The Ambassador's
Conference of London in
1913,
while drawing borders, did
not respect the ethnic principle and Albanian interests in
general, but it fulfilled the chauvinist objectives of Balkan
aggressors and also at the same time being cautious not to
aggravate relations between the Great Powers. With these
unjust decisions within the borders of Albanian state was
included only half of the Albanian territories and people
(around
28.000
square metres), while the other half remained
outside the state borders, thus it was detached arbitrary from
its motherland trunk (stock). This way, outside of its borders
remained many territories inhabited by Albanians in
Kosova,
in Montenegro, in Macedonia and in Greece. Such a partition
of territories and formation of an Albanian truncated state
mark the beginning of the one that is now called the
Albanian national question. Albania with cut limbs and
economically and politically frazzled, as an Albanian state
was due to play central role in solution of national question,
strongly backing Albanians, who though they lived in their
ethnic territories, remained detached from the national trunk.
Hereupon, it belonged to Albania to prove itself as the most
influencing factor about the position of Albanians in South
Eastern Europe.
The Provisional Government of Vlora was engaged in
protecting the rights of Albanian people only in diplomatic
way, by manoeuvring through contradictions characteristic
for the sides in conflict. Ending of the First World War with
a victory by
Antanta
Powers found Albania not only
348
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH CULAJ
politically partitioned and military occupied by forces of
some of winning powers and forces of neighbouring states,
but also in a very difficult economic situation. On the other
side the greedy neighbours required further partition of the
remained half Albania. To these demonic plans the Albanian
people tried to oppose with all its potential. There appeared
on the scene patriotic forces, who led the state in its efforts to
defend of territorial entirety and unification of Albanian
territories in a free and independent state.
However, the situation in Albania was very much
tensed. In Paris it was about to start the Peace Conference.
The circumstances imposed the idea for establishment a new
government, which would represent Albanian interests
before Great Powers (Governments). At the end of December
1918,
from the Congress of
Durrës
came out the government
of
Durrës
led by Turhan
Pashë Permeti.
The Congress of
Durrës
took the position not only in favour of the
Independence of Albania of
1913
defined by the
Ambassador's Conference, but also for a revision in its
favour of existing borders. The government of
Durrës
concluded that the territorial partition of Albania happened
firstly, because of lacking in traditional allies of Albanian
nation, and secondly because of its geographical favourable
(enviable) position.
Therefore, the positions (attitudes) of the government
of
Durrës,
held towards the national question, we view in the
context of circumstances of that time, in context of internal
situation and international developments. Although, it was in
a difficult position as a formal government, because it was
under Italian military occupation, the government of
Durrës
sent its delegation in the Versailles Peace Conference (held
349
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 »
LUSHCULAJ
from nth January
1919
until 21st January
1920)
in order to
defend (Protect) Albanian interests. However, the previous
balance of forces in international level, from which could
benefit Albanian question was destroyed, but in its disfavour.
The requirements and demands of Albanian delegation
presented before the Versailles Peace Conference were the
following: reconfirmation of Albania's Independence,
guaranteed by the London Conference in
1913,
and returning
the Albanian territories'occupied by Serbia, Montenegro and
Greece.
Unfortunately, the demands of the government of
Durrës
that the detached Albanian territories be united to the
native state were not supported by decision making states
and in fact this conference sanctioned, from international
viewpoint, previous partition of Albanian territories. The
statesmen who were in this conference in Paris, except
President Wilson, continued to "arrange things" according to
the principle, the right belongs to more powerful one.
Albanian communities in Diaspora also contributed in
defending of the
Çamë
people, by protesting against the
annexation of
Çamëria
to Greece and with their demands that
it be united to Albania on ethnographic basis. The rancour
caused in Albania created new circumstances. The vanguard
of Albanian nationalism thought that it was right time for a
new action. Disregarding the presence of Italian army, a
group of patriots prepared the session of National Congress
of
Lushnjë,
which was held from 28th
- 3
1st January
1920.
At
the head of the New Government came Sylejman Delvina.
The Congress was in favour of an independent Albania
within its ethnic borders. The best success of Delvina's
Cabinet in foreign policy was considered the admission of
350
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSH CULAJ
Albania to the League of Nations on December 17th,
1920.
The membership of Albania in the League of Nations made
clear its position of an independent state on the basis of its
sincere intentions to respect its international obligations. The
most urgent demands the Albanian delegation presented
before the League of Nations was, freedom for Albanian
territories occupied by the Serbs, stoppage of Serbian and
Greek cruelties over Albanians who remained outside the
political Albania.
The Government of
Lushnjë,
the same way as the
other governments that followed it, extended their demands
for defending the Albanian population in Greece. Sufferings
of Albanians were augmented (increased) excessively
especially after inflicted losses of Greece by Turkey in
1922,
after which the Greece Government was forced not only to
withdraw its troops from Anadollia, but also to withdraw
(recall) the Greek population who was settled there a long
time ago. The Lossana Treaty of January 30th,
1923
decided
to exchange the Greeks of Anadollia with the Turks of Greek
territories.
Nevertheless, the year
1921
was a year of particular
importance for Albanian people. It was considered a success
the fact that at least it was saved the independence of
Albanian and territorial entirety of
1913.
This was a basis for further consolidation of Albanian
state. However, after aggravation of political struggle in
Albania, mainly after
1922,
creation of political spectrum, a
left and a right one, beginning of creation of nationalistic
concepts and moderate ones in Albanian politics and further
on, usage of "patriotism" as a political argument, weakened
very much the attention of state politics towards national
351
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 »
LUSH CULAJ
question. In spite of the fact that national question was an
inevitable dimension for Albanian government, the very
partition of Albanian (territorial) entirety brought on the
scene two different political irreconcilable positions
(attitudes).
The Albanian nationalism was distinguished for the
idea of continuity of political activity, not excluding even an
armed war for fulfilment of national unity. Different from
Albanian nationalism, Albanian Governmental positions
were in favour if supporting of Albanians in international
arena, keeping its neutrality and avoiding an armed conflict.
Attitudes of Albanian nationalists, according to whom the
political problem in final instance, should be solved through
a war, for the Albanian governors was a policy of illusions
and a political adventure.
Calvary of Albanians' tragic sufferings under Greek
rule, makes the most painful (compassionate) of the Albanian
history. Bloody regimes were the main cause of great
Albanian population emigrations, which were performed
under terrible conditions and were costing to hundreds of
Albanians and their families with their lives. This problem
raised by the Albanian Government in the League of Nations
was of great importance, fighting so in continuity that the
Albanian population in Greece be excluded from the Turk
-
Greek exchange. Relying on this ethnical and historical
reality, which was recognised even by the Greek side,
Albanian Government took measures and actions for
protecting the rights of this population. There exist plenty
documents with demands submitted to the League of Nations
through which it was required that the Albanian Muslim
population within the Greek State, should not be included in
352
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH CULAJ
the process of exchange, presenting arguments about the
arbitrariness of Greek authorities detrimental to this
population.
Ahmet Zogu's Government was actively engaged in
opposing the plans of expulsion of Albanian population from
Çamëria.
Even through decrees for
systématisation
and by
giving land, the government made efforts to alleviate
sufferings for thousands refugees expulsed (expelled) from
their own lands in
Çamëria.
The involvement of Albanian state in this point
(problem) was inevitable and comprehensible. Although this
state was not so well organised and it was in a deep crises, its
voice was all the time loud in the international politics, and
also it had a strong influence over the Albanians who
remained outside political Albania. The role of Albania, its
complicated approaches, the policy of Albanian state was
observed through two viewpoints, through doubts between
these solutions: loyalty towards national question, or through
respecting the real report of forces. Any time has its own
truth, but the truth which is raised by negating everything,
will be negated by itself in the future. Albania of that time
did not meet legitimate aspirations of Albanian state. With
this vital problem was forced to deal with newly created
state, respectively with Albania within political borders.
Deputies of Albanian Parliament (National Council)
supported their
Çamë
brothers, by protesting in their favour.
This period of time with specific problems was also
(happening) in the years
1912-1939.
Which was the position
of Albania towards these developments outlived by
Albanians in occupied territories, in general, and in
Çamëria
in particular? This is a question that has been asked and will
353
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSHCULAJ
be asked repeatedly. We could give a right answer, only if
we study those historical events within time and space,
consequently starting from an analysis of the situation in
which was Albania at that time and of its capacities to act.
Albanian deputies expressed their thoughts that Albania was
a small and weak (powerless) country, so, in order to assure
fulfilment of human rights for their brothers outside of the
borders of
1913
they should knock at the doors of European
governments (chancelleries). The efforts and' positions of
Albanian state for defending the
Çamë
population and also
all Albanians in Greece were accompanied with peculiar
features and specific problems in different historical
developments. They were dictated to a great deal by
conjunctures which were acting at that time.
The maltreatments carried out by the Greek
authorities over
Çamë
population reached to that extent that
there were human feelings rather than patriotic ones, which
forced Albanian statesmen not to close their ears to the
terrifying sounds of thousands of their brothers who suffered
under the heel of a strange regime and who loudly were
calling for help. Demands and reports presented to the
League of Nations enabled that before these international
institutions, in special meetings (sessions), during the years
1923-1928
and afterwards, Fan Noli,
Mithat
Frashëri, Benoit
Blinishti,
Mehmet Konica,
etc. to express the position of
Albanian governments in defence of the
Çamë
population.
They denounced the actions of Greek governments and of the
Mixed Commission, which falsified (distorted) the will of
this population, and, so supporting unjust actions which
brought about massive expulsion of Albanian Muslim
population from
Çamëria
and nearby provinces. This policy
354
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSHCULAJ
inflicted internal and external complications, it disturbed
(embarrassed) the public opinion in Albania and heavy
infringement of normal relations between these two states,
Albania and Greece.
However, many documents prove that Albania was
very much interested, in its policy with Greece, for a policy
of reconciliation and friendship, and for neighbouring good
relations.
Nevertheless, the issue of confiscation of
■
Çamë
population properties, or their ridiculous compensation
(payment) by the Greek state, Albanian government raised
the question continually before the League of Nations, and
also it entered into talks with the Greek Government about
this issue. The Greek Government promised that would sign
a treaty about the
Çamë
question in
1926.
In
1927-1928
the
Albanian Government addressed once
agam
the Greek
Government and required that Albanian properties (estates)
be compensated with a real price. It was convinced that the
Greek Government was able to meet kindly these proposals
in the interest of both sides. It decided to start once more
talks on this issue, and even sent delegations in Athens.
Unfortunately, these efforts did not result with a favourable
solution.
Anyhow, owing to self-sacrificing struggle of the
Albanian
Çamë
population to survive, from one side, and
efforts of Albanian Government and public opinion in
Albania on the other side, the chauvinist governments of
Athens did not succeed during the years
1912-1939
to fulfil
finally the swallowing plans to completely cleansing of
Çamëria
from Albanian population. This was considered by
Greek historiography a misfortune, an unforgettable failure.
355
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 ·
LUSHCULAJ
This ardent desire (yearning) the Greek chauvinist circles
succeeded to realise with an unseen barbarian repression and
cruelty in new favourable circumstances for them
immediately after the Second World War
1944-1945,
when
the majority of the
Çamë
population were massacred by the
Greek chauvinists and a considerable part of them were
compelled to settle themselves in Albania.
It. happens frequently that people who know history
and who understand in the right way the experiences from
history, to behave in politics more realistically, doing so with
no intention to put under question the interests of their
people, but on the contrary precisely in their favour: that
those interests to be wisely protected. In this context should
be answered the question: Should the Albanian diplomacy
have taken a drastic attitude towards the neighbouring states
in favour of solving the national question? It was
indispensable for Albania to be especially mindful of
possible traps set by neighbouring countries, because of the
conclusion that there did not exist any good neighbourhood
in South Eastern Europe.
If we try to give a definition about the results of
foreign policy of the Albanian state, in regard to the national
question, we could see that in the best case, it claimed for
protection of the rights of nationalities (minorities) and for
keeping a status quo; in the most delicate case, it called the
Yugoslav and Greek, governments as chauvinist ones; in the
most tolerant cases, it was ready to talk with them as with
friendly countries; in the most inferior case, it approved
silently with the reports towards Albanian nationalists; while
in the most valiant (courageous) case, it threatened that it
would resist as a nation.
356
Shqipëria dhe çështja
e
Çamërisë
1912-1939 «
LUSH
COLAJ
Nevertheless, the Albanian political class never had
any clear concepts about administration and solution of the
national question. This could be explained if we have in
mind the fact that none of the states which had and still have
a national problem, did not have (possess) any written
document to solve this problem. The explanation in this case
is quite plain as well. Countries which had national
problems, they were not lacking in ideas how to solve the
"problems, but they were lacking in means (power) to realise
it. In fact, the problem was created because they were lacking
in these means at the very beginning. Finally, I can conclude
that the unsolved national question, as a backbone of our
national problem, and especially the attitude held about it,
today is one of the most politicised phenomena.
Relying on archive sources, on published documents
and on a wider historical literature, including the press
ofthat
time, I have made efforts to put some new light on the
national question and also on the attitude of the Albanian
state about this problem. I have tried to treat the
Çamëria
question with all its complexity on the basis of a genuine
analysis about positive and negative factors which have
influenced on its developments, always having in mind
historical circumstances of the time and especially the report
of forces on the international level.
357 |
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| geographic | Griechenland Albania Boundaries Greece Albania Foreign relations Greece Greece Boundaries Albania Greece Foreign relations Albania Çamëria (Albania and Greece) Ethnic relations History 20th century Çamëria (DE-588)7535113-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Griechenland Albania Boundaries Greece Albania Foreign relations Greece Greece Boundaries Albania Greece Foreign relations Albania Çamëria (Albania and Greece) Ethnic relations History 20th century Çamëria |
| id | DE-604.BV035152958 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T22:47:25Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:26:11Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789951411554 |
| language | Albanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016960182 |
| oclc_num | 496277782 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 388 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | Inst. Albanologjik i Prishtinës |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Culaj, Lush 1966- Verfasser (DE-588)1191711218 aut Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 Lush Culaj Prishtinë Inst. Albanologjik i Prishtinës 2006 388 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache m.d.T: Albania and Çamëria's question Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1912-1939 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik Geschichte Griechenland Albania Boundaries Greece Albania Foreign relations Greece Greece Boundaries Albania Greece Foreign relations Albania Çamëria (Albania and Greece) Ethnic relations History 20th century Çamëria (DE-588)7535113-4 gnd rswk-swf Çamëria (DE-588)7535113-4 g Geschichte 1912-1939 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016960182&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016960182&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Culaj, Lush 1966- Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 Außenpolitik Geschichte |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)7535113-4 |
| title | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 |
| title_auth | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 |
| title_exact_search | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 |
| title_full | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 Lush Culaj |
| title_fullStr | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 Lush Culaj |
| title_full_unstemmed | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë 1912 -1939 Lush Culaj |
| title_short | Shqipëria dhe çështja e Çamërisë |
| title_sort | shqiperia dhe ceshtja e camerise 1912 1939 |
| title_sub | 1912 -1939 |
| topic | Außenpolitik Geschichte |
| topic_facet | Außenpolitik Geschichte Griechenland Albania Boundaries Greece Albania Foreign relations Greece Greece Boundaries Albania Greece Foreign relations Albania Çamëria (Albania and Greece) Ethnic relations History 20th century Çamëria |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016960182&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016960182&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT culajlush shqiperiadheceshtjaecamerise19121939 |