Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu: vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | English |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Srpsko Arheološko Društvo
2007
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Praistorijska arheologija
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 203 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9788690445578 |
Internformat
MARC
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| 100 | 1 | |a Tripković, Boban |d 1972- |e Verfasser |0 (DE-588)1056902175 |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu |b vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic |c Boban Tripković |
| 246 | 1 | 1 | |a Household and space in the Late Neolithic |
| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b Srpsko Arheološko Društvo |c 2007 | |
| 300 | |a 203 S. |b Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 0 | |a Praistorijska arheologija | |
| 500 | |a In kyrill. schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Vinča-Kultur |0 (DE-588)4188311-1 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Funde |0 (DE-588)4071507-3 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Siedlung |0 (DE-588)4054858-2 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Neolithikum |0 (DE-588)4075272-0 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 651 | 7 | |a Belgrad-Banjica |0 (DE-588)4214765-7 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 689 | 0 | 0 | |a Belgrad-Banjica |0 (DE-588)4214765-7 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Neolithikum |0 (DE-588)4075272-0 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Funde |0 (DE-588)4071507-3 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 3 | |a Siedlung |0 (DE-588)4054858-2 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 4 | |a Vinča-Kultur |0 (DE-588)4188311-1 |D s |
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016783380&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1812641542221856768 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
САДРЖАЈ
Предговор
2
Археологија становања
5
Увод б
Метод
анализе^поиѕепоМ
cluster"
10
Куће, јаме
и
домаћинство
у
винчанској
култури
17
Простор и време
18
Куће, јаме
и
домаћинство
19
Винчанско насеље
на
Бањици
43
„Пет
насеља"
на
Бањици
47
V
-„Земунице"
и
јаме: оснивање насеља
47
IV
-
Прве куће
на
Бањици
68
III
-
Мегарон
и
друге
куће
71
II
-
Време дугих
кућа
82
І
-
Крај
живота у
насељу
88
Кућа
2/79:
домаћинство
и простор
89
Домаћинство
и простор: динамика
развоја насеља
на
Бањици
101
Организација насеља.
Употреба
јама, кућа
и простора
102
Степен седентарности.
Континуитет
кућа
и
насеља
109
Закључак
115
Household
and Space in the Late Neolithic
-
Vinca
Settlement at Banjica
118
Додатак
1.25
Библиографија
194
Регистар
202
HOUSEHOLD
AND SPACE IN THE LATE NEOLITHIC
VINCA
SETTLEMENT AT BANJICA
The chapter ARCHAEOLOGY OF HABITATION demonstrates why lesser or greater certainty, the roles these pits might have had in
archaeology was transformed from a discipline which as its object the initial Banjica settlement. My suggestions do not parallel
of research had material remains from the past into a discipline the original interpretations in their entirety. I have tried to show
which examines human behavior in the past. In examining that their role is very complex, that it changes through time and
behavioral patterns of Neolithic households, I suggested using that we can speak of their history or use cycles rather than of
the so called Household cluster method because.it incorporates pits with one role only. The interpretation that some of the pits
all the structures and artifacts made by and for the use in a served as workshops for the production of stone tools can also
household. The household is viewed as a dynamic social group, not be accepted since it is not supported by the appropriate in situ
activities of which left traces at different places and in different finds. However, we cannot rule out that, among others, this was
times. their purpose as well. Judging by the existing documentation,
In the chapter HOUSES, PITS AND HOUSEHOLD IN THE
VINCA
f
semá^
Г0Іе
«f
*e majority of these pits was already
CULTURE, the contexts and contents of houses, pit-dwellings, de]ermme,d d"ring the
/гітагУ
act of oess
e*Ü
'fm'whlC
storage and refuse pits in the
Vinca
culture are analyzed in order !ndlCfes !he P1™9 °f ^
'""í
'T
7
to understand the sum of the material data that is being created It's therefore possible to interpret the area with pits as a working
by a certain social group. As the starting point, I accepted the and storage area of the settlement'
Placing its
llVing qMH
position that the household represents the smallest
socio- P^bably
with freestanding houses, in the immediate vicinity, in
economic unit, role of which can be judged about only by taking area not rcsearched·
into consideration its complete development cycle which is IV
-
The first houses at Banjica. Horizon IV yielded remains
unique for every household. I concluded that the developmental of a few houses (at least three) and only three pits. The pits are
cycle of a household is not strictly limited to one structure and small, shallowly dug-in (they do not reach the underlying loess
that it cannot be related only to processes such as construction, sediment) and could not have served for the exploitation of
use and abandonment of a house. building material. Houses of this horizon are scarcely preserved
Houses and pits excavated at Banjica are thoroughly analyzed and their dimensions are nard t0 reconstruct, but it is noticeable
in the chapter
VINCA
CULTURE SETTLEMENT AT BANJICA. that they are clustered in a smal1 sPace'
СІеагІУ
testifVing t0 an
The site is located in a nowadays urbanized part of Belgrade] urban concept of the settlement·
on a peripheral hillside of the
Avala
Mountain. During the first III -Megaron and other houses. Remains offour houses were
phase of research,from
1955
to
1957,
five building horizons were established in the third horizon at Banjica, three of which were
recorded at Banjica, all of which were analyzed in great detail. very well preserved. The houses are considerably larger, sturdier
V
-
Founding of the settlement. Horizon V revealed
13
pits and tlieir walls are thicl<er· Houses 8 and 9 are
constituted °!
which were excavated and interpreted by the researchers as pit- only one 'arge chamber, while house
7
is of megaron type and ¡s
dwellings and storage pits. Upon renewed detailed analysis of constitutecl of a vestibule and two chambers. Certain shared traits
shapes, interiors and inventories of the pits, I also suggested, with are noticeable in the horizon: houses are placed in a row, close to
each other, oriented in the same direction and constructed of the
same material and with the same building technique. This urban
principle does not contradict the spatial organization recorded
in the preceding horizon. On the other hand, unlike horizons V
and IV where inhabitants' behavior can only be observed with
regard to the general aspects, for this horizon, owing to its well
preserved architecture, we can reconstruct the principles of the Exterior, storage space.
houses'construction and follow the dynamics of their utilization
through time. This is therefore, the first horizon at Banjica where
we can follow both the development cycles of buildings and the
households that inhabited them.
All the houses in horizon III show evidence of long use and
certain economic prosperity. Massive walls and relatively large
dimensions of all the houses, participation in exchange and
procurement of exotic items (house
6),
existence of considerable
storage capacities (houses
7
and
8),
and possible specialization
of certain households in pottery production (house
8)
all testify
to the capacities of individual households to accumulate and
exchange goods. It is also evident that through the course of the
settlement's existence, a transformation of proprietary relations
occurred. This is witnessed through the arrangement of storage
facilities which were relocated from the settlement's outskirts,
that is from the storage area (horizon V) to the interiors of houses
or their immediate vicinity.
Nevertheless, all the houses contain small quantities of portable
objects and organization of house space can only be presented
in general terms:
House
8
inter¡or
' ■
"
northem part: activity zone (pottery firing?, food preparation);
"
S0Uthem part: space for other activities·
^оаѕе
9
Interior.
.
northern part: |jving ^ storage space?
-
southern part: food preparation.
House 6
Space organization unknown.
House
7
Interior.
amberl(southerncnamber):vest|bule/Spaceforunknown
chamber
2
(northern chamber): storage zone (northern part),
activity zone (food preparation, work zone) (southern part).
offer/or: nothing.
All the changes observed in this horizon (increase in dwelling
space, construction of new houses, greater accumulation of goods
and specialization) could have happened as a consequence of
particular circumstances, but they all seemed to have an identical
cause: an increase in the number of household inhabitants. A
larger number of household inhabitants meant necessity for
new space (the addition of the southern chamber to house
7)
and the reorganization of household activities, i.e. specialization
of inhabitants for certain tasks (pottery production
-
house
8),
as well as the increased accumulation of goods (houses
6,7
and,
» -
The age of long houses. Horizon II yielded three houses,
none of which was excavated in their entirety. The houses are still
placed in a row, constructed of the same material and oriented
in the same direction. All of them are large in dimensions (more
than
100
m2), rectangular in shape and they all show similar
organization of the interior space. Storage facilities are relocated
from the space inside and around the houses (horizon III) to the
space inside the houses exclusively (horizon II). This probably
indicates more emphasized individuality of households. Placing
;^^
together wi;h fire installations, in the central part of the
long houses (identical in all the houses) symbolically partitions
»
f ^.^
,,
hm
ш
ţhree sepents
organization of
^
ш Шт
m be presented as fo||ows:
House
3
Interior.
-
northern
segment:
?
-
central segment:
fire installations, food preparation,
(storage space?)
-
southern segment:
?
Exterior, nothing.
House
4
Interior.
-
northern segment:
?
-
central segment: fire installations, food preparation,
storage space
-
southern segment: entrance to the house
Exterior: nothing.
House
5
Interior.
-
northern segment:
?
-
central segment: storage space
-
southern segment:
?
Exterior, nothing.
In contrast to the preceding horizon, it cannot be established
with any degree of certainty whether houses in horizon II
accommodated only one larger household or more of them in co-
residential status. The size of the houses gives evidence for both
interpretations, while finds from them do not offer any conclusive
solution. It is only certain that activities of food preparation and
storage, which are always located in the central segments of
houses, serve as evidence of the close relationships of all house
inhabitants.Therefore, those activities (or those features) can be
understood as practices which unify life in the house.
I
-
End of life in the settlement. We can only speculate
on how the cultural and social processes at Banjica further
developed, since horizon I is almost entirely devastated. Judging
by the very fragmentary information, the latest phase of the
settlement's existence is marked by severe social "conflicts" and
the disintegration of the community. Differences among houses
are noticeable in almost all aspects of architectural practice which
is in previous phases generally adhered to and socially regulated.
This can be seen in the building techniques and space between
houses, while natural factors dictated their identical orientation.
Based on that, we can presume that the settlement no longer
represents a coherent whole and that households no longer share
mutual interests. Abandoning the former spatial and social order
resulted in the community's disintegration and finally led to the
desertion of the locality at Banjica.
House
2/79:
household and space. During the second stage of
the Banjica settlement research,
(1979)
only one house, marked
as house
2/79,
was completely excavated. It is rectangular in
shape, built in the wattle-and-daub technique and is oriented
in north-to-south. It consists of three chambers with the overall
dimensions of
7.5
χ
5
m.
Primary analysis, done more than
25
years ago, reached the conclusion that house
2/79
could not
have served a residential function. The researcher identified it
as a production and storage structure, used by a single or a few
households in the settlement. As his main argument he uses the
large number of ceramic vessels found, especially those with
large volume which dominate among them. However, other
finds
(2
polished stone tools,
7
chipped stone tools, at least
7
clay
balls and weights), together with the analysis of non-portable
features'and structure of ceramic finds, point to a complex role
of this building and its chambers:
Interior:
-
southern chamber: food preparation, work space, storage;
-
central chamber: food preparation, work space, storage;
-
northern chamber: ancillary space?
Exterior:
?
Even though a definitive conclusion on the role of house
2/79
is impossible to offer before publishing its complete inventory,
further analyses can be extended in a few directions: a) the
building was inhabited by a household whose members of a house's use-life is recorded on almost all
Vinca
settlements
demonstrate elements of specialization in their behavior; b) which were extensively excavated. However, this is not a rule
the building served as an ancillary (production and storage) since many houses at the same settlements did not bum, like
space of a household whose members lived elsewhere in the the houses from horizon IV at Banjica. Explaining the manner in
unexcavated area; c) the building was inhabited by two smaller which houses were abandoned can also be a good starting point
households; these households were closely related by kinship or for understanding the dynamics of settlement development,
common interests and they jointly used the northern chamber as mostly because abandonment of an old and construction of a
an ancillary space; d) the building was inhabited by two smaller new house are in most cases two interrelated processes. It is
households; the household living in the central chamber claimed quite clear that fully scrutinizing these processes at Banjica is
greater right to the use of the northern chamber and utilized it impossible
dueto
the limited area of excavation.
as an ancillary space, mostly for storing ceramic vessels and
. .
t
łt
t.
.
łU
_ . „.
t.
. ,
.л,,,
,. . ;, .
uu/
*
j
*· ·*■ ·
*L
·
It is important to mention that the Banjica settlement
inc
udes
other objects that would obstruct everyday activities in the mam
,,-.,,.,.,,,
r
л-^и
4-й· ·
u* u u s. j j
л.
4.·
ι
· ·*
no avers of terrain eve ing which
wou
α
create space for a new
chamber; this right would be founded on the spatial proximity
'. _. *, .
łU
. ,
H +
, ,.
,nj
,
t
.
r
.
л
. ,. . . .,
J
construction. This means that upon the abandonment of an old
and certain factors of social significance (hierarchy inside the
. „.
ш
„
uu·,
n
чи
и
ĺ
.
a ;
house the settlement would move horizontally, with a new house
being built at a certain distance from the old one. However, a
In the chapter HOUSEHOLD AND SPACE: DEVELOPMENT vertical section of the settlement shows superimposed houses.
DYNAMICS OF THE BANJICA SETTLEMENT, I analyzed changes The symbolism of this practice undeniably points to the achieved
that occur through time. Changes in the settlement appearance continuity of a new house (and a new household?) with a house
and organization of interior house space which are clearly and a settlement from the past. This is why choosing a spot for
noticeable on the site are interpreted as aspirations of individual construction at Banjica can be understood as resolving the issue
households to win certain privileges and higher social status, thus of living space, but also as a practice in which group memory
opposing the efforts for preserving the community's coherence and
reaffirmation
of the
domus
concept served as social strategy
and household equality in the settlement. for gaining and maintaining identity (of household?, family?,
it
, · , ■
, π
··
community?),
't
was noticed that monumental houses at Banjica appear
only in the later horizons (III and II), after a period of gradual At the end, following the experiences from Banjica, in the
development from
smallerand
less durable structures (IV). Large CONCLUSION I emphasize that understanding house inventories
investment of material, manpower and time into architecture and a house itself is only possible if we place the circumstances
should be related to the community's intention of prolonged which dictate and materialize human behavior as goals of our
habitation at the chosen spot.
Lifespan
of houses can vary research. This is how we introduce the dimension of time into
significantly depending on factors such as type and quality of the equation and go beyond static behavioral analysis which
construction, intended length of stay, etc. Occasional expansion refers only to one use sequence of a house or an object Other
°f houses, change in organization of space in some houses, conclusions resulting from this research can be summed up in
together with silos and numerous oven renewals all testify to the following manner:
Prolonged and intensive use. The majority of houses were burnt 1 ^ dugjn structures ¡n the settlement could have had many
down which interrupted their lifecycle somewhere between their
'd¡fferent
ro!es (dwellings, refusal pits, clay outcrops, silos,
construction and their longest possible use (potential length of
jţs
for
сиШ
purposes
etc)ř
ј,л
mOst of them go through use
use). This phenomenon of house burning which marks the end cyc|es which cannot simp|y
ђе
classified as single purposed.
Their roles intertwine, they often can be complementary and
cannot be directly inferred from the material found in them;
2.
use cycles are defining characteristics of free standing
structures as well. Similarly to dug-in structures, material found
on their floors does not reflect their whole use sequence, but
rather only their closing stage. Other sequences are documented
with artifacts and material which were, during or after house
use, removed from it, discarded, etc. Thus, we need to make a
distinction between potential and actual length of house use,
i.e. give an answer to the question whether intended duration
of occupancy was actually achieved. Construction of a new,
more stable house or moving to a new house are only some
of the factors which directly influence the quantity of material
on a house floor. Presence/absence of certain types of finds, or
even the entire inventory, is a result of circumstances which
instigate or follow the abandonment of a house. In certain
situations, upon house abandonment, the original inventory
can be contaminated with foreign material (deposited by other
households or as intrusions from other layers/horizons, for
instance). Establishing "contextual integrity of a house floor"
is of crucial importance in all situations;
3.
non-portable features in a house (ovens, hearths, silos) are the
best indicators of activity zones. Unlike portable material, the
occurrence of which can
referto
one event only, non-portable
features are fixed to the house floor and point out to activity
zones in use during longer periods. Their relocation is almost
always influenced by circumstances of social significance.
Understanding the manners in which non-portable features
were used can therefore help, at least partially, in bridging the
gap in our comprehension of sequences between the initial and
late phase of house use;
4.
a household goes through developmental cycles (increase/
decrease in the number of inhabitants) which are correlated
with the use cycle of the house and are directly reflected
through: change in organization of house space, addition of
a new chamber, construction of a new house, abandonment
etc.;
5.
influence of the community on a household can be very
strong. My dealing with this problem at Banjica, as the
result offered a kind of an abstract struggle for status and
privileges (of households) on the one hand and aspiration for
preserving equality and coherence (of the community) on the
other. Potency of all the sides significantly fluctuates through
time and both the factors of integration and disintegration
are simultaneously present in the settlement. Architectural
structures play an important role in this "regulation" of
relationships in the settlement. Size of houses, wall decoration,
organization of settlement and house space are amongst
the media through which messages are transmitted, while
orientation, building technique and materials utilized most
probably have practical background only;
6.
Vinca
culture houses have an especially emphasized symbolic
dimension. They do not possess the uniformity of the Neolithic
houses in Central Europe, and clay house models are not a
characteristic of the
Vinca
culture as it is elsewhere in the
Southeast Europe. However, uniformity in the manner of space
organization can undoubtedly be seen on some
Vinca culture
settlements, for instance in the long houses of horizon II at
Banjica. Moreover, spatial organization similar to house
2/79
from Banjica is also recorded at other
Vinca
settlements, which
implies cultural or regional significance of some architectural
patterns. |
| adam_txt |
САДРЖАЈ
Предговор
2
Археологија становања
5
Увод б
Метод
анализе^поиѕепоМ
cluster"
10
Куће, јаме
и
домаћинство
у
винчанској
култури
17
Простор и време
18
Куће, јаме
и
домаћинство
19
Винчанско насеље
на
Бањици
43
„Пет
насеља"
на
Бањици
47
V
-„Земунице"
и
јаме: оснивање насеља
47
IV
-
Прве куће
на
Бањици
68
III
-
Мегарон
и
друге
куће
71
II
-
Време дугих
кућа
82
І
-
Крај
живота у
насељу
88
Кућа
2/79:
домаћинство
и простор
89
Домаћинство
и простор: динамика
развоја насеља
на
Бањици
101
Организација насеља.
Употреба
јама, кућа
и простора
102
Степен седентарности.
Континуитет
кућа
и
насеља
109
Закључак
115
Household
and Space in the Late Neolithic
-
Vinca
Settlement at Banjica
118
Додатак
1.25
Библиографија
194
Регистар
202
HOUSEHOLD
AND SPACE IN THE LATE NEOLITHIC
VINCA
SETTLEMENT AT BANJICA
The chapter ARCHAEOLOGY OF HABITATION demonstrates why lesser or greater certainty, the roles these pits might have had in
archaeology was transformed from a discipline which as its object the initial Banjica settlement. My suggestions do not parallel
of research had material remains from the past into a discipline the original interpretations in their entirety. I have tried to show
which examines human behavior in the past. In examining that their role is very complex, that it changes through time and
behavioral patterns of Neolithic households, I suggested using that we can speak of their history or use cycles rather than of
the so called Household cluster method because.it incorporates pits with one role only. The interpretation that some of the pits
all the structures and artifacts made by and for the use in a served as workshops for the production of stone tools can also
household. The household is viewed as a dynamic social group, not be accepted since it is not supported by the appropriate in situ
activities of which left traces at different places and in different finds. However, we cannot rule out that, among others, this was
times. their purpose as well. Judging by the existing documentation,
In the chapter HOUSES, PITS AND HOUSEHOLD IN THE
VINCA
f
semá^
Г0Іе
«f
*e majority of these pits was already
CULTURE, the contexts and contents of houses, pit-dwellings, de]ermme,d d"ring the
/гітагУ
act of oess
e*Ü
'fm'whlC
storage and refuse pits in the
Vinca
culture are analyzed in order !ndlCfes !he P1™9 °f ^
'""í
'T
7
to understand the sum of the material data that is being created It's therefore possible to interpret the area with pits as a working
by a certain social group. As the starting point, I accepted the and storage area of the settlement'
Placing its
llVing qMH
position that the household represents the smallest
socio- P^bably
with freestanding houses, in the immediate vicinity, in
economic unit, role of which can be judged about only by taking area not rcsearched·
into consideration its complete development cycle which is IV
-
The first houses at Banjica. Horizon IV yielded remains
unique for every household. I concluded that the developmental of a few houses (at least three) and only three pits. The pits are
cycle of a household is not strictly limited to one structure and small, shallowly dug-in (they do not reach the underlying loess
that it cannot be related only to processes such as construction, sediment) and could not have served for the exploitation of
use and abandonment of a house. building material. Houses of this horizon are scarcely preserved
Houses and pits excavated at Banjica are thoroughly analyzed and their dimensions are nard t0 reconstruct, but it is noticeable
in the chapter
VINCA
CULTURE SETTLEMENT AT BANJICA. that they are clustered in a smal1 sPace'
СІеагІУ
testifVing t0 an
The site is located in a nowadays urbanized part of Belgrade] urban concept of the settlement·
on a peripheral hillside of the
Avala
Mountain. During the first III -Megaron and other houses. Remains offour houses were
phase of research,from
1955
to
1957,
five building horizons were established in the third horizon at Banjica, three of which were
recorded at Banjica, all of which were analyzed in great detail. very well preserved. The houses are considerably larger, sturdier
V
-
Founding of the settlement. Horizon V revealed
13
pits and tlieir walls are thicl<er· Houses 8 and 9 are
constituted °!
which were excavated and interpreted by the researchers as pit- only one 'arge chamber, while house
7
is of megaron type and ¡s
dwellings and storage pits. Upon renewed detailed analysis of constitutecl of a vestibule and two chambers. Certain shared traits
shapes, interiors and inventories of the pits, I also suggested, with are noticeable in the horizon: houses are placed in a row, close to
each other, oriented in the same direction and constructed of the
same material and with the same building technique. This urban
principle does not contradict the spatial organization recorded
in the preceding horizon. On the other hand, unlike horizons V
and IV where inhabitants' behavior can only be observed with
regard to the general aspects, for this horizon, owing to its well
preserved architecture, we can reconstruct the principles of the Exterior, storage space.
houses'construction and follow the dynamics of their utilization
through time. This is therefore, the first horizon at Banjica where
we can follow both the development cycles of buildings and the
households that inhabited them.
All the houses in horizon III show evidence of long use and
certain economic prosperity. Massive walls and relatively large
dimensions of all the houses, participation in exchange and
procurement of exotic items (house
6),
existence of considerable
storage capacities (houses
7
and
8),
and possible specialization
of certain households in pottery production (house
8)
all testify
to the capacities of individual households to accumulate and
exchange goods. It is also evident that through the course of the
settlement's existence, a transformation of proprietary relations
occurred. This is witnessed through the arrangement of storage
facilities which were relocated from the settlement's outskirts,
that is from the storage area (horizon V) to the interiors of houses
or their immediate vicinity.
Nevertheless, all the houses contain small quantities of portable
objects and organization of house space can only be presented
in general terms:
House
8
inter¡or
' ■
"
northem part: activity zone (pottery firing?, food preparation);
"
S0Uthem part: space for other activities·
^оаѕе
9
Interior.
.
northern part: |jving ^ storage space?
-
southern part: food preparation.
House 6
Space organization unknown.
House
7
Interior.
amberl(southerncnamber):vest|bule/Spaceforunknown
chamber
2
(northern chamber): storage zone (northern part),
activity zone (food preparation, work zone) (southern part).
offer/or: nothing.
All the changes observed in this horizon (increase in dwelling
space, construction of new houses, greater accumulation of goods
and specialization) could have happened as a consequence of
particular circumstances, but they all seemed to have an identical
cause: an increase in the number of household inhabitants. A
larger number of household inhabitants meant necessity for
new space (the addition of the southern chamber to house
7)
and the reorganization of household activities, i.e. specialization
of inhabitants for certain tasks (pottery production
-
house
8),
as well as the increased accumulation of goods (houses
6,7
and,
» -
The age of long houses. Horizon II yielded three houses,
none of which was excavated in their entirety. The houses are still
placed in a row, constructed of the same material and oriented
in the same direction. All of them are large in dimensions (more
than
100
m2), rectangular in shape and they all show similar
organization of the interior space. Storage facilities are relocated
from the space inside and around the houses (horizon III) to the
space inside the houses exclusively (horizon II). This probably
indicates more emphasized individuality of households. Placing
;^^
together wi;h fire installations, in the central part of the
long houses (identical in all the houses) symbolically partitions
»
f ^.^
,,
hm
ш
ţhree sepents
organization of
^
ш Шт
m be presented as fo||ows:
House
3
Interior.
-
northern
segment:
?
-
central segment:
fire installations, food preparation,
(storage space?)
-
southern segment:
?
Exterior, nothing.
House
4
Interior.
-
northern segment:
?
-
central segment: fire installations, food preparation,
storage space
-
southern segment: entrance to the house
Exterior: nothing.
House
5
Interior.
-
northern segment:
?
-
central segment: storage space
-
southern segment:
?
Exterior, nothing.
In contrast to the preceding horizon, it cannot be established
with any degree of certainty whether houses in horizon II
accommodated only one larger household or more of them in co-
residential status. The size of the houses gives evidence for both
interpretations, while finds from them do not offer any conclusive
solution. It is only certain that activities of food preparation and
storage, which are always located in the central segments of
houses, serve as evidence of the close relationships of all house
inhabitants.Therefore, those activities (or those features) can be
understood as practices which unify life in the house.
I
-
End of life in the settlement. We can only speculate
on how the cultural and social processes at Banjica further
developed, since horizon I is almost entirely devastated. Judging
by the very fragmentary information, the latest phase of the
settlement's existence is marked by severe social "conflicts" and
the disintegration of the community. Differences among houses
are noticeable in almost all aspects of architectural practice which
is in previous phases generally adhered to and socially regulated.
This can be seen in the building techniques and space between
houses, while natural factors dictated their identical orientation.
Based on that, we can presume that the settlement no longer
represents a coherent whole and that households no longer share
mutual interests. Abandoning the former spatial and social order
resulted in the community's disintegration and finally led to the
desertion of the locality at Banjica.
House
2/79:
household and space. During the second stage of
the Banjica settlement research,
(1979)
only one house, marked
as house
2/79,
was completely excavated. It is rectangular in
shape, built in the wattle-and-daub technique and is oriented
in north-to-south. It consists of three chambers with the overall
dimensions of
7.5
χ
5
m.
Primary analysis, done more than
25
years ago, reached the conclusion that house
2/79
could not
have served a residential function. The researcher identified it
as a production and storage structure, used by a single or a few
households in the settlement. As his main argument he uses the
large number of ceramic vessels found, especially those with
large volume which dominate among them. However, other
finds
(2
polished stone tools,
7
chipped stone tools, at least
7
clay
balls and weights), together with the analysis of non-portable
features'and structure of ceramic finds, point to a complex role
of this building and its chambers:
Interior:
-
southern chamber: food preparation, work space, storage;
-
central chamber: food preparation, work space, storage;
-
northern chamber: ancillary space?
Exterior:
?
Even though a definitive conclusion on the role of house
2/79
is impossible to offer before publishing its complete inventory,
further analyses can be extended in a few directions: a) the
building was inhabited by a household whose members of a house's use-life is recorded on almost all
Vinca
settlements
demonstrate elements of specialization in their behavior; b) which were extensively excavated. However, this is not a rule
the building served as an ancillary (production and storage) since many houses at the same settlements did not bum, like
space of a household whose members lived elsewhere in the the houses from horizon IV at Banjica. Explaining the manner in
unexcavated area; c) the building was inhabited by two smaller which houses were abandoned can also be a good starting point
households; these households were closely related by kinship or for understanding the dynamics of settlement development,
common interests and they jointly used the northern chamber as mostly because abandonment of an old and construction of a
an ancillary space; d) the building was inhabited by two smaller new house are in most cases two interrelated processes. It is
households; the household living in the central chamber claimed quite clear that fully scrutinizing these processes at Banjica is
greater right to the use of the northern chamber and utilized it impossible
dueto
the limited area of excavation.
as an ancillary space, mostly for storing ceramic vessels and
. .
t
łt
t.
.
łU
_ . „.
t.
. ,
.л,,,
,. . ;, .
uu/
*
j
*· ·*■ ·
*L
·
It is important to mention that the Banjica settlement
inc
udes
other objects that would obstruct everyday activities in the mam
,,-.,,.,.,,,
r
л-^и
4-й· ·
u* u u s. j j
л.
4.·
ι
· ·*
no avers of terrain eve ing which
wou
α
create space for a new
chamber; this right would be founded on the spatial proximity
'. _. *, .
łU
. ,
H +
, ,.
,nj
,
t
.
r
.
л
. ,. . . .,
J
construction. This means that upon the abandonment of an old
and certain factors of social significance (hierarchy inside the
. „.
ш
„
uu·,
n
чи
и
ĺ
.
a ;
house the settlement would move horizontally, with a new house
being built at a certain distance from the old one. However, a
In the chapter HOUSEHOLD AND SPACE: DEVELOPMENT vertical section of the settlement shows superimposed houses.
DYNAMICS OF THE BANJICA SETTLEMENT, I analyzed changes The symbolism of this practice undeniably points to the achieved
that occur through time. Changes in the settlement appearance continuity of a new house (and a new household?) with a house
and organization of interior house space which are clearly and a settlement from the past. This is why choosing a spot for
noticeable on the site are interpreted as aspirations of individual construction at Banjica can be understood as resolving the issue
households to win certain privileges and higher social status, thus of living space, but also as a practice in which group memory
opposing the efforts for preserving the community's coherence and
reaffirmation
of the
domus
concept served as social strategy
and household equality in the settlement. for gaining and maintaining identity (of household?, family?,
it
, · , ■
, π
··
community?),
't
was noticed that monumental houses at Banjica appear
only in the later horizons (III and II), after a period of gradual At the end, following the experiences from Banjica, in the
development from
smallerand
less durable structures (IV). Large CONCLUSION I emphasize that understanding house inventories
investment of material, manpower and time into architecture and a house itself is only possible if we place the circumstances
should be related to the community's intention of prolonged which dictate and materialize human behavior as goals of our
habitation at the chosen spot.
Lifespan
of houses can vary research. This is how we introduce the dimension of time into
significantly depending on factors such as type and quality of the equation and go beyond static behavioral analysis which
construction, intended length of stay, etc. Occasional expansion refers only to one use sequence of a house or an object Other
°f houses, change in organization of space in some houses, conclusions resulting from this research can be summed up in
together with silos and numerous oven renewals all testify to the following manner:
Prolonged and intensive use. The majority of houses were burnt 1 ^ dugjn structures ¡n the settlement could have had many
down which interrupted their lifecycle somewhere between their
'd¡fferent
ro!es (dwellings, refusal pits, clay outcrops, silos,
construction and their longest possible use (potential length of
jţs
for
сиШ
purposes
etc)ř
ј,л
mOst of them go through use
use). This phenomenon of house burning which marks the end cyc|es which cannot simp|y
ђе
classified as single purposed.
Their roles intertwine, they often can be complementary and
cannot be directly inferred from the material found in them;
2.
use cycles are defining characteristics of free standing
structures as well. Similarly to dug-in structures, material found
on their floors does not reflect their whole use sequence, but
rather only their closing stage. Other sequences are documented
with artifacts and material which were, during or after house
use, removed from it, discarded, etc. Thus, we need to make a
distinction between potential and actual length of house use,
i.e. give an answer to the question whether intended duration
of occupancy was actually achieved. Construction of a new,
more stable house or moving to a new house are only some
of the factors which directly influence the quantity of material
on a house floor. Presence/absence of certain types of finds, or
even the entire inventory, is a result of circumstances which
instigate or follow the abandonment of a house. In certain
situations, upon house abandonment, the original inventory
can be contaminated with foreign material (deposited by other
households or as intrusions from other layers/horizons, for
instance). Establishing "contextual integrity of a house floor"
is of crucial importance in all situations;
3.
non-portable features in a house (ovens, hearths, silos) are the
best indicators of activity zones. Unlike portable material, the
occurrence of which can
referto
one event only, non-portable
features are fixed to the house floor and point out to activity
zones in use during longer periods. Their relocation is almost
always influenced by circumstances of social significance.
Understanding the manners in which non-portable features
were used can therefore help, at least partially, in bridging the
gap in our comprehension of sequences between the initial and
late phase of house use;
4.
a household goes through developmental cycles (increase/
decrease in the number of inhabitants) which are correlated
with the use cycle of the house and are directly reflected
through: change in organization of house space, addition of
a new chamber, construction of a new house, abandonment
etc.;
5.
influence of the community on a household can be very
strong. My dealing with this problem at Banjica, as the
result offered a kind of an abstract struggle for status and
privileges (of households) on the one hand and aspiration for
preserving equality and coherence (of the community) on the
other. Potency of all the sides significantly fluctuates through
time and both the factors of integration and disintegration
are simultaneously present in the settlement. Architectural
structures play an important role in this "regulation" of
relationships in the settlement. Size of houses, wall decoration,
organization of settlement and house space are amongst
the media through which messages are transmitted, while
orientation, building technique and materials utilized most
probably have practical background only;
6.
Vinca
culture houses have an especially emphasized symbolic
dimension. They do not possess the uniformity of the Neolithic
houses in Central Europe, and clay house models are not a
characteristic of the
Vinca
culture as it is elsewhere in the
Southeast Europe. However, uniformity in the manner of space
organization can undoubtedly be seen on some
Vinca culture
settlements, for instance in the long houses of horizon II at
Banjica. Moreover, spatial organization similar to house
2/79
from Banjica is also recorded at other
Vinca
settlements, which
implies cultural or regional significance of some architectural
patterns. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Tripković, Boban 1972- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1056902175 |
| author_facet | Tripković, Boban 1972- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Tripković, Boban 1972- |
| author_variant | b t bt |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035115633 |
| classification_rvk | NF 1685 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)300112567 (DE-599)BVBBV035115633 |
| discipline | Geschichte |
| discipline_str_mv | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Belgrad-Banjica (DE-588)4214765-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Belgrad-Banjica |
| id | DE-604.BV035115633 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T22:19:29Z |
| indexdate | 2024-10-11T18:01:22Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788690445578 |
| language | English |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016783380 |
| oclc_num | 300112567 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-20 DE-12 DE-188 |
| owner_facet | DE-20 DE-12 DE-188 |
| physical | 203 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Srpsko Arheološko Društvo |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Praistorijska arheologija |
| spelling | Tripković, Boban 1972- Verfasser (DE-588)1056902175 aut Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic Boban Tripković Household and space in the Late Neolithic Beograd Srpsko Arheološko Društvo 2007 203 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Praistorijska arheologija In kyrill. schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Vinča-Kultur (DE-588)4188311-1 gnd rswk-swf Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd rswk-swf Siedlung (DE-588)4054858-2 gnd rswk-swf Neolithikum (DE-588)4075272-0 gnd rswk-swf Belgrad-Banjica (DE-588)4214765-7 gnd rswk-swf Belgrad-Banjica (DE-588)4214765-7 g Neolithikum (DE-588)4075272-0 s Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 s Siedlung (DE-588)4054858-2 s Vinča-Kultur (DE-588)4188311-1 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016783380&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016783380&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Tripković, Boban 1972- Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic Vinča-Kultur (DE-588)4188311-1 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Siedlung (DE-588)4054858-2 gnd Neolithikum (DE-588)4075272-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4188311-1 (DE-588)4071507-3 (DE-588)4054858-2 (DE-588)4075272-0 (DE-588)4214765-7 |
| title | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic |
| title_alt | Household and space in the Late Neolithic |
| title_auth | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic |
| title_exact_search | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic |
| title_full | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic Boban Tripković |
| title_fullStr | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic Boban Tripković |
| title_full_unstemmed | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic Boban Tripković |
| title_short | Domaćinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu |
| title_sort | domacinstvo i prostor u kasnom neolitu vincansko naselje na banjici vinca settlement at banjica household and space in the late neolithic |
| title_sub | vinčansko naselje na Banjici ; Vinča settlement at Banjica = Household and space in the Late Neolithic |
| topic | Vinča-Kultur (DE-588)4188311-1 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Siedlung (DE-588)4054858-2 gnd Neolithikum (DE-588)4075272-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Vinča-Kultur Funde Siedlung Neolithikum Belgrad-Banjica |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016783380&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016783380&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT tripkovicboban domacinstvoiprostorukasnomneolituvincanskonaseljenabanjicivincasettlementatbanjicahouseholdandspaceinthelateneolithic AT tripkovicboban householdandspaceinthelateneolithic |