Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků: před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů]
Gespeichert in:
| Hauptverfasser: | , |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Czech |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Praha
Nakl. Euroslavica
2008
|
| Ausgabe: | Vyd. 1. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 165 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788085494822 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků |b před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] |c Jiří Hoppe ; Jiří Suk |
| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a Dvojí identita KAN |
| 250 | |a Vyd. 1. | ||
| 264 | 1 | |a Praha |b Nakl. Euroslavica |c 2008 | |
| 300 | |a 165 S. | ||
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| 648 | 7 | |a 1990-1992 |2 czenas | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Political movements and alliances - Czech Republic - 20th-21st centuries |2 czenas | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Political opposition - Czech Republic - 1968 |2 czenas | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Politická hnutí - Česko - 20.-21. stol |2 czenas | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Politická opozice - Česko - 1968 |2 czenas | |
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| 655 | 7 | |a Studie |2 czenas | |
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016764360&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1805075935234359296 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
Obsah
Slovo úvodem
.7
Klub angažovaných nestraníků
v roce
1968
(Jiří
Hoppe) .9
KAN
-
výběrová dokumentace z roku
1968
Seznam otištěných dokumentů
.41
Edice dokumentů z roku
1968 .43
Pokus o dokončení historické mise
Klub angažovaných nestraníků po pádu
komunismu
(1990-1992)
(Jiří Suk)
.83
KAN
-
výběrová dokumentace z let
1990-1991
Seznam otištěných dokumentů
.121
Edice dokumentů z let
1990-1991 .122
Summaries:
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members in
1968 .161
The Attempt to Complete An Historical Mission:
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party
Members after
the Collapse of Communism,
1990-92 .164
(5)
Summaries
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members in
1968
(Jiří
Hoppe)
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members
(Klub angažovaných ne¬
straníků
-
KAN) was established in
1968
by Czechs and Slovaks who
had previously not been involved in public affairs and shared a gen¬
eral distaste for political parties. They resolved, however, to establish
a new, special kind of organization that would in no way be connect¬
ed with the past, and would, it was hoped, provide everyone with an
opportunity to get involved in setting public affairs after twenty years
of Communist rule.
Ludvík Rybáček,
a thirty-year old chemist, came up with the idea
after having read
'Aktivita nepojmenovaných'
(The Activity of the
Nameless Ones), by the Czech writer
Alexandr
Kliment (b.
1929),
which was published in
Literární listy
on March
14,1968.
Seeing that
his idea met with a positive response among friends and colleagues,
Rybáček
organized a series of meetings at which future members of
the Preparatory Committee came up with the name. The newly estab¬
lished KAN Committee, led by
Rybáček,
held its constitutive meeting
on April
5, 1968,
with some
200
people attending. The KAN pro¬
gramme as presented at the meeting stated that KAN should bring
together people who had not previously been involved in politics but
now felt they should play a role in Czechoslovak public affairs. KAN
sought to provide its members with an opportunity to formulate their
opinions and present them for public discussion. In this way the
members would feel jointly responsible and part of the decision-mak¬
ing process. Everyday activities, it was thought, should be focused on
organizing discussion evenings with important people, promoting
civil rights, and having their opinions published or voiced in the news
media, as well as actively participating in elections to the National
Committees and National Assembly. Apart from these areas, KAN
intended to work with newly established organizations, integrate
them, and speak out against all non-democratic actions and ideas.
And, lastly, KAN sought to advocate equality between Communists
and non-Communists.
KAN made its presence known almost right after its constitutive
meeting. It sent a petition to the National Committee of Prague, ask-
(161)
Dvoji
identita
Klubu
angažovaných nestraníků
ing to be registered.
Literární listy
reported on its establishment.
Discussion evenings began. At that time, and for a about a month
afterwards, the philosopher Ivan
Sviták
(1925-1994),
already well
known by then, joined the 'KAN movement'. The public became
more aware of KAN at the May Day parade and at its first meeting.
Consequently KAN's activities expanded beyond what had original¬
ly been intended, and it became known throughout the country. The
organizing committee responded with a petition to the Ministry of the
Interior, demanding to have its statutes approved. In the petition,
KAN is described as a 'state-wide political association'.
Following KAN's initial successes, it became apparent that too
broad an organizational framework would be impractical, because
anyone could speak in KAN's name. Consequently, it had to define
itself more clearly. The Preparatory Committee faced the task of
drawing up a real political programme as well as establishing hori¬
zontal and vertical organizational structures. The absence of both a
real programme and organization soon led to an internal crisis, inten¬
sified by the unsolved issue of its becoming legally recognized. The
Preparatory Committee dealt with this by an internal reorganization;
new members with some social standing took the place of former
ones, introducing powerful, though greatly varied dynamics. Two
clear, fundamentally different groups crystallized within the
Preparatory Committee, each with different ideas about the future
orientation of KAN. The first group adhered to the 'orthodox' trends
in KAN
-
namely, seeking to ensure KAN would never become a
political party. The other group tended to want to turn the movement
into a regular political party. These stark differences, together with
worsening inter-personal relations, led the Preparatory Committee to
the verge of a break-up, but even in these difficult circumstances
KAN managed to hold a second meeting.
The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPCz), now headed by
Alexander
Dubček
(1921-1992)
originally took a positive approach to
the KAN's activities, assuming that they could easily manipulate the
political amateurs of KAN. These assumptions proved ill-considered,
and the Party was soon calling KAN, together with the Social
Democrats and Club
231
(K
231),
an 'anti-Socialist organization'. The
leading Communists sought to ban its activities under the Act on the
National Front and a 'legal measure' of July
1968.
The approach of the
CPCz leadership considerably influenced the talks on recognizing
KAN as a legal body, which took place at three different levels
-
the
Ministry of the Interior, the Central Committee of the National Front,
and the Prague Municipal Committee of the CPCz. The only positive
result of the talks was the nomination of Rudolf
Battěk (b.
1924),
Deputy Chairman of KAN, as a deputy to the newly organized Czech
National Council.
(162)
Summaries
The Soviet-led intervention by the armed forces of five Warsaw
Pact countries put a dramatic end to the democratization in
Czechoslovakia, and thus of course to all efforts to organize KAN. A
few days after the intervention, the KAN Preparatory Committee con¬
vened for the last time, deciding that all KAN activities would be ter¬
minated immediately. To continue their work underground was
unthinkable for the members of the Preparatory Committee, since
they believed they were by now well known to the police, and right¬
ly feared persecution. They resolved not to wait for the ultimate offi¬
cial ban, which eventually came from the Interior Ministry on
September
5,1968,
and instead themselves wound up their efforts of
the past five months to establish KAN.
KAN had emerged with the idea of becoming a nucleus of newly
formed opposition forces. The fact that people who were not affiliat¬
ed with a party were then forming a political club was a clear indica¬
tion that they really sought to compete for power with the CPCz.
Consequently, the hitherto sacrosanct 'leading role' of the CPCz
would be cast into doubt. KAN's initiators had clearly aimed to
achieve a multi-party democracy, the germ of which they saw in free
elections and the removal of any form of inequality before the law.
Although unable to come up with a clear political programme or to
establish a clearer structure, KAN met with a positive response from
the public; its members' opinions could not be easily ignored. The
importance of KAN is also evinced by its becoming a respected part¬
ner in talks with the Communist leadership; after KAN was formed,
talks had to be held and new legislation had to be drafted.
In the few months of its existence, before the Soviet-led interven¬
tion, KAN had neither the time nor space to find out if it could sur¬
vive and be effective. Article
4
of the 'Moscow Protocols' (signed by
the Czechoslovak and Soviet Communist leaders in August
26,1968)
required the Czechoslovak leadership to adopt 'essential' and 'effec¬
tive measures' to regain 'control of the mass media' and to 'ban the
activities of various groups and organizations with anti-Socialist
views', in other words to ban the activities of KAN as well, and 'not
to permit any activities of the anti-Marxist Social Democrat Party'.
KAN was of course crushed by the intervention of foreign armed
forces and also by the barriers erected by the home-grown 'restorers
of order'. It was only natural, since no such organization in the world
could have stood up to such military force. The basic goal of KAN, to
form an opposition political force, had to wait another twenty years.
(163)
Dvoji
identita
Klubu
angažovaných nestraníků
The Attempt to Complete An Historical Mission:
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party
Members after
the Collapse of Communism,
1990-92
(Jiří Suk)
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members
(Klub angažovaných ne¬
straníků
-
KAN) became part of the history of the second half of twen¬
tieth century in two ways. First, in
Ί968,
it was for several months a
significant catalyst to help awaken civil society, at least until the
Soviet occupation of August
1968.
Then, following the collapse of
Communism in late
1989,
the KAN was revived, and had a two-track
approach: one track was to encourage non-Party members to get
involved in public affairs in order to build a democratic regime; the
other was the effort to de-Communize Czechoslovak society once it
had emancipated itself from totalitarianism. Before
1992,
KAN's
efforts had primarily been focused on the second task, as KAN sought
in fair and legal ways to purge prominent persons closely connected
with the Communist regime. It was, however, not alone in this; simi¬
lar goals were pursued by other organizations and parties, including
the Confederation of Political Prisoners
(Konfederace politických
vězňů,
which, similarly to KAN, followed on from the
1968
work of
the
К
231),
the Association of Auxiliary Technical Battalions
(Svaz
PTP), the Movement for Civic Liberties
(Hnutí za občanskou svobo¬
du),
and various branches of the Civic Forum organized regionally
and at many workplaces. Fundamental anti-Communism was quite
forceful in the early weeks of
1990,
but never took control of top-level
politics; it simply regulated it. This article considers anti-Communism
as an integral, necessary condition for the successful transition from
totalitarianism to democracy. If integral anti-Communism had a
motto, it would be 'Without thorough de-Communization, no suc¬
cessful transformation can take place.'
In the historic compromise agreed at the roundtable talks between
the elite of the totalitarian regime that was on its way out and the
democratic regime that was just being established in late
1989
and
early
1990
thorough de-Communization was never near the top of the
agenda of the Civic Forum Co-ordinating Centre. Its policy of com¬
promise, that is, constitutional consensus, was based on the
Czechoslovak Communist Party's relinquishing its majority in all leg¬
islative or local representative bodies; then, in free elections, it could
stand against other democratic parties in the contest for electorate
support. The magnanimity of the victors of the revolution did not
stem from their confidence, but, rather, from a vague fear of possible
(164)
Summaries
revolutionary violence being unleashed. The leading figures of the
Civic Forum never had any clearly thought-out concept for coming to
terms with the past. Free courts of justice were to deal with criminal
offences that had been committed by members of the Communist
regime; the years without freedom were to become a subject of
research by independent historians, but 'cheap anti-Communism'
was to be avoided. The Co-ordinating Centre of the Civic Forum
rejected calls for the outlawing of the Communist Party, the sponta¬
neous dismissal of Communist senior civil servants and enterprise
managers, and the setting up of public screening commissions or
extraordinary courts of justice. Fundamental matters of historical jus¬
tice were left aside till the general elections, after which the victorious
parties, now endowed with democratic legitimacy, would decide.
Some urgent questions related to this, sometimes phrased more
like demands, were, however, heard from the very beginning. What
was to be done about the period without freedom, which had lasted
for nearly half a century? How was one to deal with wrongs and
crimes committed by the totalitarian state machinery for the sake of
Communist ideology? How could one allow the Communist Party
simply to compete in free democratic elections? Demands for an his¬
torical settling of accounts were raised as early as January
1990,
at
both a symbolic level and a legal-political one, and the two levels
overlapped. The symbolic level comprised demonstrations, meetings,
happenings (along with their verbal and visual propaganda), peti¬
tions, and public opinion expressed in the news media. At the legal-
political level, on the other hand, were the legislation and govern¬
ment decisions on rehabilitation (exoneration), restitution, the screen¬
ing of people for jobs, particularly, in the civil service, courts, and
military, the Communists' possibly relinquishing their property, and
the making accessible of the secret-police files. A great many events,
disputes, and legal acts and legislation have yet to be properly dealt
with; coming to terms with the Communist past now continues with
the recent establishment of the Institute for the Study of the
Totalitarian Regime and the Archives of the State Security Forces
upon a new constitutional basis since
2007.
These new institutions
should help to add to our knowledge of the period
1948-89
in a posi¬
tive way, while the criminal-legal line is being pursued at the Office
for the Documentation and Investigation of the Crimes of
Communism, which was established in
1995.
(165) |
| adam_txt |
Obsah
Slovo úvodem
.7
Klub angažovaných nestraníků
v roce
1968
(Jiří
Hoppe) .9
KAN
-
výběrová dokumentace z roku
1968
Seznam otištěných dokumentů
.41
Edice dokumentů z roku
1968 .43
Pokus o dokončení historické mise
Klub angažovaných nestraníků po pádu
komunismu
(1990-1992)
(Jiří Suk)
.83
KAN
-
výběrová dokumentace z let
1990-1991
Seznam otištěných dokumentů
.121
Edice dokumentů z let
1990-1991 .122
Summaries:
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members in
1968 .161
The Attempt to Complete An Historical Mission:
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party
Members after
the Collapse of Communism,
1990-92 .164
(5)
Summaries
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members in
1968
(Jiří
Hoppe)
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members
(Klub angažovaných ne¬
straníků
-
KAN) was established in
1968
by Czechs and Slovaks who
had previously not been involved in public affairs and shared a gen¬
eral distaste for political parties. They resolved, however, to establish
a new, special kind of organization that would in no way be connect¬
ed with the past, and would, it was hoped, provide everyone with an
opportunity to get involved in setting public affairs after twenty years
of Communist rule.
Ludvík Rybáček,
a thirty-year old chemist, came up with the idea
after having read
'Aktivita nepojmenovaných'
(The Activity of the
Nameless Ones), by the Czech writer
Alexandr
Kliment (b.
1929),
which was published in
Literární listy
on March
14,1968.
Seeing that
his idea met with a positive response among friends and colleagues,
Rybáček
organized a series of meetings at which future members of
the Preparatory Committee came up with the name. The newly estab¬
lished KAN Committee, led by
Rybáček,
held its constitutive meeting
on April
5, 1968,
with some
200
people attending. The KAN pro¬
gramme as presented at the meeting stated that KAN should bring
together people who had not previously been involved in politics but
now felt they should play a role in Czechoslovak public affairs. KAN
sought to provide its members with an opportunity to formulate their
opinions and present them for public discussion. In this way the
members would feel jointly responsible and part of the decision-mak¬
ing process. Everyday activities, it was thought, should be focused on
organizing discussion evenings with important people, promoting
civil rights, and having their opinions published or voiced in the news
media, as well as actively participating in elections to the National
Committees and National Assembly. Apart from these areas, KAN
intended to work with newly established organizations, integrate
them, and speak out against all non-democratic actions and ideas.
And, lastly, KAN sought to advocate equality between Communists
and non-Communists.
KAN made its presence known almost right after its constitutive
meeting. It sent a petition to the National Committee of Prague, ask-
(161)
Dvoji
identita
Klubu
angažovaných nestraníků
ing to be registered.
Literární listy
reported on its establishment.
Discussion evenings began. At that time, and for a about a month
afterwards, the philosopher Ivan
Sviták
(1925-1994),
already well
known by then, joined the 'KAN movement'. The public became
more aware of KAN at the May Day parade and at its first meeting.
Consequently KAN's activities expanded beyond what had original¬
ly been intended, and it became known throughout the country. The
organizing committee responded with a petition to the Ministry of the
Interior, demanding to have its statutes approved. In the petition,
KAN is described as a 'state-wide political association'.
Following KAN's initial successes, it became apparent that too
broad an organizational framework would be impractical, because
anyone could speak in KAN's name. Consequently, it had to define
itself more clearly. The Preparatory Committee faced the task of
drawing up a real political programme as well as establishing hori¬
zontal and vertical organizational structures. The absence of both a
real programme and organization soon led to an internal crisis, inten¬
sified by the unsolved issue of its becoming legally recognized. The
Preparatory Committee dealt with this by an internal reorganization;
new members with some social standing took the place of former
ones, introducing powerful, though greatly varied dynamics. Two
clear, fundamentally different groups crystallized within the
Preparatory Committee, each with different ideas about the future
orientation of KAN. The first group adhered to the 'orthodox' trends
in KAN
-
namely, seeking to ensure KAN would never become a
political party. The other group tended to want to turn the movement
into a regular political party. These stark differences, together with
worsening inter-personal relations, led the Preparatory Committee to
the verge of a break-up, but even in these difficult circumstances
KAN managed to hold a second meeting.
The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPCz), now headed by
Alexander
Dubček
(1921-1992)
originally took a positive approach to
the KAN's activities, assuming that they could easily manipulate the
political amateurs of KAN. These assumptions proved ill-considered,
and the Party was soon calling KAN, together with the Social
Democrats and Club
231
(K
231),
an 'anti-Socialist organization'. The
leading Communists sought to ban its activities under the Act on the
National Front and a 'legal measure' of July
1968.
The approach of the
CPCz leadership considerably influenced the talks on recognizing
KAN as a legal body, which took place at three different levels
-
the
Ministry of the Interior, the Central Committee of the National Front,
and the Prague Municipal Committee of the CPCz. The only positive
result of the talks was the nomination of Rudolf
Battěk (b.
1924),
Deputy Chairman of KAN, as a deputy to the newly organized Czech
National Council.
(162)
Summaries
The Soviet-led intervention by the armed forces of five Warsaw
Pact countries put a dramatic end to the democratization in
Czechoslovakia, and thus of course to all efforts to organize KAN. A
few days after the intervention, the KAN Preparatory Committee con¬
vened for the last time, deciding that all KAN activities would be ter¬
minated immediately. To continue their work underground was
unthinkable for the members of the Preparatory Committee, since
they believed they were by now well known to the police, and right¬
ly feared persecution. They resolved not to wait for the ultimate offi¬
cial ban, which eventually came from the Interior Ministry on
September
5,1968,
and instead themselves wound up their efforts of
the past five months to establish KAN.
KAN had emerged with the idea of becoming a nucleus of newly
formed opposition forces. The fact that people who were not affiliat¬
ed with a party were then forming a political club was a clear indica¬
tion that they really sought to compete for power with the CPCz.
Consequently, the hitherto sacrosanct 'leading role' of the CPCz
would be cast into doubt. KAN's initiators had clearly aimed to
achieve a multi-party democracy, the germ of which they saw in free
elections and the removal of any form of inequality before the law.
Although unable to come up with a clear political programme or to
establish a clearer structure, KAN met with a positive response from
the public; its members' opinions could not be easily ignored. The
importance of KAN is also evinced by its becoming a respected part¬
ner in talks with the Communist leadership; after KAN was formed,
talks had to be held and new legislation had to be drafted.
In the few months of its existence, before the Soviet-led interven¬
tion, KAN had neither the time nor space to find out if it could sur¬
vive and be effective. Article
4
of the 'Moscow Protocols' (signed by
the Czechoslovak and Soviet Communist leaders in August
26,1968)
required the Czechoslovak leadership to adopt 'essential' and 'effec¬
tive measures' to regain 'control of the mass media' and to 'ban the
activities of various groups and organizations with anti-Socialist
views', in other words to ban the activities of KAN as well, and 'not
to permit any activities of the anti-Marxist Social Democrat Party'.
KAN was of course crushed by the intervention of foreign armed
forces and also by the barriers erected by the home-grown 'restorers
of order'. It was only natural, since no such organization in the world
could have stood up to such military force. The basic goal of KAN, to
form an opposition political force, had to wait another twenty years.
(163)
Dvoji
identita
Klubu
angažovaných nestraníků
The Attempt to Complete An Historical Mission:
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party
Members after
the Collapse of Communism,
1990-92
(Jiří Suk)
The Club of
Engagé
Non-Party Members
(Klub angažovaných ne¬
straníků
-
KAN) became part of the history of the second half of twen¬
tieth century in two ways. First, in
Ί968,
it was for several months a
significant catalyst to help awaken civil society, at least until the
Soviet occupation of August
1968.
Then, following the collapse of
Communism in late
1989,
the KAN was revived, and had a two-track
approach: one track was to encourage non-Party members to get
involved in public affairs in order to build a democratic regime; the
other was the effort to de-Communize Czechoslovak society once it
had emancipated itself from totalitarianism. Before
1992,
KAN's
efforts had primarily been focused on the second task, as KAN sought
in fair and legal ways to purge prominent persons closely connected
with the Communist regime. It was, however, not alone in this; simi¬
lar goals were pursued by other organizations and parties, including
the Confederation of Political Prisoners
(Konfederace politických
vězňů,
which, similarly to KAN, followed on from the
1968
work of
the
К
231),
the Association of Auxiliary Technical Battalions
(Svaz
PTP), the Movement for Civic Liberties
(Hnutí za občanskou svobo¬
du),
and various branches of the Civic Forum organized regionally
and at many workplaces. Fundamental anti-Communism was quite
forceful in the early weeks of
1990,
but never took control of top-level
politics; it simply regulated it. This article considers anti-Communism
as an integral, necessary condition for the successful transition from
totalitarianism to democracy. If integral anti-Communism had a
motto, it would be 'Without thorough de-Communization, no suc¬
cessful transformation can take place.'
In the historic compromise agreed at the roundtable talks between
the elite of the totalitarian regime that was on its way out and the
democratic regime that was just being established in late
1989
and
early
1990
thorough de-Communization was never near the top of the
agenda of the Civic Forum Co-ordinating Centre. Its policy of com¬
promise, that is, constitutional consensus, was based on the
Czechoslovak Communist Party's relinquishing its majority in all leg¬
islative or local representative bodies; then, in free elections, it could
stand against other democratic parties in the contest for electorate
support. The magnanimity of the victors of the revolution did not
stem from their confidence, but, rather, from a vague fear of possible
(164)
Summaries
revolutionary violence being unleashed. The leading figures of the
Civic Forum never had any clearly thought-out concept for coming to
terms with the past. Free courts of justice were to deal with criminal
offences that had been committed by members of the Communist
regime; the years without freedom were to become a subject of
research by independent historians, but 'cheap anti-Communism'
was to be avoided. The Co-ordinating Centre of the Civic Forum
rejected calls for the outlawing of the Communist Party, the sponta¬
neous dismissal of Communist senior civil servants and enterprise
managers, and the setting up of public screening commissions or
extraordinary courts of justice. Fundamental matters of historical jus¬
tice were left aside till the general elections, after which the victorious
parties, now endowed with democratic legitimacy, would decide.
Some urgent questions related to this, sometimes phrased more
like demands, were, however, heard from the very beginning. What
was to be done about the period without freedom, which had lasted
for nearly half a century? How was one to deal with wrongs and
crimes committed by the totalitarian state machinery for the sake of
Communist ideology? How could one allow the Communist Party
simply to compete in free democratic elections? Demands for an his¬
torical settling of accounts were raised as early as January
1990,
at
both a symbolic level and a legal-political one, and the two levels
overlapped. The symbolic level comprised demonstrations, meetings,
happenings (along with their verbal and visual propaganda), peti¬
tions, and public opinion expressed in the news media. At the legal-
political level, on the other hand, were the legislation and govern¬
ment decisions on rehabilitation (exoneration), restitution, the screen¬
ing of people for jobs, particularly, in the civil service, courts, and
military, the Communists' possibly relinquishing their property, and
the making accessible of the secret-police files. A great many events,
disputes, and legal acts and legislation have yet to be properly dealt
with; coming to terms with the Communist past now continues with
the recent establishment of the Institute for the Study of the
Totalitarian Regime and the Archives of the State Security Forces
upon a new constitutional basis since
2007.
These new institutions
should help to add to our knowledge of the period
1948-89
in a posi¬
tive way, while the criminal-legal line is being pursued at the Office
for the Documentation and Investigation of the Crimes of
Communism, which was established in
1995.
(165) |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Hoppe, Jiří 1968- Suk, Jiří 1966- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)139866086 (DE-588)137899343 |
| author_facet | Hoppe, Jiří 1968- Suk, Jiří 1966- |
| author_role | aut aut |
| author_sort | Hoppe, Jiří 1968- |
| author_variant | j h jh j s js |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV035096315 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)271610348 (DE-599)BVBBV035096315 |
| edition | Vyd. 1. |
| era | 1968 czenas 1990-1992 czenas Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | 1968 1990-1992 Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| genre_facet | Quelle Documents Dokumenty Miscellanea Sborníky Studie Studies |
| id | DE-604.BV035096315 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T22:12:23Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-20T05:49:18Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788085494822 |
| language | Czech |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016764360 |
| oclc_num | 271610348 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-M457 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-M457 |
| physical | 165 S. |
| publishDate | 2008 |
| publishDateSearch | 2008 |
| publishDateSort | 2008 |
| publisher | Nakl. Euroslavica |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Hoppe, Jiří 1968- Verfasser (DE-588)139866086 aut Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] Jiří Hoppe ; Jiří Suk Dvojí identita KAN Vyd. 1. Praha Nakl. Euroslavica 2008 165 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Klub angažovaných nestraníků czenas Klub Angažovaných Nestraníků (DE-588)7632892-2 gnd rswk-swf 1968 czenas 1990-1992 czenas Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Political movements and alliances - Czech Republic - 20th-21st centuries czenas Political opposition - Czech Republic - 1968 czenas Politická hnutí - Česko - 20.-21. stol czenas Politická opozice - Česko - 1968 czenas (DE-588)4135952-5 Quelle gnd-content Documents czenas Dokumenty czenas Miscellanea czenas Sborníky czenas Studie czenas Studies czenas Klub Angažovaných Nestraníků (DE-588)7632892-2 b Geschichte z DE-604 Suk, Jiří 1966- Verfasser (DE-588)137899343 aut Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016764360&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016764360&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Hoppe, Jiří 1968- Suk, Jiří 1966- Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] Klub angažovaných nestraníků czenas Klub Angažovaných Nestraníků (DE-588)7632892-2 gnd Political movements and alliances - Czech Republic - 20th-21st centuries czenas Political opposition - Czech Republic - 1968 czenas Politická hnutí - Česko - 20.-21. stol czenas Politická opozice - Česko - 1968 czenas |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)7632892-2 (DE-588)4135952-5 |
| title | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] |
| title_alt | Dvojí identita KAN |
| title_auth | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] |
| title_exact_search | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] |
| title_full | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] Jiří Hoppe ; Jiří Suk |
| title_fullStr | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] Jiří Hoppe ; Jiří Suk |
| title_full_unstemmed | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] Jiří Hoppe ; Jiří Suk |
| title_short | Dvojí identita Klubu angažovaných nestraníků |
| title_sort | dvoji identita klubu angazovanych nestraniku pred invazi 1968 a po padu komunismu 1989 dve historicke studie doplnene edici vybranych dokumentacnich materialu |
| title_sub | před invazí 1968 a po pádu komunismu 1989 ; [dvě historické studie doplněné edicí vybraných dokumentačních materiálů] |
| topic | Klub angažovaných nestraníků czenas Klub Angažovaných Nestraníků (DE-588)7632892-2 gnd Political movements and alliances - Czech Republic - 20th-21st centuries czenas Political opposition - Czech Republic - 1968 czenas Politická hnutí - Česko - 20.-21. stol czenas Politická opozice - Česko - 1968 czenas |
| topic_facet | Klub angažovaných nestraníků Klub Angažovaných Nestraníků Political movements and alliances - Czech Republic - 20th-21st centuries Political opposition - Czech Republic - 1968 Politická hnutí - Česko - 20.-21. stol Politická opozice - Česko - 1968 Quelle Documents Dokumenty Miscellanea Sborníky Studie Studies |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016764360&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016764360&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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