Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku: "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma"
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Poznań
Instytut Historii UAM
2008
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Poznań and the Province of Wielkopolska in March 1968 |
| Beschreibung: | 237, [1] s. il. 22 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788389407399 |
Internformat
MARC
| LEADER | 00000nam a2200000 c 4500 | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 001 | BV023380559 | ||
| 003 | DE-604 | ||
| 005 | 20170301 | ||
| 007 | t | ||
| 008 | 080707s2008 |||| |||| 00||| pol d | ||
| 020 | |a 9788389407399 |9 978-83-89407-39-9 | ||
| 035 | |a (OCoLC)233500453 | ||
| 035 | |a (DE-599)BVBBV023380559 | ||
| 040 | |a DE-604 |b ger |e rakwb | ||
| 041 | 0 | |a pol | |
| 049 | |a DE-12 | ||
| 084 | |a 7,41 |2 ssgn | ||
| 100 | 1 | |a Jankowiak, Stanisław |d 1958- |e Verfasser |0 (DE-588)1126598860 |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku |b "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" |c Stanisław Jankowiak |
| 264 | 1 | |a Poznań |b Instytut Historii UAM |c 2008 | |
| 300 | |a 237, [1] s. |b il. |c 22 cm | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Poznań and the Province of Wielkopolska in March 1968 | ||
| 505 | 0 | |a Bibliogr. s. 230-233 | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1968 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Opór wobec władzy / Polska / 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Żydzi / Polska / 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Opór wobec władzy / Polska / Wielkopolska (region) / 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Opór wobec władzy - Polska - 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Opór wobec władzy - Polska - Wielkopolska (region) - 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Żydzi - Polska - 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Unruhen |0 (DE-588)4136263-9 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 651 | 7 | |a Polska / 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Polska / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Polska - 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Polska - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Posen |0 (DE-588)4046868-9 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Großpolen |0 (DE-588)4223407-4 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 689 | 0 | 0 | |a Posen |0 (DE-588)4046868-9 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Großpolen |0 (DE-588)4223407-4 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Unruhen |0 (DE-588)4136263-9 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 3 | |a Geschichte 1968 |A z |
| 689 | 0 | |5 DE-604 | |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
| 940 | 1 | |n oe | |
| 999 | |a oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016563669 | ||
| 942 | 1 | 1 | |c 909 |e 22/bsb |f 09046 |g 438 |
Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804137753071321088 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis treści
Wstęp
................................................ 7
I. Polska w latach sześćdziesiątych
........................... 10
1.
Sytuacja Wielkopolski po przełomie październikowym
.............. 10
2.
Konflikt państwo
-
Kościół w związku z Milenium
................ 17
a. Poznańskie echa sporu wokół „orędzia biskupów polskich do biskupów
niemieckich
......................................... 17
b. Gnieżnieńsko-poznańskie obchody Milenium
................... 40
3.
Walka o władzę w Polsce w drugiej połowie lat sześćdziesiątych
....... 60
a. Grupa śląska
........................................ 61
b. „Partyzanci
........................................ 62
II.
Sytuacja międzynarodowa w połowie lat sześćdziesiątych
.......... 67
1.
Konflikty na Bliskim Wschodzie
............................ 67
a. Na drodze do wojny
................................... 68
b. Nowy etap konfliktu bliskowschodniego
...................... 70
с
Wojna sześciodniowa
.................................. 71
d. Konsekwencje wojny sześciodniowej
........................ 74
2.
Reakcja władz polskich na wojnę izraelsko-arabską
................ 74
3.
Poznańskie echa kampanii „antysyjonistycznej
................... 80
III. Geneza warszawskiego Marca
............................ 82
1.
Sprawa Dziadów
....................................... 85
2.
Protest studentów Warszawy i innych miast uniwersyteckich
.......... 87
IV.
Marzec
1968
w Wielkopolsce
............................. 91
1.
Przebieg protestów studenckich
............................. 91
2.
Reakcja władz uczelni wyższych Poznania
...................... 120
3.
Akcja ulotkowa
....................................... 130
4.
Listy
.............................................. 137
5.
Działania władz państwowych
............................. 139
6.
„Masówki w zakładach
.................................. 143
7.
Wiec
.............................................. 146
8.
Reakcje zakładów pracy
.................................. 152
9.
Reakcje na przemówienie Gomułki
.......................... 167
10.
Reakcja kleru
......................................... 172
11.
Poznańskie środowisko naukowe
............................ 175
12.
Wątek żydowski
....................................... 178
13.
Represje
............................................ 187
14.
Wnioski z zajść
....................................... 200
V.
Zmiany w systemie rekrutacji i organizacji szkól wyższych
........ 202
Zakończenie
............................................ 224
Bibliografia
............................................ 230
Poznań
and the Province of
Wielkopolska
in March
1968.
This is the truth
and there is no other truth (summary)
..................... 234
Poznań
and the Province of
Wielkopolska
in March
1968.
This is the truth and there is no other truth
Summary
The condition of social and economic life in Poland in the
1960s
systematically
deteriorated. Communist authorities tried to limit the social activity to the bare minimum,
preserving the real power under the control of the Communist party. This plan functioned
well originally, because the new Communist group under the leadership of
Władysław
Gomułka,
who came into power after the events in October
1956
being previously also
persecuted by other Communist factions, stimulated the hopes within Polish society and
also eliminated the anxiety for the future. The new General Secretary of the Communist
party, who personally experienced the Stalinist persecutions, seemed to be the best hope
of a return to normal life. These expectations coincided with some changes and reforms
in social and economic life. Various kinds of cooperatives were spontaneously dissolved,
the censorship was weakened, the workers created their councils in factories. But these
events were happening not as a consequence of
Gomułka
s
act of will, but alongside his
real sphere of influence. The most important task for
Gomułka
in the first months after
October
1956
was to make his power over the Communist party stronger. The social
expectations, in fact, surpassed in importance his political vision; however, it was rather
difficult to notice at that time. The strengthening of power of the General Secretary
resulted soon with the return to a principal understanding of Communist ideas, and in
this way, with the return to the previous rules of government. One should mention that
Goimrika s rules increased significantly the standard of living in Poland. This process
was stopped in the moment, when he came to conclusion that the basic problems were
already resolved, and further development would be unjustified and could degenerate into
dangerous consumptionism . The engineering industry, and other similar branches of
state economy, were carefully supervised for a few years, but then the Soviet model of
investments into the heavy iron and steel industry was reintroduced. The Communist
authorities had to offer new jobs for the baby-boomers who were now adults. They were
to find their jobs in new huge factories. One can say that the Communist authorities were
somehow forced to do it, because Polish society, after the horrible fate during the WWII,
had insufficient resources to participate My in all aspects of a normal economy. The
economic system of dictated and controlled distribution of goods draw the borders on
social activity. The real change of this vicious circle could be achieved only with the
impulse from the authorities. After the revolt in October
1956
life in the Polish villages
changed for a short time, but it soon became clear that these changes were introduced
234
only temporarily. The compulsory agricultural contingents remained, and the Communist
authorities still, however without such an irrational attitude, supported the state-con¬
trolled economy, looking for and fighting with the village s wealthy persons .
The economic problems were somehow combined with the tensions within the
various cultural activists. Gomulka
s
faction did not
reintroduce
the former social-realist
model of culture, but it did not mean that the creativeness was totally liberated. Gomulka
himself regretted that the culture activists were not convinced enough by the Communist
ideas and did not want to fulfill the principles of cultural development designed by the
Communist party leadership. Therefore, after a few years of rather soft censorship the
hard-line was reestablished. The impact on the cultural activists who were to follow the
Communist party line became stronger. This referred also to university and higher
education. The signs of enthusiasm after the events in October
1956
were very much
visible in the academic circles and resulted in the so-called Thaw
( Odwilż ).
The
impact of Communist ideology was significantly limited. The professors, who previously
were expelled from universities, could hold their position again, and the education
programs were reformed. Thanks to these changes universities became institutions with
real freedom of speech and discussion. These events, of course, were not warmly
welcomed by the General Secretary and his advocates, who wanted a university to
fonction
according along Communist ideological lines. In addition, he was afraid of the
collaboration among the various social groups, which was demonstrated by the revolting
society in October
1956.
The aim of Communist authorities concentrated anew on the
disintegration of Polish society, based on the simple scheme of class division , and
promoting the social distrust towards intelligentsia. The first actions aiming at intro¬
ducing the limits of cultural creativeness pushed the cultural activists to look for a way of
protest. The famous Letter of
34
initiated a policy to subordinate this social group to
the Communist authorities. The reaction to this Letter did not have any connections
with its contents.
One should not forget about another factor which accelerated the changes
-
the
struggle over the control of the Communist party. The aging leadership still controlling
the most important offices, blocked the possible promotion of the vast group of young
Communist activists, educated by the Union of Polish Youth
(Związek Młodzieży
Polskiej).
In addition, a group of party members, unsatisfied with the rules of Gomutka s
government, was constantly increasing. The various activities of the so-called re¬
visionists troubled Gomutka s fraction very much, because they impaired the principles
of Communist authorities. In addition, threats came from within the party. Perhaps the
most important competitor to Gomulka, at that moment, was
Mieczysůaw
Moczar
and his
group of so-called partisans . The influences of Edward
Gierek,
head of the Communist
party in Silesia region, also increased. His acts were commonly presented as decisions
made by well-educated socialist types of modern technocrats . One should not exclude
the deeds of the Catholic Church, which was very active in preserving its social and
religious position within the Polish society. The clash between Communist authorities
and the Catholic Church could be easily observed in the mid
1960s,
when both sides
235
celebrated the Millenium of the creation of the first Polish state (according to the
Communist side) and the introduction of the Christian faith (according to the Catholic
Church). It was quite clear that this confrontation was won by the Catholic Church.
The signs of the conflict between various factions of the Communist party could be
observed after the Israeli-Arab war in
1967,
when its international and internal impact
became clear. The satisfaction of the Israeli victory manifested by certain social groups
clashed with the official condemnation of Israel by the Communist bloc . This act
initiated the anti-Zionistic propaganda campaign in all Communist countries, including
Poland. The slogan, that every Jew living in Poland should have only one socialistic
home-country developed into an anti-Semitic propaganda aiming at the Poles of Jewish
origin, accused of lack of loyalty.
The long-lasting social tensions cumulated on the students. The ban of another
performance of
Dziady
( The Ghosts ) by Adam
Mickiewicz,
staged in the National
Theater in Warsaw became the reason of the riots. As a revenge, the Communist
authorities expelled the most active students from the University of Warsaw: Adam
Michnik and
Henryk Szlajfer.
The students protested against this decision, but their
demonstration was dispersed by the so-called workers activists who where, in fact,
ardent party members. It meant that the beginning of students protests lasted for several
days in Warsaw and other university centers in Poland.
The first news about riots in Warsaw reached
Poznań
on March 10th. The official
propaganda did not comment on it; therefore, many people were looking for the news
broadcast by Radio Free Europe. Soon, the idea to support the Warsaw s students arose
among students in
Poznań.
They began their agitation aiming to organize a meeting in the
square in front of the Adam
Mickiewicz
monument, in the center of
Poznań.
Such
a demonstration took, indeed, place on March
12 , 1968.
The protesting students
demanded to reopen the theater play of
Dziady
in the National Theater and to liberate
the students arrested in Warsaw. Many of the students shouted also slogans: The Press
lied
( Prasa kłamie )
or We demand truth
( Żądamy prawdy ).
Some newspapers
were burnt as a sign of open protest. The representatives of the
Poznań
Higher Education
Schools
(Kolegium Rektorów)
metwith the students and proposed to continue the talks
with the students envoys at the university rector s office. This proposal was, however,
rejected. The students went home, but agreed to return to
Mickiewicz
square once again
at the evening. The second demonstration also took place and no police forces intervened
on that day. The meetings of university employees and students were organized the next
day, March 13th, already by early morning. The staff members tried to convince students
not to continue their protests, that they were pointless. Nevertheless, the students started
to gather again at
3
p.m. in
Mickiewicz
square. The number of participants rapidly grow.
This time, the Communist party leaders did not wait a long time. Already at
4
p.m. the
first Communist militia patrol-car appeared there and the officers pronounced by
loud-speakers an appeal to disperse and go home. Because nobody really followed this
request, the special task forces (ZOMO) intervened. The level of aggression was
enormous. The participants of the demonstration were beaten with police sticks even in
236
some neighboring university buildings where some of the students wanted to find
a shelter. The entire center of the town was then patrolled by Communist militia. Other
riots took place in the students campus in the district of Winogrady that evening. Despite
these tragic experiences and intensive propaganda undertaken by some university
employees, the students met the next afternoon in this same square. The Communist
militia also this time wanted to breakup the demonstrating students. The level of brutality
was such that no further demonstrations were staged in following days. The authori¬
ties prepared a massive propaganda campaign which also took place in factories
and university halls. The workers during their meetings demanded to condemn the
inappropriate actions of the unstrained youth . The leaders of the youth were inspired by
the Zionistic movement. The workers demanded in their resolutions that the students
were to be concentrated on their studies and not on political intrigues. The university
superiors were to punish the leaders and inciters of the riots by their expulsion.
Additionally, their parents were to be severely punished. They, even belonging to upper
class of Polish society, did not have an chance to influence their children to educate them
properly. The expelled students from the intelligentsia were to be replaced with the sons
of Polish peasants and workers.
The Provincial Committee of the Communist party organized a demonstration on
16
March in this same square where students had previously protested. During this rally,
Jan Szydlak, the first secretary of the Provincial Committee of the Communist party
repeated the main slogans from the resolution about the unstrained youth , foreign
inspirations, Zionists , and so forth. The university employees were also attacked, for
they partly supported the students cause. The gathered Communist activists accepted the
resolution, condemned the students protests and supported the decisions of party
leadership, aiming to restore social order .
The students protest was not limited to few demonstrations only. Even several
weeks after the events in March the students painted some anti-Communist slogans on
the walls in
Poznań
and other towns in
Wielkopolska.
The pamphlets against the
Communist power were found in factories, schools and even in primary and secondary
schools. The brutal acts of the Communist authorities were condemned by the students
who wanted to read truth in media.
A few dozen students were arrested already on March
ІЗ1 1.
The number of arrested
increased in the following days. According to official data, more than
220
people were
kept in prison. Many of them were sentenced by a hasty court
(Kolegium
Karno-Admi-
nistracyjne) and remained for several months in prison and were fines. Another com¬
mission was set up by university superiors and expelled some of their students. Soon,
many of them were drafted into the Polish army for
2
years term in special units, for the
purpose of re-education .
The students protests did not result in political changes in Poland. They were used
as a reason to limit the autonomy of higher education. Already in
1968
the rules of
enrollment were changed. A candidate could receive more credit points because of his
social class descent and the grade of foreign language exam was excluded from the exam
237
list. The students had to work before they began their study time at the university. The
study programs were also modified, and from
1968
more ideological courses (intro¬
duction to Marxist philosophy, Marxist economy, etc.) were introduced.
By the end of
1968
the parliament also modified the bill on the higher education
system. This bill introduced full political control over the universities, the offices of
rectors (chancellors). Afterwards, deans and directors of an institute were to be nomi¬
nated, and not elected any more. In this way people, who were not properly prepared,
were elevated to some offices, without academic degrees and prestige. A certain group of
the so-called March professors appeared at university. Some other active anti-
Communist professors were fired by Communist party commissions, and some of the
them were even forced to emigrate. The repression after March
1968
meant the general
appeasement of the scholars and artists circles and their subordination to the Com¬
munist party lines. It is worth mentioning that a significant number of university staff
members accepted the Communist ideological way of acting when a small number was
trying to find their place among the political opposition.
The students protest in March
1968
in
Poznań
did not emerge with its own political
program. It was more a spontaneous action of students solidarity with their colleagues in
Warsaw and other big cities. The students protests were supported, to a certain degree,
by young workers and even secondary school children. However, one should say that the
workers did not agree with the students ideas. The young workers generally uphold the
critical slogans of Communist regime, but the Communist party activists succeeded in
planting dissension between students and the working class. The Communist slogans
writers
! -
get back to writing and students
! -
get back to your study
!
reflected real
feelings of vast social groups in
1968
in the province of
Wielkopolska
and elsewhere.
The situation was to be changed from
1970.
Translated by
Rafał Witkowski
|
| adam_txt |
Spis treści
Wstęp
. 7
I. Polska w latach sześćdziesiątych
. 10
1.
Sytuacja Wielkopolski po przełomie październikowym
. 10
2.
Konflikt państwo
-
Kościół w związku z Milenium
. 17
a. Poznańskie echa sporu wokół „orędzia" biskupów polskich do biskupów
niemieckich
. 17
b. Gnieżnieńsko-poznańskie obchody Milenium
. 40
3.
Walka o władzę w Polsce w drugiej połowie lat sześćdziesiątych
. 60
a. Grupa śląska
. 61
b. „Partyzanci"
. 62
II.
Sytuacja międzynarodowa w połowie lat sześćdziesiątych
. 67
1.
Konflikty na Bliskim Wschodzie
. 67
a. Na drodze do wojny
. 68
b. Nowy etap konfliktu bliskowschodniego
. 70
с
Wojna sześciodniowa
. 71
d. Konsekwencje wojny sześciodniowej
. 74
2.
Reakcja władz polskich na wojnę izraelsko-arabską
. 74
3.
Poznańskie echa kampanii „antysyjonistycznej"
. 80
III. Geneza warszawskiego Marca
. 82
1.
Sprawa Dziadów
. 85
2.
Protest studentów Warszawy i innych miast uniwersyteckich
. 87
IV.
Marzec
1968
w Wielkopolsce
. 91
1.
Przebieg protestów studenckich
. 91
2.
Reakcja władz uczelni wyższych Poznania
. 120
3.
Akcja ulotkowa
. 130
4.
Listy
. 137
5.
Działania władz państwowych
. 139
6.
„Masówki" w zakładach
. 143
7.
Wiec
. 146
8.
Reakcje zakładów pracy
. 152
9.
Reakcje na przemówienie Gomułki
. 167
10.
Reakcja kleru
. 172
11.
Poznańskie środowisko naukowe
. 175
12.
Wątek żydowski
. 178
13.
Represje
. 187
14.
Wnioski z zajść
. 200
V.
Zmiany w systemie rekrutacji i organizacji szkól wyższych
. 202
Zakończenie
. 224
Bibliografia
. 230
Poznań
and the Province of
Wielkopolska
in March
1968.
"This is the truth
and there is no other truth" (summary)
. 234
Poznań
and the Province of
Wielkopolska
in March
1968.
"This is the truth and there is no other truth"
Summary
The condition of social and economic life in Poland in the
1960s
systematically
deteriorated. Communist authorities tried to limit the social activity to the bare minimum,
preserving the real power under the control of the Communist party. This plan functioned
well originally, because the new Communist group under the leadership of
Władysław
Gomułka,
who came into power after the events in October
1956
being previously also
persecuted by other Communist factions, stimulated the hopes within Polish society and
also eliminated the anxiety for the future. The new General Secretary of the Communist
party, who personally experienced the Stalinist persecutions, seemed to be the best hope
of a return to normal life. These expectations coincided with some changes and reforms
in social and economic life. Various kinds of cooperatives were spontaneously dissolved,
the censorship was weakened, the workers created their councils in factories. But these
events were happening not as a consequence of
Gomułka'
s
act of will, but alongside his
real sphere of influence. The most important task for
Gomułka
in the first months after
October
1956
was to make his power over the Communist party stronger. The social
expectations, in fact, surpassed in importance his political vision; however, it was rather
difficult to notice at that time. The strengthening of power of the General Secretary
resulted soon with the return to a "principal understanding" of Communist ideas, and in
this way, with the return to the previous rules of government. One should mention that
Goimrika's rules increased significantly the standard of living in Poland. This process
was stopped in the moment, when he came to conclusion that the basic problems were
already resolved, and further development would be unjustified and could degenerate into
dangerous "consumptionism". The engineering industry, and other similar branches of
state economy, were carefully supervised for a few years, but then the Soviet model of
investments into the heavy iron and steel industry was reintroduced. The Communist
authorities had to offer new jobs for the baby-boomers who were now adults. They were
to find their jobs in new huge factories. One can say that the Communist authorities were
somehow forced to do it, because Polish society, after the horrible fate during the WWII,
had insufficient resources to participate My in all aspects of a normal economy. The
economic system of dictated and controlled distribution of goods draw the borders on
social activity. The real change of this "vicious circle" could be achieved only with the
impulse from the authorities. After the revolt in October
1956
life in the Polish villages
changed for a short time, but it soon became clear that these changes were introduced
234
only temporarily. The compulsory agricultural contingents remained, and the Communist
authorities still, however without such an irrational attitude, supported the state-con¬
trolled economy, looking for and fighting with the "village's wealthy persons".
The economic problems were somehow combined with the tensions within the
various cultural activists. Gomulka'
s
faction did not
reintroduce
the former social-realist
model of culture, but it did not mean that the creativeness was totally liberated. Gomulka
himself regretted that the culture activists were not convinced enough by the Communist
ideas and did not want to fulfill the principles of cultural development designed by the
Communist party leadership. Therefore, after a few years of rather soft censorship the
hard-line was reestablished. The impact on the cultural activists who were to follow the
Communist party line became stronger. This referred also to university and higher
education. The signs of enthusiasm after the events in October
1956
were very much
visible in the academic circles and resulted in the so-called "Thaw"
("Odwilż").
The
impact of Communist ideology was significantly limited. The professors, who previously
were expelled from universities, could hold their position again, and the education
programs were reformed. Thanks to these changes universities became institutions with
real freedom of speech and discussion. These events, of course, were not warmly
welcomed by the General Secretary and his advocates, who wanted a university to
fonction
according along Communist ideological lines. In addition, he was afraid of the
collaboration among the various social groups, which was demonstrated by the revolting
society in October
1956.
The aim of Communist authorities concentrated anew on the
disintegration of Polish society, based on the simple scheme of "class division", and
promoting the social distrust towards intelligentsia. The first actions aiming at intro¬
ducing the limits of cultural creativeness pushed the cultural activists to look for a way of
protest. The famous "Letter of
34"
initiated a policy to subordinate this social group to
the Communist authorities. The reaction to this "Letter" did not have any connections
with its contents.
One should not forget about another factor which accelerated the changes
-
the
struggle over the control of the Communist party. The aging leadership still controlling
the most important offices, blocked the possible promotion of the vast group of young
Communist activists, educated by the Union of Polish Youth
(Związek Młodzieży
Polskiej).
In addition, a group of party members, unsatisfied with the rules of Gomutka's
government, was constantly increasing. The various activities of the so-called "re¬
visionists" troubled Gomutka's fraction very much, because they impaired the principles
of Communist authorities. In addition, threats came from within the party. Perhaps the
most important competitor to Gomulka, at that moment, was
Mieczysůaw
Moczar
and his
group of so-called "partisans". The influences of Edward
Gierek,
head of the Communist
party in Silesia region, also increased. His acts were commonly presented as decisions
made by well-educated socialist types of modern "technocrats". One should not exclude
the deeds of the Catholic Church, which was very active in preserving its social and
religious position within the Polish society. The clash between Communist authorities
and the Catholic Church could be easily observed in the mid
1960s,
when both sides
235
celebrated the Millenium of the creation of the first Polish state (according to the
Communist side) and the introduction of the Christian faith (according to the Catholic
Church). It was quite clear that this confrontation was won by the Catholic Church.
The signs of the conflict between various factions of the Communist party could be
observed after the Israeli-Arab war in
1967,
when its international and internal impact
became clear. The satisfaction of the Israeli victory manifested by certain social groups
clashed with the official condemnation of Israel by the "Communist bloc". This act
initiated the "anti-Zionistic" propaganda campaign in all Communist countries, including
Poland. The slogan, that every Jew living in Poland should have only one "socialistic"
home-country developed into an anti-Semitic propaganda aiming at the Poles of Jewish
origin, accused of lack of loyalty.
The long-lasting social tensions cumulated on the students. The ban of another
performance of
"Dziady"
("The Ghosts") by Adam
Mickiewicz,
staged in the National
Theater in Warsaw became the reason of the riots. As a revenge, the Communist
authorities expelled the most active students from the University of Warsaw: Adam
Michnik and
Henryk Szlajfer.
The students protested against this decision, but their
demonstration was dispersed by the so-called "workers' activists" who where, in fact,
ardent party members. It meant that the beginning of students' protests lasted for several
days in Warsaw and other university centers in Poland.
The first news about riots in Warsaw reached
Poznań
on March 10th. The official
propaganda did not comment on it; therefore, many people were looking for the news
broadcast by Radio Free Europe. Soon, the idea to support the Warsaw's students arose
among students in
Poznań.
They began their agitation aiming to organize a meeting in the
square in front of the Adam
Mickiewicz
monument, in the center of
Poznań.
Such
a demonstration took, indeed, place on March
12'', 1968.
The protesting students
demanded to reopen the theater play of
"Dziady"
in the National Theater and to liberate
the students arrested in Warsaw. Many of the students shouted also slogans: "The Press
lied"
("Prasa kłamie")
or "We demand truth"
("Żądamy prawdy").
Some newspapers
were burnt as a sign of open protest. The representatives of the
Poznań
Higher Education
Schools
(Kolegium Rektorów)
metwith the students and proposed to continue the talks
with the students' envoys at the university rector's office. This proposal was, however,
rejected. The students went home, but agreed to return to
Mickiewicz
square once again
at the evening. The second demonstration also took place and no police forces intervened
on that day. The meetings of university employees and students were organized the next
day, March 13th, already by early morning. The staff members tried to convince students
not to continue their protests, that they were pointless. Nevertheless, the students started
to gather again at
3
p.m. in
Mickiewicz
square. The number of participants rapidly grow.
This time, the Communist party leaders did not wait a long time. Already at
4
p.m. the
first Communist militia patrol-car appeared there and the officers pronounced by
loud-speakers an appeal to disperse and go home. Because nobody really followed this
request, the special task forces (ZOMO) intervened. The level of aggression was
enormous. The participants of the demonstration were beaten with police sticks even in
236
some neighboring university buildings where some of the students wanted to find
a shelter. The entire center of the town was then patrolled by Communist militia. Other
riots took place in the students' campus in the district of Winogrady that evening. Despite
these tragic experiences and intensive propaganda undertaken by some university
employees, the students met the next afternoon in this same square. The Communist
militia also this time wanted to breakup the demonstrating students. The level of brutality
was such that no further demonstrations were staged in following days. The authori¬
ties prepared a massive propaganda campaign which also took place in factories
and university halls. The workers during their meetings demanded to condemn the
"inappropriate actions of the unstrained youth". The leaders of the youth were inspired by
the "Zionistic" movement. The workers demanded in their resolutions that the students
were to be concentrated on their studies and not on political intrigues. The university
superiors were to punish the leaders and inciters of the riots by their expulsion.
Additionally, their parents were to be severely punished. They, even belonging to upper
class of Polish society, did not have an chance to influence their children to educate them
properly. The expelled students from the intelligentsia were to be replaced with the sons
of Polish peasants and workers.
The Provincial Committee of the Communist party organized a demonstration on
16
March in this same square where students had previously protested. During this rally,
Jan Szydlak, the first secretary of the Provincial Committee of the Communist party
repeated the main slogans from the resolution about the "unstrained youth", foreign
inspirations, "Zionists", and so forth. The university employees were also attacked, for
they partly supported the students' cause. The gathered Communist activists accepted the
resolution, condemned the students' protests and supported the decisions of party
leadership, aiming to "restore social order".
The students' protest was not limited to few demonstrations only. Even several
weeks after the events in March the students painted some anti-Communist slogans on
the walls in
Poznań
and other towns in
Wielkopolska.
The pamphlets against the
Communist power were found in factories, schools and even in primary and secondary
schools. The brutal acts of the Communist authorities were condemned by the students
who wanted to read truth in media.
A few dozen students were arrested already on March
ІЗ1'1.
The number of arrested
increased in the following days. According to official data, more than
220
people were
kept in prison. Many of them were sentenced by a hasty court
(Kolegium
Karno-Admi-
nistracyjne) and remained for several months in prison and were fines. Another com¬
mission was set up by university superiors and expelled some of their students. Soon,
many of them were drafted into the Polish army for
2
years term in special units, for the
purpose of "re-education".
The students' protests did not result in political changes in Poland. They were used
as a reason to limit the autonomy of higher education. Already in
1968
the rules of
enrollment were changed. A candidate could receive more credit points because of his
social class descent and the grade of foreign language exam was excluded from the exam
237
list. The students had to work before they began their study time at the university. The
study programs were also modified, and from
1968
more ideological courses (intro¬
duction to Marxist philosophy, Marxist economy, etc.) were introduced.
By the end of
1968
the parliament also modified the bill on the higher education
system. This bill introduced full political control over the universities, the offices of
rectors (chancellors). Afterwards, deans and directors of an institute were to be nomi¬
nated, and not elected any more. In this way people, who were not properly prepared,
were elevated to some offices, without academic degrees and prestige. A certain group of
the so-called "March professors" appeared at university. Some other active anti-
Communist professors were fired by Communist party commissions, and some of the
them were even forced to emigrate. The repression after March
1968
meant the general
appeasement of the scholars' and artists' circles and their subordination to the Com¬
munist party lines. It is worth mentioning that a significant number of university staff
members accepted the Communist ideological way of acting when a small number was
trying to find their place among the political opposition.
The students' protest in March
1968
in
Poznań
did not emerge with its own political
program. It was more a spontaneous action of students' solidarity with their colleagues in
Warsaw and other big cities. The students' protests were supported, to a certain degree,
by young workers and even secondary school children. However, one should say that the
workers did not agree with the students' ideas. The young workers generally uphold the
critical slogans of Communist regime, but the Communist party activists succeeded in
planting dissension between students and the working class. The Communist slogans
"writers
! -
get back to writing" and "students
! -
get back to your study
!"
reflected real
feelings of vast social groups in
1968
in the province of
Wielkopolska
and elsewhere.
The situation was to be changed from
1970.
Translated by
Rafał Witkowski |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Jankowiak, Stanisław 1958- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1126598860 |
| author_facet | Jankowiak, Stanisław 1958- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Jankowiak, Stanisław 1958- |
| author_variant | s j sj |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023380559 |
| contents | Bibliogr. s. 230-233 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)233500453 (DE-599)BVBBV023380559 |
| era | Geschichte 1968 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1968 |
| format | Book |
| fullrecord | <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>02755nam a2200589 c 4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">BV023380559</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-604</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20170301 </controlfield><controlfield tag="007">t</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">080707s2008 |||| |||| 00||| pol d</controlfield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">9788389407399</subfield><subfield code="9">978-83-89407-39-9</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(OCoLC)233500453</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-599)BVBBV023380559</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-604</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="041" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">pol</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="049" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-12</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="084" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">7,41</subfield><subfield code="2">ssgn</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Jankowiak, Stanisław</subfield><subfield code="d">1958-</subfield><subfield code="e">Verfasser</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)1126598860</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku</subfield><subfield code="b">"taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma"</subfield><subfield code="c">Stanisław Jankowiak</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Poznań</subfield><subfield code="b">Instytut Historii UAM</subfield><subfield code="c">2008</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="300" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">237, [1] s.</subfield><subfield code="b">il.</subfield><subfield code="c">22 cm</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">n</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">nc</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="500" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Poznań and the Province of Wielkopolska in March 1968</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="505" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Bibliogr. s. 230-233</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="648" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Geschichte 1968</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Opór wobec władzy / Polska / 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Żydzi / Polska / 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Opór wobec władzy / Polska / Wielkopolska (region) / 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Opór wobec władzy - Polska - 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Opór wobec władzy - Polska - Wielkopolska (region) - 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Żydzi - Polska - 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Unruhen</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4136263-9</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Polska / 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe)</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Polska / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Polska - 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe)</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Polska - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970</subfield><subfield code="2">jhpk</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Posen</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4046868-9</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Großpolen</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4223407-4</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Posen</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4046868-9</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Großpolen</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4223407-4</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">Unruhen</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4136263-9</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="3"><subfield code="a">Geschichte 1968</subfield><subfield code="A">z</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="5">DE-604</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Inhaltsverzeichnis</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Abstract</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="940" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="n">oe</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="999" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016563669</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="942" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="c">909</subfield><subfield code="e">22/bsb</subfield><subfield code="f">09046</subfield><subfield code="g">438</subfield></datafield></record></collection> |
| geographic | Polska / 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) jhpk Polska / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 jhpk Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 jhpk Polska - 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) jhpk Polska - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 jhpk Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 jhpk Posen (DE-588)4046868-9 gnd Großpolen (DE-588)4223407-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Polska / 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) Polska / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 Polska - 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) Polska - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 Posen Großpolen |
| id | DE-604.BV023380559 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T21:16:14Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:17:18Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788389407399 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016563669 |
| oclc_num | 233500453 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 237, [1] s. il. 22 cm |
| publishDate | 2008 |
| publishDateSearch | 2008 |
| publishDateSort | 2008 |
| publisher | Instytut Historii UAM |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Jankowiak, Stanisław 1958- Verfasser (DE-588)1126598860 aut Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" Stanisław Jankowiak Poznań Instytut Historii UAM 2008 237, [1] s. il. 22 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Poznań and the Province of Wielkopolska in March 1968 Bibliogr. s. 230-233 Geschichte 1968 gnd rswk-swf Opór wobec władzy / Polska / 1945-1970 jhpk Żydzi / Polska / 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy / Polska / Wielkopolska (region) / 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy - Polska - 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy - Polska - Wielkopolska (region) - 1945-1970 jhpk Żydzi - Polska - 1945-1970 jhpk Unruhen (DE-588)4136263-9 gnd rswk-swf Polska / 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) jhpk Polska / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 jhpk Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 jhpk Polska - 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) jhpk Polska - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 jhpk Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 jhpk Posen (DE-588)4046868-9 gnd rswk-swf Großpolen (DE-588)4223407-4 gnd rswk-swf Posen (DE-588)4046868-9 g Großpolen (DE-588)4223407-4 g Unruhen (DE-588)4136263-9 s Geschichte 1968 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Jankowiak, Stanisław 1958- Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" Bibliogr. s. 230-233 Opór wobec władzy / Polska / 1945-1970 jhpk Żydzi / Polska / 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy / Polska / Wielkopolska (region) / 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy - Polska - 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy - Polska - Wielkopolska (region) - 1945-1970 jhpk Żydzi - Polska - 1945-1970 jhpk Unruhen (DE-588)4136263-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4136263-9 (DE-588)4046868-9 (DE-588)4223407-4 |
| title | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" |
| title_auth | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" |
| title_exact_search | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" |
| title_full | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" Stanisław Jankowiak |
| title_fullStr | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" Stanisław Jankowiak |
| title_full_unstemmed | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" Stanisław Jankowiak |
| title_short | Poznań i Wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku |
| title_sort | poznan i wielkopolska w marcu 1968 roku taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma |
| title_sub | "taka jest prawda i innej prawdy nie ma" |
| topic | Opór wobec władzy / Polska / 1945-1970 jhpk Żydzi / Polska / 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy / Polska / Wielkopolska (region) / 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy - Polska - 1945-1970 jhpk Opór wobec władzy - Polska - Wielkopolska (region) - 1945-1970 jhpk Żydzi - Polska - 1945-1970 jhpk Unruhen (DE-588)4136263-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Opór wobec władzy / Polska / 1945-1970 Żydzi / Polska / 1945-1970 Opór wobec władzy / Polska / Wielkopolska (region) / 1945-1970 Opór wobec władzy - Polska - 1945-1970 Opór wobec władzy - Polska - Wielkopolska (region) - 1945-1970 Żydzi - Polska - 1945-1970 Unruhen Polska / 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) Polska / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) / polityka i rządy / 1945-1970 Polska - 1968 (Wydarzenia marcowe) Polska - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 Wielkopolska (Polska ; region) - polityka i rządy - 1945-1970 Posen Großpolen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016563669&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT jankowiakstanisław poznaniwielkopolskawmarcu1968rokutakajestprawdaiinnejprawdyniema |