Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej: szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne
Gespeichert in:
| Format: | Buch |
|---|---|
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Warszawa
Trio
2007
|
| Ausgabe: | Wyd. 1. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Local patterns of political culture |
| Beschreibung: | 597, [1] s. err. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788374361293 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej |b szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne |c red. naukowa Jacek Kurczewski |
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| 264 | 1 | |a Warszawa |b Trio |c 2007 | |
| 300 | |a 597, [1] s. |b err. |c 24 cm | ||
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Local patterns of political culture | ||
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| 650 | 7 | |a Kultura polityczna / Polska / 1990- |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Kultura polityczna / Polska / historia |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Demokracja lokalna / Polska |2 jhpk | |
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| 650 | 7 | |a Demokracja lokalna - Polska |2 jhpk | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804137636429824000 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis
tresei
Jacek Kurczewski: Wprowadzenie. Opis projektu badawczego i przegląd treści
9
Część I. Szkice ogólne
25
Joanna Kurczewska: Projekty socjologiczne i ideologiczne lokalności
27
Aneta
Gawkowska: Rozważania o lokalności: lokalność bez granic
czy jednak ograniczona?
59
Jerzy Bartkowski: Integracja społeczna w świadomości lokalnych zbiorowości
73
Małgorzata Fuszara: Kobiety i mężczyźni a lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
97
Część
II.
Mazowsze
119
Joanna Śmigielska: Obywatelskość w Księstwie Łowickim. O tożsamości, kulturze,
polityce i poczuciu więzi
121
Anna Iwińska: Podwarszawska gmina „Tygrysem Mazowsza
-
sztuka skoordy¬
nowanego zarządzania
135
Beata Kruk: Demokracja lokalna w podwarszawskiej sypialni
159
Aleksandra Herman: Pęknięta społeczność. Zarys i specyfika polityki lokalnej
w dwuwyznaniowej wsi
185
Katarzyna Dzieniszewska-Naroska: Mazowiecka kultura polityczna
-
przypadek
Ostrów Mazowiecka
227
Część III. Kaszuby
265
Marek Latoszek: Demokracja lokalna na Kaszubach
267
Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński: Między kulturą a polityką. Przypadek Zrzeszenia
Kaszubsko-Pomorskiego
325
Jacek Kurczewski: Pod znakiem węgorza
-
polityczna maszoperia „Zrzeszeńców
w jastarnickim trójmieście rybacko-turystycznym
345
Część
IV.
Śląsk Opolski
385
Henryk Czech: Czynniki kształtujące aktywność polityczną na wsi oleskiej
387
Jacek Kurczewski: Antagonizm „polsko-niemiecki w małym mieście
na Śląsku Opolskim
427
Spis treści
Część
V.
Śląsk Cieszyński
473
Halina
Rusek i
Lesław Werpachowski: Społeczeństwo obywatelskie na pograniczu.
Wstęp do studium Cieszyna i Czeskiego Cieszyna
475
Jakub Grygar: Troszczyć się o to swoje „Pięknie . Kultura polityczna i wykluczenie
społeczne w Stonawie na Śląsku Cieszyńskim
527
Mariusz Cichomski: „Zadrutowane ze Sznapstadtu
557
Jacek Kurczewski: Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej. Podsumowanie
571
Noty o autorach
587
English Summary
591
LOCAL
PATTERNS OF POLITICAL CULTURE.
GENERAL OUTLINES AND MONOGRAPHICAL
STUDIES
The book written by several contributors to the research granted
(1
H02E
039 27)
by Polish
Ministry of Higher Education and Science directed by
Jacek Kurczewski,
Chair in Sociology
of Custom and Law, Institute of Applied Social Sciences, University of Warsaw is the sequel
to the report on Civil Society in Poland (Kurczewski
et al.
2003;
Kurczewski
2003)
in which
several local communities throughout the country had been studied intensively in order
to grasp the basic characteristics of the Polish civil society (Ford Foundation grant). These
characteristics are mainly that:
- ( 1 )
in the large part civic activities are oriented towards the local Roman Catholic parish,
while parish legitimizes the collective activity. Moreover, priests are the only citizens regularly
mobilized by their superiors to organize social activity around and are hold accountable for it;
- (2)
in the civic life important are the quasi-non(self)governmental organizations like
associations or foundations initiated by the local people of power in order to channel the col¬
lection and distribution of means outside from the public budget;
- (3)
at the opposite pole, one should list the associations that provide the local political
alternative to the national political parties;
- (4)
the particular actions on behalf of the inhabitants are made through the ad hoc
initiated and managed civic initiatives;
- (5)
with social position the density of social contacts and social capital resulting
from participation in the civic associations increases.
The book starts with theoretical contributions by scholars (Joanna Kurczewska,
Aneta
Gawkowska,
Jerzy Bartkowski
and
Małgorzata Fuszara)
from outside the research project
itself but who conceptualise the field of local politics from perspectives of their experi¬
ence and problems. What came out is that there is common preoccupation with the quality
of the politics at the local level. Contributors often referring to two types of social capital
as discerned by Robert Putnam point to the possibility of reinforcing xenophobia through
strengthening of local ties despite/because of the contact with
EU
institutions (Joanna Kur¬
czewska), of egocentric focusing within local barriers unless the bridging capital is involved
(Aneta
Gawkowska), low level of civic participation
(Jerzy
Bartkowski) and dominant male
clientelisi
practices
(Małgorzata
Fuszara).
Moreover, our previous research pointed to the necessity of taking into recognition the mul-
tilayered structure of the civic life. Independent of the conventional border between civil and po¬
litical society one needs to cut across the former as religious or sport organizations are often
left outside the research on civil society. It is too narrow a.perspective for someone interested
in cooperation of citizens in order to express jointly their sentiments, beliefs and opinions.
591
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
This time
12
communities have been selected to provide the basis for the deep case studies.
The choice depended on the availability of previous research contact and features of locality
that provide the interesting contrast with the average. On the whole, thus, the communities
are unrepresentative, but the fact that they come from Poland makes them representative
in the deeper sense as showing the existing lines of variability. Thus, for instance, though
Poland is ethnically almost homogeneous, half of the cases represent the ethnically hetero¬
geneous situation ana while Poland is almost wholly a Roman Catholic country, in
2
com¬
munities the denominational division is a dominant fact of local politics. The assumption was
that if, under such conditions of natural variability, some basic patterns hold, their generality
as for Polish political culture is well argued.
Main characteristics of
12
localities where research took place
Locality
Common Features
Type of set¬
tlements
Population
Historical
sbackground
Ethnic
composition
Denomination
Ostrów Mazowiecka
town
22 598
Mazovia, Russian
in 19th century,
Polish before
Polish
Roman Catholic
Cegłów
commune
19
village
units
6 500
As above
As above
Roman Catholic/Ma-
riavitae
Lesznowola commune
22
village
units
14 560
As above
As above
Roman Catholic
Tłuszcz
commune
town and
28
village
units
18 371
including
7213
in town
As above
As above
As above
Łowicz
county
(villages only)
10
rural
communes
52 231
As above, Arch¬
bishops Duchy
until 19th century
As above
As above
Wejherowo
town
46 000
Pomerania,
Prus¬
sian in 19th centu¬
ry, Polish before
Kashubian/
Polish
As above
Puck
town
Xl 4.4.6
As above
As above
As above
Jastamia
town
4 053
As above
As above
As above
•
Olesno
commune
town and
18
village
units
19103
including
10 305
in town
Opole
Silesia,
Austrian, then
Prussian
ini
9th
century
Polish/Sile-
sian/German
Roman Catholic
dominan
tly
Cieszyn
town
36109
Cieszyn
Silesia,
Austrian until
1918
Polish
Roman Catholic/Pro¬
testant
Czeski
Cíeszyn/Český
Těšín
town
26457
As above
Czech/Polish
Multiconfessional
Stonawa/Stonava
commune
village
2 000
As above
Polish/Czech
Roman Catholic
dominantly
592
English
Summary
The choice of communities was also dependent on choice of regions. In the systemati¬
cal study of electoral behaviour
Jerzy Bartkowski
established that despite the reunification
of Poland after
1918
when she regained independence the 19th century boundaries between
European powers
-
Prussia, Russia and Austria
-
that partitioned Poland amongst themselves
in years
1772-1795
correspond with differences in the political patterns due to the differences
of political culture and related levels of political, social and national emancipation allowed
within each of the three. Extinction of the majority of Polish Jews under the German occupa¬
tion
1939-1945
and the transfer of Polish borders from the East to the West and North, which
meant the eviction of the German population and the resettlement of the Polish population
in their former homeland plus the forced resettlement of irredentist Ukrainian minority from
the East to the West and the North by Communist authorities after
1945
created the fourth
macro-region of newly settled lands supplementing the Mazovia (former Russian rule), Lit¬
tle Poland (former Austrian rule) and Great Poland and
Pomerania
(former Prussian rule).
In our set of communities under study those from under the Russian (Mazovia), Prussian
(Kashubia and
Opole
Silesia) and Austrian
(Cieszyn
Silesia) rule are present. Missing is the
case of totally new communities that abound in the Western and Northern territories of post-
1945 Poland, as
Olesno
county researched in
Opole
Silesia is an unusual case of community
where formerly German subjects have been allowed to stay after the war and to live together
with Polish settlers who came from the lost Eastern territories or from the what is now cen¬
tral Poland.
In our collection the Mazovian communes represent the hard core of Polish culture. But
here also the local characteristics may vary. Joanna Smigielska studies the villages in the heart
of Poland in what is still called the Duchy of
Łowicz.
The Duchy belonged since Middle Ages
to the Polish archbishops who took economic care over the agriculture here and
-
in contrast
to the majority of Polish landowners
-
emancipated peasants early recognising their tenancy
rights and collecting the rent instead of forced labour prevailing east of river Elbe in Europe
until the 19th century. This had helped villagers here to develop the civic sense and individual¬
ism as well as to remain on special terms with the clergy, three bishops are living in the small
city of
Łowicz
and this closeness also provides the strong sense of micro-regional identity to
villagers according to Smigielska. Opposite to this case one may locate the rural commune
of
Cegłów
in Eastern Mazovia studied by
Aleksandra
Herman. In this area the otherwise
strong Roman Catholic dominance had been broken at the turn of the 19th century when
a social and religious movement of young Polish Catholic clergy led by a nun
Feliksa
Maria
Kozłowska,
passionately called the Mum led to the schism when
Kozłowska
as the first
woman to be excommunicated individually by the Pope made the followers establish their
own independent Mariavitae Church, then with about
100 000
followers, now in decline
to about
40 000
people in Poland, mostly in Mazovia. Herman describes how the political life
in the bi-denominational rural commune is coloured with reference to the religious division
and how religion is used in the local politics. This politics is played also by the priests of both
denominations who are in the obvious competition urging their followers to mobilise along the
lines of division and opposition, while in the non-religious setting like work, school or leisure
the confrontational attitude of the clergy is ignored by the population, whereas the official
593
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
politics of Left-Right rotation is
interpretedin
terms of Roman Catholic
-
Mariavite
opposition.
Another contrasting pair of communes is provided by two communes close to Warsaw. One,
described by Anna Iwinska, is a rural commune of Lesznowola, where closeness to Warsaw
linked with the professional ability of a female Mayor, reelected for the fourth time led to the
economic prosperity, influx of investments and settlers from Warsaw that helped the com¬
mune (and the Mayor) to gain the title of
Tigeress
of Mazovia . Another
-
described by
Beata
Kruk
-
is the small town that during the socialist economy and communist rule became one
of the dormitory in the chain of satellites surrounding Warsaw and which remains basically
stagnant in economic terms until today. Finally, the major study of local political life was
made by
Katarzyna Dzieniszewska-Naroska
in the middle-size North-Eastern Mazovian town
of
Ostrów Mazowiecka.
The town studied systematically by Dzieniszewska-Naroska
[1997;
2004]
is denominationally and ethnically homogeneous, representing in our collection the
closest to the statistical norm.
In the North of Poland, west of the old city of
Gdańsk
the specific ethnic group of Kashu-
bians (Cassubians) lives that according to the dominant historical theory today represents
the last survivors of the Pomeranian Slavonic population that once extended from
Gdańsk
to
Rugen
and
Lübeck. Kashubians
who lived in the borders of Old Poland remained Catholic and
this helped them to preserve identity when this part came under the Prussian rule. Though
there was a significant separatist stream within the Kashubian intellectual movement at the
end of
1
9th century, thsy were loyal to the re-established Polish state and proved that under the
German occupation despite being considered by occupying authorities as Germans. Still, their
disctinct dialect kept them apart and under suspicion of Polish nationalists aiming at forced
assimilation. In
1956
with liberalisation of political life in communist Poland after the end of
Stalinist system, the Pomeranian-Kashubian Association was allowed that kept the Kashubian
identity under the
regionalist form.
Interestingly, the political emancipation of
1989
had not
led to the outburst of Kashubian separatism as suspected by some and instead the Associa¬
tion came forward to become one of the leading political forces in the
Gdańsk
region with
such success that its leaders decided to distance the Association from official party politics
as far as possible. One of the obviously political achievements of the Association described
in our collection by its activist, historian and sociologist
Cezary
Obradit-
Prondzynski was,
nevertheless, the official recognition of the Kashubian idiom, officially treated as the folk
dialect until then, as the minority language in the Law on National and Ethnic Minorities of
2002.
Kashubians differ between themselves, i.a., as Hinterland versus Maritime Kashubians.
Town of
Wejherowo
studied intensively in our project by
Marek Latoszek,
sociologist from
Gdańsk
Medical Academy and his team.
The urban community as analysed in detail by Latoszek had been compared with mari¬
time fishing village/Summer seaside resort of Jastarnia. This is an unusual commune as for¬
mally Jastarnia is the township on
Hel
Peninsula north of
Gdańsk
and composed of three
old Kashubian fishing villages (Jastarnia,
Bór
and
Kuźnica)
and one Summer seaside resort
(Jurata)
built in the
1930s.
The township is dominated by Kashubians from the central area
and by the local chapter of the aforementioned Pomeranian-Kashubian Association that re¬
tained as the only chapter within the whole association the right to run their own list in the
594
English
Summary
local elections winning incessantly since
1994.
In fact, as
Jacek Kurczewski
shows, the chapter
is the only association that counts in the whole area. Moreover, it is argued that it is the con¬
temporary form of the institutionalised cooperation between the fishermen which was tradi¬
tionally active here at least since
1874
when the Prussian authorities proclaimed the freedom
of fishing. As such freedom would kill the catch, fishermen in their own interest arranged
within and between the customary law eel fishing associations called from Dutch maszoperia:
the division and rotation of the fishing banks. The strictly egalitarian pattern stressed in the
ethnography of these associations is evident in the local chapter of Pomeranian-Kashubian
Association that provides the local politicians who rule the commune today, when the fishing
commercially became the second rank to the tourist industry while symbolically it remained
the moral basis of the community.
The third region under scrutiny in the project is
Opole
Silesia represented by the urban-rural
Olesno
county. As it was said above, this is a part of the formerly German territories allotted to
Poland under the Potsdam Agreements of
1945
where the local inhabitants, unless they fled,
have been in majority allowed to stay under the conviction that being mostly Polish-speaking in
the past they are ethnically Poles. This
autochtonie
population was then subject to the forced re-
polonisation that included also those ethnically German who were allowed to stay. Such policy
of the Communist Polish administration coexisted with the deals between GomuHca and later
Gierek
Communist Party/State leaders and West German authorities allowing the permanent
flux of those who could claim German citizenship under the German constitution to the West
Germany. When in
1989
democracy was established the majority of autochtons claimed Ger¬
man nationality and supported Cultural-Social Association of Germans sometimes called also
the Association of People of German Background which since then is running successfully to
Polish Parliament (due to the electoral law priviledge exempting minorities from
5%
threshold
of which priviledge only the German minority is able to make effective use due to its numbers,
compact settlement and organisational unity), and more easily to regional and local self-gov-
emement. In
Olesno
county the situation today is such that in the countryside the autochtons
still dominate while in the town itself there are slightly more families of those who arrived here
after
1945
either from the former Eastern Polish territories lost to today s Lithuania, Byelarus
and Ukraine or from the neigbouring Western area of the Old Poland.
Henryk
Czech, the Sile-
sian sociologist describes the political culture of the
Olesno
countryside pointing to the strong
sense of identity centred around the so-called Silesian values and Silesian ethos [Czech
2006].
The chapter points tc the role of the Roman Catholic parish as the centre for social activities
which as in all Polish countryside develops also in the Voluntary Fire Brigades and in the Coun¬
tryside Housewives Circles. As
Jacek
Kurczewski is studying
Olesno
town since
1970s,
he in
his chapter tells the story of the rise and fall of the German Minority power within the period
1990-2006
on the example of Mayor Edward Flak, who ruled the commune as the Town Mayor
on behalf of the German Minority for twelve years, serving in the meantime as Deputy to the
Polish Parliament. The main point is that the relations between the two parts of the population,
German and Polish are in the permanent transition as after the re-assertion of the German-
ness after
1989
the time came to develop stronger Silesian identity feelings which may lead to
the recognition of common political interests shared with the Polish population.
595
ж
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
The last part deals with the
Cieszyn
Silesia, where on the both sides of Polish-Czech bor¬
der the Poles are living.
Halina
Rusele
and
Leszek Werpachowski
describe in their chapter
the dramatic history of town of
Cieszyn
split by the border since
1918
into two separate mu¬
nicipalities. The Polish side continued the tradition of dense civic activities initiated in the
second half of the 19th century when
Cieszyn
(Tescnen) was under the Austrian rule, though
under the Nazi occupation and afterwards under the communism it had been suppressed.
1989
meant here the explosion of associational life. All Polish social activity on the Czech
side was channeled since communists took the power into one officially recognized Polish
Cultural-Educational Union (PZKO). After
1989
the Union was criticized, on the other hand
it was acknowledged that it helped Polish identity south of the border to survive. Today the
self-declared Poles constitute only about
16
pc. of Czech
Cieszyn
population, their attitudes as
studied in our research point to the minority position. As in Czech Republic minorities have
no electoral priviledges in contrast to Poland, PZKO cannot be the active political player. As
small piece of research on a local political scandal described by
Mariusz Cichomski
shows, the
Poles are present in various parties and there is expectation of a hidden cooperation on this
common ethnic line. Study by
Jakub Grygar
of Stonawa
(Stonava)
village once dominated by
Poles and then decimated due to the mining works points amongst others to the development
of the local identity which helps to transcend the ethnic labels when the external threat to
the whole community is appearing.
As for general conclusions, three major points had been made in the final chapter by
J. Kurczewski. First, it is observed that accession to the European Union had influenced the
local politics in several ways, of which the most important seems to be consideration of proved
or potential ability of a local politician running for office to be able to muster the
EU
funds
for purpose of the development of locality in the direction preferred by the constituency.
Moreover, the vertical and horizontal links had been started that transgress the local and
national boundaries.. This happens for instance in case of the fishermen who oppose openly
and secretly the fishing limits imposed upon them by the
EU
and who are in touch with their
Swedish colleagues in order to detour the regulations.
Second is related to the form in which social forces within the local community are expressed
on the local political arena. Though not deliberately planned the picture of this arena is that
of the exclusively non-party politics. In Jastarnia the local chapter of Kashubian-Pomeranian
Association is successfully running with their own list in the consecutive local government
elections, similarly to what was happening in Silesian
Olesno
with German Minority Cultural-
Educational Association. Their opponents in the elections were either collective committees
or committees centered about a particular individual candidate, while local lists of national
political parties were almost always the loosing side. Collective local committees like „For
Wejherowo
or „Friendly Commune were also the main players in the local government elec¬
tions in all remaining localities. Even in
Ostrów Mazowiecka
where in the previous elections
national political parties won, in the last term,
2002-2006,
the local committees won all seats
as well as the town mayor s position. The same occurred in all localities under study in the
last local elections in
2006.
This localisation of local politics is due at least to that
(1)
the fear
of political competition on the part of the communist party ruling for decades resulted in the
596
English Summary
fact that since
1980
the openly expressed mass political opposition in Poland was legalised,
if at all only in the form of the independent self-governing trade union „Solidarity while
(2)
in the first, semi-free elections of
1989
the local civic committees were only allowed to
be formed they grouped together the anti-communist activists, mostly centered around the
local parish, the only place beyond the direct political control for decades. The institution-
alisation of independent politics in a non-party form long before the sudden change from
state socialism to liberal democracy undermined the chances of mushrooming political par¬
ties. Even if civic committees were disbanded in the aftermath of the victorious election in
June
1989,
they have mostly continued their activities and were re-vitalised before the first
free local elections in
1990.
The continued political involvement of „Solidarity , its presence
in the Parliament and in governments of democratic Poland until
2002
had given the decisive
blow to the party politics leaving the right wing weakened and fragmented while communists
underwent several successful party metamorphoses until joining the other parties in their
weakness. From elections to elections the parties are winning more territory by changing the
electoral rules of the game and introducing the intermediate levels of administration as well
as of self-government (county and voivodship) where political parties are dominant players,
but at the communal level in smaller units like rural areas and small or middle-size towns like
in our study parties are basically losing the ground, as the public disgruntled with national
politicians votes for the local committees that run the communes. It happened even that one
of the formerly strong national peasants party
-
Polish Agrarian Party (PSL)
-
underwent
a localisation and
régionalisation as
the only party winner at the local level in the coun¬
tryside, though only in the Mazovia and adjacent region.
With such development the crucial issue is that of who and in what social form is the
ruler. The last decades of state socialism in Poland were marked by the recognition of „cliques
(Daszkiewicz
1971)
as the powerful and all embracing under- and counter-structure under¬
mining the official command economy and its totalitarian organisation. Kurczewski and
Frieske
(1977)
in their study of the official economy of socialist state enterprises discovered
that despite the administrative planning and compulsory state arbitration of conflicts the ful¬
fillment of the economic goals officially imposed upon the state enterprises (entailing most
of the whole non-agricultural economy of the country) was achieved by managers through
the unofficial reciprocal exchange of goods and services in their resources badly needed in
the scarcity economy. These findings were taken by Winicjusz Narojek
[1982]
as evidence of
the „clique type of infrastructure in Poland, while Adam
Podgórecki
[1994]
termed them
as „dirty togetherness . On the other hand, an anthropologist look at the informal economy
(Wedel 1988)
points out that it was much more balanced pointing to the functionality of the
networking that enabled potential access to the goods and services most often scarce on the
official market . The continuation of corruption after
1989,
nevertheless, may be rightly
explained in terms of the „inherited cultural pattern of nepotism and informal reciprocity
schemes that remains useful even if scarcity disappeared. This is related to our research as in
most of the cases the groups that act on the local political arena can be defined as „cliques in
the neutral sense of mutually cooperative closed groups of personally related actors working
in the relatively egalitarian way towards the common purpose, which might be in the public
597
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
interest or not.
lhe
clientelisi
model once advocated as useful in Polish circumstances by
Jacek
Tarkowski
[1994]
had not been directly approached in our studies with the exception of the
strongly individualistic and ego-centric politicians who once in power, objectively through
their monopoly of power over the local administration, control a part of the jobs market,
important during the transformation crisis when due to the restructuring of economy the
unemployment started and then went dramatically up. Finally, the purely rational model of
bureaucracy as proposed by Max Weber is available but this applies less in the political sphere
than in the administration itself. The formal and depersonalised power relations could have
been implemented at the local level only under the highly professionalised party rule, exactly
what Poland had left behind in
1989.
The more promising alternative to „cliques and „strong¬
men models is the extended growing net model that combines a-cephalous and egalitarian
character of a clique with the openness to the new participants. The departing study of the
socialist industry managers illustrates not the clique but rather the extended and generalised
exchange model such as in the
kula
ring entailing partners from islands far away from each
other and who are mutually ignorant of each other s existence. The transformation of politics
linked with the accession to the European Union provided the opportunity for externalisa-
tion of the political ties as in order to get funds local politicans must develop connections
up to Brussels in such extended nets. The Jastarnia ruling group had developed such links,
successfully getting the funds for local development that could counterweight the losses in
the fishing industry due to the
EU
limitations. The same group since years had also been fol¬
lowing the strategy of gradual opening of the core Kashubian fishermen cliques to women,
to non-fishermen and finally to non-Kashubians. This type of flexibility that is linked with
restructuring of clique into network is contrasted with flex as defined by
Wedel (2007)
and
which consists in the appropriation of networks for the exclusive use of the clique
-
type, the
process in the opposite direction.
Jacek Kurczewski
|
| adam_txt |
Spis
tresei
Jacek Kurczewski: Wprowadzenie. Opis projektu badawczego i przegląd treści
9
Część I. Szkice ogólne
25
Joanna Kurczewska: Projekty socjologiczne i ideologiczne lokalności
27
Aneta
Gawkowska: Rozważania o lokalności: lokalność bez granic
czy jednak ograniczona?
59
Jerzy Bartkowski: Integracja społeczna w świadomości lokalnych zbiorowości
73
Małgorzata Fuszara: Kobiety i mężczyźni a lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
97
Część
II.
Mazowsze
119
Joanna Śmigielska: Obywatelskość w Księstwie Łowickim. O tożsamości, kulturze,
polityce i poczuciu więzi
121
Anna Iwińska: Podwarszawska gmina „Tygrysem Mazowsza"
-
sztuka skoordy¬
nowanego zarządzania
135
Beata Kruk: Demokracja lokalna w podwarszawskiej sypialni
159
Aleksandra Herman: Pęknięta społeczność. Zarys i specyfika polityki lokalnej
w dwuwyznaniowej wsi
185
Katarzyna Dzieniszewska-Naroska: Mazowiecka kultura polityczna
-
przypadek
Ostrów Mazowiecka
227
Część III. Kaszuby
265
Marek Latoszek: Demokracja lokalna na Kaszubach
267
Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński: Między kulturą a polityką. Przypadek Zrzeszenia
Kaszubsko-Pomorskiego
325
Jacek Kurczewski: Pod znakiem węgorza
-
polityczna maszoperia „Zrzeszeńców"
w jastarnickim trójmieście rybacko-turystycznym
345
Część
IV.
Śląsk Opolski
385
Henryk Czech: Czynniki kształtujące aktywność polityczną na wsi oleskiej
387
Jacek Kurczewski: Antagonizm „polsko-niemiecki" w małym mieście
na Śląsku Opolskim
427
Spis treści
Część
V.
Śląsk Cieszyński
473
Halina
Rusek i
Lesław Werpachowski: Społeczeństwo obywatelskie na pograniczu.
Wstęp do studium Cieszyna i Czeskiego Cieszyna
475
Jakub Grygar: Troszczyć się o to swoje „Pięknie". Kultura polityczna i wykluczenie
społeczne w Stonawie na Śląsku Cieszyńskim
527
Mariusz Cichomski: „Zadrutowane" ze Sznapstadtu
557
Jacek Kurczewski: Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej. Podsumowanie
571
Noty o autorach
587
English Summary
591
LOCAL
PATTERNS OF POLITICAL CULTURE.
GENERAL OUTLINES AND MONOGRAPHICAL
STUDIES
The book written by several contributors to the research granted
(1
H02E
039 27)
by Polish
Ministry of Higher Education and Science directed by
Jacek Kurczewski,
Chair in Sociology
of Custom and Law, Institute of Applied Social Sciences, University of Warsaw is the sequel
to the report on Civil Society in Poland (Kurczewski
et al.
2003;
Kurczewski
2003)
in which
several local communities throughout the country had been studied intensively in order
to grasp the basic characteristics of the Polish civil society (Ford Foundation grant). These
characteristics are mainly that:
- ( 1 )
in the large part civic activities are oriented towards the local Roman Catholic parish,
while parish legitimizes the collective activity. Moreover, priests are the only citizens regularly
mobilized by their superiors to organize social activity around and are hold accountable for it;
- (2)
in the civic life important are the quasi-non(self)governmental organizations like
associations or foundations initiated by the local people of power in order to channel the col¬
lection and distribution of means outside from the public budget;
- (3)
at the opposite pole, one should list the associations that provide the local political
alternative to the national political parties;
- (4)
the particular actions on behalf of the inhabitants are made through the ad hoc
initiated and managed civic initiatives;
- (5)
with social position the density of social contacts and social capital resulting
from participation in the civic associations increases.
The book starts with theoretical contributions by scholars (Joanna Kurczewska,
Aneta
Gawkowska,
Jerzy Bartkowski
and
Małgorzata Fuszara)
from outside the research project
itself but who conceptualise the field of local politics from perspectives of their experi¬
ence and problems. What came out is that there is common preoccupation with the quality
of the politics at the local level. Contributors often referring to two types of social capital
as discerned by Robert Putnam point to the possibility of reinforcing xenophobia through
strengthening of local ties despite/because of the contact with
EU
institutions (Joanna Kur¬
czewska), of egocentric focusing within local barriers unless the bridging capital is involved
(Aneta
Gawkowska), low level of civic participation
(Jerzy
Bartkowski) and dominant male
clientelisi
practices
(Małgorzata
Fuszara).
Moreover, our previous research pointed to the necessity of taking into recognition the mul-
tilayered structure of the civic life. Independent of the conventional border between civil and po¬
litical society one needs to cut across the former as religious or sport organizations are often
left outside the research on civil society. It is too narrow a.perspective for someone interested
in cooperation of citizens in order to express jointly their sentiments, beliefs and opinions.
591
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
This time
12
communities have been selected to provide the basis for the deep case studies.
The choice depended on the availability of previous research contact and features of locality
that provide the interesting contrast with the average. On the whole, thus, the communities
are unrepresentative, but the fact that they come from Poland makes them representative
in the deeper sense as showing the existing lines of variability. Thus, for instance, though
Poland is ethnically almost homogeneous, half of the cases represent the ethnically hetero¬
geneous situation ana while Poland is almost wholly a Roman Catholic country, in
2
com¬
munities the denominational division is a dominant fact of local politics. The assumption was
that if, under such conditions of natural variability, some basic patterns hold, their generality
as for Polish political culture is well argued.
Main characteristics of
12
localities where research took place
Locality
Common Features
Type of set¬
tlements
Population
Historical
sbackground
Ethnic
composition
Denomination
Ostrów Mazowiecka
town
22 598
Mazovia, Russian
in 19th century,
Polish before
Polish
Roman Catholic
Cegłów
commune
19
village
units
6 500
As above
As above
Roman Catholic/Ma-
riavitae
Lesznowola commune
22
village
units
14 560
As above
As above
Roman Catholic
Tłuszcz
commune
town and
28
village
units
18 371
including
7213
in town
As above
As above
As above
Łowicz
county
(villages only)
10
rural
communes
52 231
As above, Arch¬
bishops Duchy
until 19th century
As above
As above
Wejherowo
town
46 000
Pomerania,
Prus¬
sian in 19th centu¬
ry, Polish before
Kashubian/
Polish
As above
Puck
town
Xl 4.4.6
As above
As above
As above
Jastamia
town
4 053
As above
As above
As above
•
Olesno
commune
town and
18
village
units
19103
including
10 305
in town
Opole
Silesia,
Austrian, then
Prussian
ini
9th
century
Polish/Sile-
sian/German
Roman Catholic
dominan
tly
Cieszyn
town
36109
Cieszyn
Silesia,
Austrian until
1918
Polish
Roman Catholic/Pro¬
testant
Czeski
Cíeszyn/Český
Těšín
town
26457
As above
Czech/Polish
Multiconfessional
Stonawa/Stonava
commune
village
2 000
As above
Polish/Czech
Roman Catholic
dominantly
592
English
Summary
The choice of communities was also dependent on choice of regions. In the systemati¬
cal study of electoral behaviour
Jerzy Bartkowski
established that despite the reunification
of Poland after
1918
when she regained independence the 19th century boundaries between
European powers
-
Prussia, Russia and Austria
-
that partitioned Poland amongst themselves
in years
1772-1795
correspond with differences in the political patterns due to the differences
of political culture and related levels of political, social and national emancipation allowed
within each of the three. Extinction of the majority of Polish Jews under the German occupa¬
tion
1939-1945
and the transfer of Polish borders from the East to the West and North, which
meant the eviction of the German population and the resettlement of the Polish population
in their former homeland plus the forced resettlement of irredentist Ukrainian minority from
the East to the West and the North by Communist authorities after
1945
created the fourth
macro-region of newly settled lands supplementing the Mazovia (former Russian rule), Lit¬
tle Poland (former Austrian rule) and Great Poland and
Pomerania
(former Prussian rule).
In our set of communities under study those from under the Russian (Mazovia), Prussian
(Kashubia and
Opole
Silesia) and Austrian
(Cieszyn
Silesia) rule are present. Missing is the
case of totally new communities that abound in the Western and Northern territories of post-
1945 Poland, as
Olesno
county researched in
Opole
Silesia is an unusual case of community
where formerly German subjects have been allowed to stay after the war and to live together
with Polish settlers who came from the lost Eastern territories or from the what is now cen¬
tral Poland.
In our collection the Mazovian communes represent the 'hard core' of Polish culture. But
here also the local characteristics may vary. Joanna Smigielska studies the villages in the heart
of Poland in what is still called the Duchy of
Łowicz.
The Duchy belonged since Middle Ages
to the Polish archbishops who took economic care over the agriculture here and
-
in contrast
to the majority of Polish landowners
-
emancipated peasants early recognising their tenancy
rights and collecting the rent instead of forced labour prevailing east of river Elbe in Europe
until the 19th century. This had helped villagers here to develop the civic sense and individual¬
ism as well as to remain on special terms with the clergy, three bishops are living in the small
city of
Łowicz
and this closeness also provides the strong sense of micro-regional identity to
villagers according to Smigielska. Opposite to this case one may locate the rural commune
of
Cegłów
in Eastern Mazovia studied by
Aleksandra
Herman. In this area the otherwise
strong Roman Catholic dominance had been broken at the turn of the 19th century when
a social and religious movement of young Polish Catholic clergy led by a nun
Feliksa
Maria
Kozłowska,
passionately called the "Mum" led to the schism when
Kozłowska
as the first
woman to be excommunicated individually by the Pope made the followers establish their
own independent Mariavitae Church, then with about
100 000
followers, now in decline
to about
40 000
people in Poland, mostly in Mazovia. Herman describes how the political life
in the bi-denominational rural commune is coloured with reference to the religious division
and how religion is used in the local politics. This politics is played also by the priests of both
denominations who are in the obvious competition urging their followers to mobilise along the
lines of division and opposition, while in the non-religious setting like work, school or leisure
the confrontational attitude of the clergy is ignored by the population, whereas the official
593
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
politics of Left-Right rotation is
interpretedin
terms of Roman Catholic
-
Mariavite
opposition.
Another contrasting pair of communes is provided by two communes close to Warsaw. One,
described by Anna Iwinska, is a rural commune of Lesznowola, where closeness to Warsaw
linked with the professional ability of a female Mayor, reelected for the fourth time led to the
economic prosperity, influx of investments and settlers from Warsaw that helped the com¬
mune (and the Mayor) to gain the title of
"Tigeress
of Mazovia". Another
-
described by
Beata
Kruk
-
is the small town that during the socialist economy and communist rule became one
of the dormitory in the chain of satellites surrounding Warsaw and which remains basically
stagnant in economic terms until today. Finally, the major study of local political life was
made by
Katarzyna Dzieniszewska-Naroska
in the middle-size North-Eastern Mazovian town
of
Ostrów Mazowiecka.
The town studied systematically by Dzieniszewska-Naroska
[1997;
2004]
is denominationally and ethnically homogeneous, representing in our collection the
closest to the statistical norm.
In the North of Poland, west of the old city of
Gdańsk
the specific ethnic group of Kashu-
bians (Cassubians) lives that according to the dominant historical theory today represents
the last survivors of the Pomeranian Slavonic population that once extended from
Gdańsk
to
Rugen
and
Lübeck. Kashubians
who lived in the borders of Old Poland remained Catholic and
this helped them to preserve identity when this part came under the Prussian rule. Though
there was a significant separatist stream within the Kashubian intellectual movement at the
end of
1
9th century, thsy were loyal to the re-established Polish state and proved that under the
German occupation despite being considered by occupying authorities as Germans. Still, their
disctinct dialect kept them apart and under suspicion of Polish nationalists aiming at forced
assimilation. In
1956
with liberalisation of political life in communist Poland after the end of
Stalinist system, the Pomeranian-Kashubian Association was allowed that kept the Kashubian
identity under the
regionalist form.
Interestingly, the political emancipation of
1989
had not
led to the outburst of Kashubian separatism as suspected by some and instead the Associa¬
tion came forward to become one of the leading political forces in the
Gdańsk
region with
such success that its leaders decided to distance the Association from official party politics
as far as possible. One of the obviously political achievements of the Association described
in our collection by its activist, historian and sociologist
Cezary
Obradit-
Prondzynski was,
nevertheless, the official recognition of the Kashubian idiom, officially treated as the folk
dialect until then, as the minority language in the Law on National and Ethnic Minorities of
2002.
Kashubians differ between themselves, i.a., as Hinterland versus Maritime Kashubians.
Town of
Wejherowo
studied intensively in our project by
Marek Latoszek,
sociologist from
Gdańsk
Medical Academy and his team.
The urban community as analysed in detail by Latoszek had been compared with mari¬
time fishing village/Summer seaside resort of Jastarnia. This is an unusual commune as for¬
mally Jastarnia is the township on
Hel
Peninsula north of
Gdańsk
and composed of three
old Kashubian fishing villages (Jastarnia,
Bór
and
Kuźnica)
and one Summer seaside resort
(Jurata)
built in the
1930s.
The township is dominated by Kashubians from the central area
and by the local chapter of the aforementioned Pomeranian-Kashubian Association that re¬
tained as the only chapter within the whole association the right to run their own list in the
594
English
Summary
local elections winning incessantly since
1994.
In fact, as
Jacek Kurczewski
shows, the chapter
is the only association that counts in the whole area. Moreover, it is argued that it is the con¬
temporary form of the institutionalised cooperation between the fishermen which was tradi¬
tionally active here at least since
1874
when the Prussian authorities proclaimed the freedom
of fishing. As such freedom would kill the catch, fishermen in their own interest arranged
within and between the customary law eel fishing associations called from Dutch maszoperia:
the division and rotation of the fishing banks. The strictly egalitarian pattern stressed in the
ethnography of these associations is evident in the local chapter of Pomeranian-Kashubian
Association that provides the local politicians who rule the commune today, when the fishing
commercially became the second rank to the tourist industry while symbolically it remained
the moral basis of the community.
The third region under scrutiny in the project is
Opole
Silesia represented by the urban-rural
Olesno
county. As it was said above, this is a part of the formerly German territories allotted to
Poland under the Potsdam Agreements of
1945
where the local inhabitants, unless they fled,
have been in majority allowed to stay under the conviction that being mostly Polish-speaking in
the past they are ethnically Poles. This
autochtonie
population was then subject to the forced re-
polonisation that included also those ethnically German who were allowed to stay. Such policy
of the Communist Polish administration coexisted with the deals between GomuHca and later
Gierek
Communist Party/State leaders and West German authorities allowing the permanent
flux of those who could claim German citizenship under the German constitution to the West
Germany. When in
1989
democracy was established the majority of autochtons claimed Ger¬
man nationality and supported Cultural-Social Association of Germans sometimes called also
the Association of People of German Background which since then is running successfully to
Polish Parliament (due to the electoral law priviledge exempting minorities from
5%
threshold
of which priviledge only the German minority is able to make effective use due to its numbers,
compact settlement and organisational unity), and more easily to regional and local self-gov-
emement. In
Olesno
county the situation today is such that in the countryside the autochtons
still dominate while in the town itself there are slightly more families of those who arrived here
after
1945
either from the former Eastern Polish territories lost to today's Lithuania, Byelarus
and Ukraine or from the neigbouring Western area of the Old Poland.
Henryk
Czech, the Sile-
sian sociologist describes the political culture of the
Olesno
countryside pointing to the strong
sense of identity centred around the so-called Silesian values and Silesian ethos [Czech
2006].
The chapter points tc the role of the Roman Catholic parish as the centre for social activities
which as in all Polish countryside develops also in the Voluntary Fire Brigades and in the Coun¬
tryside Housewives Circles. As
Jacek
Kurczewski is studying
Olesno
town since
1970s,
he in
his chapter tells the story of the rise and fall of the German Minority power within the period
1990-2006
on the example of Mayor Edward Flak, who ruled the commune as the Town Mayor
on behalf of the German Minority for twelve years, serving in the meantime as Deputy to the
Polish Parliament. The main point is that the relations between the two parts of the population,
German and Polish are in the permanent transition as after the re-assertion of the "German-
ness" after
1989
the time came to develop stronger Silesian identity feelings which may lead to
the recognition of common political interests shared with the Polish population.
595
ж
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
The last part deals with the
Cieszyn
Silesia, where on the both sides of Polish-Czech bor¬
der the Poles are living.
Halina
Rusele
and
Leszek Werpachowski
describe in their chapter
the dramatic history of town of
Cieszyn
split by the border since
1918
into two separate mu¬
nicipalities. The Polish side continued the tradition of dense civic activities initiated in the
second half of the 19th century when
Cieszyn
(Tescnen) was under the Austrian rule, though
under the Nazi occupation and afterwards under the communism it had been suppressed.
1989
meant here the explosion of associational life. All Polish social activity on the Czech
side was channeled since communists took the power into one officially recognized Polish
Cultural-Educational Union (PZKO). After
1989
the Union was criticized, on the other hand
it was acknowledged that it helped Polish identity south of the border to survive. Today the
self-declared Poles constitute only about
16
pc. of Czech
Cieszyn
population, their attitudes as
studied in our research point to the minority position. As in Czech Republic minorities have
no electoral priviledges in contrast to Poland, PZKO cannot be the active political player. As
small piece of research on a local political scandal described by
Mariusz Cichomski
shows, the
Poles are present in various parties and there is expectation of a hidden cooperation on this
common ethnic line. Study by
Jakub Grygar
of Stonawa
(Stonava)
village once dominated by
Poles and then decimated due to the mining works points amongst others to the development
of the "local" identity which helps to transcend the ethnic labels when the external threat to
the whole community is appearing.
As for general conclusions, three major points had been made in the final chapter by
J. Kurczewski. First, it is observed that accession to the European Union had influenced the
local politics in several ways, of which the most important seems to be consideration of proved
or potential ability of a local politician running for office to be able to muster the
EU
funds
for purpose of the development of locality in the direction preferred by the constituency.
Moreover, the vertical and horizontal links had been started that transgress the local and
national boundaries. This happens for instance in case of the fishermen who oppose openly
and secretly the fishing limits imposed upon them by the
EU
and who are in touch with their
Swedish colleagues in order to detour the regulations.
Second is related to the form in which social forces within the local community are expressed
on the local political arena. Though not deliberately planned the picture of this arena is that
of the exclusively non-party politics. In Jastarnia the local chapter of Kashubian-Pomeranian
Association is successfully running with their own list in the consecutive local government
elections, similarly to what was happening in Silesian
Olesno
with German Minority Cultural-
Educational Association. Their opponents in the elections were either collective committees
or committees centered about a particular individual candidate, while local lists of national
political parties were almost always the loosing side. Collective local committees like „For
Wejherowo"
or „Friendly Commune" were also the main players in the local government elec¬
tions in all remaining localities. Even in
Ostrów Mazowiecka
where in the previous elections
national political parties won, in the last term,
2002-2006,
the local committees won all seats
as well as the town mayor's position. The same occurred in all localities under study in the
last local elections in
2006.
This localisation of local politics is due at least to that
(1)
the fear
of political competition on the part of the communist party ruling for decades resulted in the
596
English Summary
fact that since
1980
the openly expressed mass political opposition in Poland was legalised,
if at all only in the form of the independent self-governing trade union „Solidarity" while
(2)
in the first, semi-free elections of
1989
the local civic committees were only allowed to
be formed they grouped together the anti-communist activists, mostly centered around the
local parish, the only place beyond the direct political control for decades. The institution-
alisation of independent politics in a non-party form long before the sudden change from
state socialism to liberal democracy undermined the chances of mushrooming political par¬
ties. Even if civic committees were disbanded in the aftermath of the victorious election in
June
1989,
they have mostly continued their activities and were re-vitalised before the first
free local elections in
1990.
The continued political involvement of „Solidarity", its presence
in the Parliament and in governments of democratic Poland until
2002
had given the decisive
blow to the party politics leaving the right wing weakened and fragmented while communists
underwent several successful party metamorphoses until joining the other parties in their
weakness. From elections to elections the parties are winning more territory by changing the
electoral rules of the game and introducing the intermediate levels of administration as well
as of self-government (county and voivodship) where political parties are dominant players,
but at the communal level in smaller units like rural areas and small or middle-size towns like
in our study parties are basically losing the ground, as the public disgruntled with national
politicians votes for the local committees that run the communes. It happened even that one
of the formerly strong national peasants' party
-
Polish Agrarian Party (PSL)
-
underwent
a "localisation" and
"régionalisation" as
the only party winner at the local level in the coun¬
tryside, though only in the Mazovia and adjacent region.
With such development the crucial issue is that of who and in what social form is the
ruler. The last decades of state socialism in Poland were marked by the recognition of „cliques"
(Daszkiewicz
1971)
as the powerful and all embracing under- and counter-structure under¬
mining the official command economy and its totalitarian organisation. Kurczewski and
Frieske
(1977)
in their study of the official economy of socialist state enterprises discovered
that despite the administrative planning and compulsory state arbitration of conflicts the ful¬
fillment of the economic goals officially imposed upon the state enterprises (entailing most
of the whole non-agricultural economy of the country) was achieved by managers through
the unofficial reciprocal exchange of goods and services in their resources badly needed in
the scarcity economy. These findings were taken by Winicjusz Narojek
[1982]
as evidence of
the „clique" type of infrastructure in Poland, while Adam
Podgórecki
[1994]
termed them
as „dirty togetherness". On the other hand, an anthropologist look at the informal economy
(Wedel 1988)
points out that it was much more balanced pointing to the functionality of the
networking that enabled potential access to the goods and services most often scarce on the
official "market". The continuation of corruption after
1989,
nevertheless, may be rightly
explained in terms of the „inherited" cultural pattern of nepotism and informal reciprocity
schemes that remains useful even if scarcity disappeared. This is related to our research as in
most of the cases the groups that act on the local political arena can be defined as „cliques" in
the neutral sense of mutually cooperative closed groups of personally related actors working
in the relatively egalitarian way towards the common purpose, which might be in the public
597
Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej
interest or not.
lhe
clientelisi
model once advocated as useful in Polish circumstances by
Jacek
Tarkowski
[1994]
had not been directly approached in our studies with the exception of the
strongly individualistic and ego-centric politicians who once in power, objectively through
their monopoly of power over the local administration, control a part of the jobs market,
important during the transformation crisis when due to the restructuring of economy the
unemployment started and then went dramatically up. Finally, the purely 'rational' model of
bureaucracy as proposed by Max Weber is available but this applies less in the political sphere
than in the administration itself. The formal and depersonalised power relations could have
been implemented at the local level only under the highly professionalised party rule, exactly
what Poland had left behind in
1989.
The more promising alternative to „cliques" and „strong¬
men" models is the extended growing net model that combines a-cephalous and egalitarian
character of a clique with the openness to the new participants. The departing study of the
socialist industry managers illustrates not the clique but rather the extended and generalised
exchange model such as in the
kula
ring entailing partners from islands far away from each
other and who are mutually ignorant of each other's existence. The transformation of politics
linked with the accession to the European Union provided the opportunity for externalisa-
tion of the political ties as in order to get funds local politicans must develop connections
up to Brussels in such extended nets. The Jastarnia ruling group had developed such links,
successfully getting the funds for local development that could counterweight the losses in
the fishing industry due to the
EU
limitations. The same group since years had also been fol¬
lowing the strategy of gradual opening of the core Kashubian fishermen cliques to women,
to non-fishermen and finally to non-Kashubians. This type of flexibility that is linked with
restructuring of'clique' into 'network' is contrasted with 'flex' as defined by
Wedel (2007)
and
which consists in the appropriation of networks for the exclusive use of the 'clique'
-
type, the
process in the opposite direction.
Jacek Kurczewski |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author_GND | (DE-588)128667419 |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023305451 |
| contents | Bibliogr. przy pracach |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)177291216 (DE-599)BVBBV023305451 |
| edition | Wyd. 1. |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Polen |
| id | DE-604.BV023305451 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T20:48:17Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:15:27Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788374361293 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016489830 |
| oclc_num | 177291216 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 597, [1] s. err. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Trio |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne red. naukowa Jacek Kurczewski Wyd. 1. Warszawa Trio 2007 597, [1] s. err. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Local patterns of political culture Bibliogr. przy pracach Kultura polityczna / Polska / 1990- jhpk Kultura polityczna / Polska / historia jhpk Demokracja lokalna / Polska jhpk Demokracja lokalna / Polska / 1990- jhpk Demokracja lokalna - Polska - 1990- jhpk Demokracja lokalna - Polska jhpk Kultura polityczna - Polska - 1990- jhpk Kultura polityczna - Polska - historia jhpk Regionalpolitik (DE-588)4049043-9 gnd rswk-swf Politische Kultur (DE-588)4046540-8 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Politische Kultur (DE-588)4046540-8 s Regionalpolitik (DE-588)4049043-9 s DE-604 Kurczewski, Jacek 1943- Sonstige (DE-588)128667419 oth Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489830&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489830&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne Bibliogr. przy pracach Kultura polityczna / Polska / 1990- jhpk Kultura polityczna / Polska / historia jhpk Demokracja lokalna / Polska jhpk Demokracja lokalna / Polska / 1990- jhpk Demokracja lokalna - Polska - 1990- jhpk Demokracja lokalna - Polska jhpk Kultura polityczna - Polska - 1990- jhpk Kultura polityczna - Polska - historia jhpk Regionalpolitik (DE-588)4049043-9 gnd Politische Kultur (DE-588)4046540-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4049043-9 (DE-588)4046540-8 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne |
| title_auth | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne |
| title_exact_search | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne |
| title_full | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne red. naukowa Jacek Kurczewski |
| title_fullStr | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne red. naukowa Jacek Kurczewski |
| title_full_unstemmed | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne red. naukowa Jacek Kurczewski |
| title_short | Lokalne wzory kultury politycznej |
| title_sort | lokalne wzory kultury politycznej szkice ogolne i opracowania monograficzne |
| title_sub | szkice ogólne i opracowania monograficzne |
| topic | Kultura polityczna / Polska / 1990- jhpk Kultura polityczna / Polska / historia jhpk Demokracja lokalna / Polska jhpk Demokracja lokalna / Polska / 1990- jhpk Demokracja lokalna - Polska - 1990- jhpk Demokracja lokalna - Polska jhpk Kultura polityczna - Polska - 1990- jhpk Kultura polityczna - Polska - historia jhpk Regionalpolitik (DE-588)4049043-9 gnd Politische Kultur (DE-588)4046540-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kultura polityczna / Polska / 1990- Kultura polityczna / Polska / historia Demokracja lokalna / Polska Demokracja lokalna / Polska / 1990- Demokracja lokalna - Polska - 1990- Demokracja lokalna - Polska Kultura polityczna - Polska - 1990- Kultura polityczna - Polska - historia Regionalpolitik Politische Kultur Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489830&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489830&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kurczewskijacek lokalnewzorykulturypolitycznejszkiceogolneiopracowaniamonograficzne |