Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo: recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Racibórz
Wydawnictwo i Agencja Informacyjna WAW Grzegorz Wawoczny
2007
Wrocław |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 360 s. Ill., Kt. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788389802354 |
Internformat
MARC
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| 264 | 1 | |a Racibórz |b Wydawnictwo i Agencja Informacyjna WAW Grzegorz Wawoczny |c 2007 | |
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
| 505 | 0 | |a Bibliogr. s. 320-339 | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 800-1000 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Wikingowie / religia / 9 w |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Wikingowie / religia / 10 w |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 9 w |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 10 w |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 10 w |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 9 w |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Wikingowie - religia - 10 w |2 jhpk | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Wikingowie - religia - 9 w |2 jhpk | |
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| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Christianisierung |0 (DE-588)4121091-8 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
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| 651 | 7 | |a Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 10 w |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 10 w |2 jhpk | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 9 w |2 jhpk | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804137635757686784 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | SPIS TREŚCI
1.
Wstęp
............................................................................................................................................................................... 5
1.1.
Pojęcia chrystianizacji i konwersji
...................................................................................................................... 6
1.2.
Wybrane aspekty
religi
pogańskiej
...................................................................................................................... 8
1.3.
Pojęcia synkretyzmu, dualizmu, kultury mieszanej
......................................................................................... 11
1.4.
Modele chrystianizacji
......................................................................................................................................... 13
1.5.
Cele i zakres pracy
................................................................................................................................................ 19
1.6.
Źródła
..............,...................................................................................................................................................... 21
2.
Wczesne kontakty
........................................................................................................................................................... 39
2.1.
Wczesne kontakty Normanów z religią chrześcijańską
................................................................................... 39
2.2.
Wpływy chrześcijańskie w Skandynawii w
VIII
w. Źródła pisane
................................................................. 42
2.3.
Źródła archeologiczne
.......................................................................................................................................... 48
2.4.
Wpływy chrześcijańskie w Skandynawii w DC w. Źródła pisane
.................................................................... 57
2.5.
Źródła archeologiczne
.......................................................................................................................................... 100
2.6.
Podsumowanie
...................................................................................................................................................... 132
3.
Wiek przełomu
............................................................................................................................................................... 135
3.1.
Dania
...................................................................................................................................................................... 135
3.1.1.
Źródła archeologiczne
................................................................................................................................ 154
3.1.2.
Podsumowanie
............................................................................................................................................ 182
3.2.
Szwecja
................................................................................................................................................................... 183
3.2.1.
Źródła archeologiczne
............................................................................................................................... 206
3.2.2.
Gotlandia
......................................................................................................................................................211
3.2.3.
Uppland.......................................................................................................................................................
217
3.2.4.
Jämtland
.......................................................................................................................................................224
3.2.5.
Podsumowanie
..............................................................................................................................;.............228
3.3.
Norwegia
...............................................................................................................................................................230
3.3.1.
Źródła archeologiczne
................................................................................................................................246
3.3.2.
Vestland
........................................................................................................................................................246
3.3.3.
Ostland.........................................................................................................................................................
256
3.3.4.
Podsumowanie
............................................................................................................................................258
3.4.
Islandia
....................................................................................................................................................................261
3.4.1.
Podsumowanie
............................................................................................................................................278
4.
Świadectwo kamieni runicznych
.................................................................................................................................279
S.Zakończenie
....................................................................................................................................................................310
6.
Summary
........................................................................................................................................................................315
7.Źródła
..............................................................................................................................................................................318
8.
Bibliografia
......................................................................................................................................................................320
9.
Ikonografia
......................................................................................................................................................................340
9.1.
Plansze
....................................................................................................................................................................340
9.2.
Ilustracje
.................................................................................................................................................................349
9.3.
Mapy
.......................................................................................................................................................................355
-3-
6.
SUMMARY
Having conducted our research, we get quite a com¬
plex picture of Norman s reception of the Christian re¬
ligion and the consequences of this process seem to be
evidently earlier than it has been suggested up to now.
It should be noted that the early development of Chri¬
stian communities in Scandinavia in the Viking Age was
strongly influenced by their interactions with inhabitants
of the Christian Europe, concurrently with the missio¬
nary action which conducted by the Carolinian centres
and the insular church from the very beginning of the
development of activity among the Northern population
in the
б 1
century.
Therefore, what I stressed in my paper, a key thing
is to change the view, especially among historians, to the
issue of the beginning of Norman expansion and their
contacts with Christians. Both written sources as well as
archaeological evidences show that the cultural interaction
between the Scandinavians and European Christians, set¬
tled both within the confines of the former Roman Empi¬
re and outside of them took place in the Migration period
and even much earlier. This mutual exchange influenced
the world of imaginations and ideas of the Northern pe¬
ople. In this period got to the changes of burial customs
in Scandinavia and the cult centres were moved from the
traditional areas of bogs and marshes.
It was at the end of the 8th that the Norman leaders
visited the Christian courts, where they were treated as
political partners. Their retainers going along with them
to the south, who were attracted by the power of the
Christian masters, missionary teachings and the very
attractiveness of the Christianity for them and their fa¬
milies, were converted so deeply that after their return to
homeland they publicly manifested their affiliation with
a new religious group. It seems that the insular church
had the same creative approach to the pagan invaders
like the Carolingian one. It is very probable that the Iro-
-Scottish anchorets were present on Norway s west co¬
ast as early as 9 1 century.
Very often, the achievements of the Christian mis¬
sions in the 9th century Scandinavia are diminished. Such
assumption is deeply misguided, as they had significant
contribution to upholding of the growing number of
Christian groups, both of domestic origin and Chri¬
stian traders settled in the trading posts of the North.
An additional result of those expeditions were the na¬
tive disciples of order schools, who as part of the broad
missionary action were ransomed by the missionaries in
Scandinavia or accompanied them on the order of the
ancestral leaders or even thing.
Tradingposts were the earlier point of contact betwe¬
en Christians and Normans. These are the places were
first burials inspired by Christian teachings are found, it
is also where churches open in the 9th century and where
Christians are met who defy the pressure of their envi¬
ronment and thus deny the opinion of treacherousness
and unfaithfulness of the baptised Normans. The areas
characterised with high activity of Christian elements in
the 9th century (proved by archaeological evidence and
by reports of their presence in the early phase of the
expansion of the new religion northwards), in the later
period play a key role in spreading the domination of
Christianity to neighbouring areas.
Apart from the increased significance of the early
contacts Normans had with the new religion, I would
also like to emphasize the importance of the phenome¬
non known as individual conversion. Researchers often
defy to accept the notion of abandoning the old beliefs
and converting in a society which was still strongly ro¬
oted in the traditional ancestral/tribal structures. The
main line of reasoning here says that it was impossible
to an individual to decide for themselves and that their
ancestry ties were too strong on all levels of their being.
This also relates, if not especially, to tight adherence to
religious customs practised by their ancestors. Those
customs are sometimes described as a religion, which is
perceived to be a uniform system of beliefs and imagina¬
tions common to all Normans. On the contrary, in the
case of pre-Christian society we deal with a whole range
of various religious practices which do not constitute a
one specific system, those we know mainly according
ІЗ*
century chroniclers. Additionally, within individual
ancestries those beliefs evolved, which allowed a com¬
plete freedom in the approach to the traditional cult, and
even abandoning some deities in favour of other ones or
emergence of people who believed only in their own po¬
wer and success, which is however distant from the con¬
temporary notion of atheism. In the Viking Age, when
the social structure of the Norman tribes deeply changed,
selecting one s own religion was nothing uncommon. As
evidenced by the collected source materials, individual
conversions took place between the 9thh and
10*
centu¬
ry in the North. This process was not obstructed by any
ancestral dictatorship, conversely, if a head of an ancestry
was converted (who surely was aware of the opinion of
his family), its pace was even faster. Those people s had
also decisive opinion on the thing.
The notion of an individual conversion is directly
linked with the issue of syncretism which is frequently
-315-
mentioned in the paper. Syncretism in its conceptual
form would lead to a disturbance in personality and the
vision of universe s unity in reality where there was no
notion
oîprofanum,
and the entire world belonged to the
sacral province. Therefore, a man exposed to new ideas
felt a need to make a definite declaration. There was no
option of being torn between two religious systems. In
the case of clearly defined and described Christian re¬
ligion, conceptual syncretism is out of question, as es¬
sentially this -would lead to negating the main notions of
this religion. As far as syncretism in pre-Christian beliefs
is concerned, it was also impossible to align God/Christ
with other deities, as it was commonly known that Chri¬
stian religion does not tolerate any other deities. Thus,
what is often called syncretism in the literature is only a
sign of acculturation in relation to some elements which
are not significant to the essence of religion and filling
them with new, ideological content. In this case the pre-
-Christian religions in the North became much more
decultured due to their evolutionary character, eventually
leading to their entropy as subsequent generations died.
This clarification in necessary to explain the meaning of
syncretism in science, which is too often overused.
Such need for unity of a suitable religious system in a
given area, which is disturbed by the increasing number
of individual conversions, is the basis for the decisions
made by things, which were key for Christianisation of
Normans. A perfect example is Iceland, where co-exi¬
stence of two religious systems eventually brought a cri¬
sis and an attempt by one strong Christian group to bre¬
ak away from the legal/religious system of the islanders.
Therefore, a peaceful coexistence of Christian groups
and pre-Christian cult worshippers was possible until
the former group achieved such significance that made it
impossible for the thins community to exist and destroy¬
ed the picture of the world s unity secured by the legal/
religious system which had been accepted by the Althing.
Such crisis would be solved peacefully, in a common de¬
bate, by decision to change the legal system, which in its
new form allowed some elements originating from the
existing tradition, but not related to the cult, and in re¬
cognition of the power of the representatives of conver¬
ted ancestries, a decision to accept the Christian religion
was made. None of the conflicts in Scandinavia during
the Viking Age had a religious background. They were
caused by individual leaders striving to expand their in¬
fluences, with time their scale growing beyond regional
confrontations, however each part of such a conflict wo¬
uld involve both pagans and Christians fighting side by
side,
The representatives of local elite take over the le¬
ading role in the rapidly expanding process of conver¬
sion among the members of the community. They in¬
vite missionaries and allow them to celebrate liturgy in
their households, which traditionally are connected with
a certain form of cult. These are members of the elites
who fund first wooden churches on the area of Christian
cemeteries which existed earlier and often were a con¬
tinuation of the former burial places of their ancestries.
Until that moment Christians buried their dead in tra¬
ditional graveyards, trying to somehow differentiate or
mark the area dedicated only for a Christian. As shown by
the example of Odinkar s ancestry in southern Jutland,
Erling Skjalsson
in western Norway or earlier example
of Herigar in central Sweden, those masters played a key
role in Christianisation of their areas. At the same, from
the very beginning they tried to guarantee themselves
exclusivity to priesthood, which appeared in the North
for the first time in the history, either by inviting priests
at their own cost or by sending their dependant youths
or their sons to cathedral schools in Europe.
The new Christian law which was reformed during
each local thing assembly preserved the high position of
the local leaders. During the transitory period, when no
church administration was established, powerful ance¬
stries retained the right to honour their dead with presti¬
gious burial. Christian rune monuments often mention
setting up a grave holding deceased person s personal be¬
longings, over which a mound was raised with additio¬
nal stone construction, usually in the shape of a ship or
circle. Such burials, sometimes using Christian symbols
such as baptismal vestments, should never be treated as
pagan ones. After some time, graves were reduced to a
Christian rune monument, demonstrating that the dece¬
ased person was a member of the Christian community.
The connection of those burial mounds with the first
wooden churches should be emphasized
-
its function
was to symbolise the position of the ancestry which had
led the local community long time since and was the first
to take the initiative of bringing Christianity.
Both written sources and the archaeological mate¬
rials show a serious contribution of women to Normans
conversion. This contribution was active; women, for
whom the ideas of the new religion were especially at¬
tractive due to the egalitarianism propagated by the prie¬
sts in the missionary phase and such elements as the ban
on elevating children, were often the first missionaries in
their ancestry. Converted women gained special signifi¬
cance from the Church s perspective as they were raring
children in the initial phase of their lives. This was an
important moment as it was decisive to the open attitude
of their offspring towards Christianity. Therefore it sho¬
uld not be underestimated.
The attractive proposal of the new religion, related to
the essence of the resurrection, individual responsibility,
definite vision of life after death was also, if not especially
appealing to men. What s interesting, the sudden change
in Norman s burial customs shows that the reception of
-316-
this eschatological concept must have originated as early
as in the 9the century. With time, the knowledge of the
Christian notions related to this subject is reinforced and
losses the signs of superficiality. This is evidenced by the
output of converted skalds and especially Christian the¬
mes on rune stones. Their diversity at the end of the
10*
and beginning of the
11*
century proves that the main
ideas of the new religion spread in an independent and
uncontrolled manner. After some time this process beca¬
me a part of the church structures being created, which
brought the supervision of the clergy over Christian bu¬
rials. An additional proof that the Christian symbolism
was well known are the ornaments of the rune stones. It
is a derivative of missionary teachings, in which priests
used illuminations of liturgy books
-
an indispensable
attribute of any missionary. In the runic creations the
Normans may have also borrowed from their visits in
the temples of Christian East and West.
The emergence of cross pendant in Scandinavia
coexists with an intensive production of amulets in the
shape of Thor s hammer. Many researchers indicate that
this may be a sign of an ideological war. This can in¬
deed be a leftover after two groups distinctly declaring
their membership. However, this point requires further
research, especially in the light of the example which has
been used in the paper several times, i.e. the coexistence
of both symbols
—
the cross and hammer
-
on one object.
This is probably connected with the interspersing visions
of
Thor
defending people and with that of Christ trium¬
phing over Satan, especially evident in poetry and runic
ornaments. However, we should abandon the explana¬
tion proposed by some authors that this is an example of
syncretism.
We should rather focus on the language of missions
and identifying
Thor
with Christ as a sort of example,
making it easier for the Normans to understand the
Christian idea of the triumph of good over evil.
In the context of the research conducted, the view on
the role of first masters in Christianisation of their pe¬
ople should be revised. The common scientific opinion
shows a dissonance between the view on the weak posi¬
tion of the leaders of early states and the power to change
the religion and impose it attributed to them. The entire
process of Christianisation effected by
konungar
would
allegedly bring armed resistance of pagans. What is espe¬
cially doubtful in this vision is the period of time during
which the mental changes were to occur among most of
the dwellers in the area controlled by a given master. In
Norway for example, this was to take less than
30
years,
while in Denmark only the period of
Harald
Bluetooth
and his son s rule. Such vision of Christianisation rejects
the possibility of voluntary conversion prior to creating
first states. Everything would originate with the ruler s
decision to be baptised. This is very wrong. As a result of
research conducted, no conflicts were found between the
followers of pre-Christian religions and the neophytes.
The first leaders were baptised as early as the 9th century.
We should not automatically underestimate the perma¬
nence of such conversion. Many sources from the Viking
Age prove that individual conversions took place. At the
same time, the archaeological evidence shows that co¬
nverted Normans died in belief that the Christian God is
their salvation and that he will come from the east. This
vision started to gather its significance as early as the 9th
century. In the next century we see Christian cemeteries
and increasing number of Scandinavians accepting Chri¬
stianity. Leaders who aimed to become
konungar
would
after gain the power thanks to the higher number of sup¬
porters of Christian religion being present on the thing.
With such distribution of power and an increasing role
of Christians, leaders would often accept baptism even
prior to the dates quoted by historians and assumed to be
the beginning of Christianisation of the individual co¬
untries. The progress of the changing balance of powers
and the emergence of an active group of rivals with Chri¬
stian background in place forced first
konungar
to decided
to accept baptism. In order not to be excluded from the
race for power they had no choice but to rely on support
from the followers of the new religion. This decision led
those
konungar
to reach power over the states, which in
turn added dynamism to the Christianisation process
in the times when rulers tried to take away leadership
from powerful ancestries by building religious/trading
centres controlled by them. The representatives of the
first Christian elites would sometimes choose career in
church administration, which brought prestige and sta¬
tus to their entire ancestries. However, they also did not
avoid open confrontations during which
konungar,
their
opponents, never hesitated to seek help with their pagan
supporters. The entire background of the decision to of¬
ficially christianise the country described herein induces
to change the view on the decision to officially accept
baptism in the areas located outside of the borders of the
former Roman Empire, which were not subject to direct,
forced Christianisation, as it was the case with Saxons.
I am referring especially to the areas of today s Poland.
The development of both the institution of the state,
the monarch s power or Christianisation in the oldest
Piast
times is similar to the same processes taking pla¬
ce in the
10*
century Scandinavia, especially Denmark,
both because of the neighbouring Otto s empire as well
as the chronological coincidence of the described events.
Therefore the results of the research over the reception
of Christian religion in Scandinavia should be useful in
comparative research over the earliest phase of Christia¬
nisation of Poland.
-317-
|
| adam_txt |
SPIS TREŚCI
1.
Wstęp
. 5
1.1.
Pojęcia chrystianizacji i konwersji
. 6
1.2.
Wybrane aspekty
religi
pogańskiej
. 8
1.3.
Pojęcia synkretyzmu, dualizmu, kultury mieszanej
. 11
1.4.
Modele chrystianizacji
. 13
1.5.
Cele i zakres pracy
. 19
1.6.
Źródła
.,. 21
2.
Wczesne kontakty
. 39
2.1.
Wczesne kontakty Normanów z religią chrześcijańską
. 39
2.2.
Wpływy chrześcijańskie w Skandynawii w
VIII
w. Źródła pisane
. 42
2.3.
Źródła archeologiczne
. 48
2.4.
Wpływy chrześcijańskie w Skandynawii w DC w. Źródła pisane
. 57
2.5.
Źródła archeologiczne
. 100
2.6.
Podsumowanie
. 132
3.
Wiek przełomu
. 135
3.1.
Dania
. 135
3.1.1.
Źródła archeologiczne
. 154
3.1.2.
Podsumowanie
. 182
3.2.
Szwecja
. 183
3.2.1.
Źródła archeologiczne
. 206
3.2.2.
Gotlandia
.211
3.2.3.
Uppland.
217
3.2.4.
Jämtland
.224
3.2.5.
Podsumowanie
.;.228
3.3.
Norwegia
.230
3.3.1.
Źródła archeologiczne
.246
3.3.2.
Vestland
.246
3.3.3.
Ostland.
256
3.3.4.
Podsumowanie
.258
3.4.
Islandia
.261
3.4.1.
Podsumowanie
.278
4.
Świadectwo kamieni runicznych
.279
S.Zakończenie
.310
6.
Summary
.315
7.Źródła
.318
8.
Bibliografia
.320
9.
Ikonografia
.340
9.1.
Plansze
.340
9.2.
Ilustracje
.349
9.3.
Mapy
.355
-3-
6.
SUMMARY
Having conducted our research, we get quite a com¬
plex picture of Norman's reception of the Christian re¬
ligion and the consequences of this process seem to be
evidently earlier than it has been suggested up to now.
It should be noted that the early development of Chri¬
stian communities in Scandinavia in the Viking Age was
strongly influenced by their interactions with inhabitants
of the Christian Europe, concurrently with the missio¬
nary action which conducted by the Carolinian centres
and the insular church from the very beginning of the
development of activity among the Northern population
in the
б"1
century.
Therefore, what I stressed in my paper, a key thing
is to change the view, especially among historians, to the
issue of the beginning of Norman expansion and their
contacts with Christians. Both written sources as well as
archaeological evidences show that the cultural interaction
between the Scandinavians and European Christians, set¬
tled both within the confines of the former Roman Empi¬
re and outside of them took place in the Migration period
and even much earlier. This mutual exchange influenced
the world of imaginations and ideas of the Northern pe¬
ople. In this period got to the changes of burial customs
in Scandinavia and the cult centres were moved from the
traditional areas of bogs and marshes.
It was at the end of the 8th that the Norman leaders
visited the Christian courts, where they were treated as
political partners. Their retainers going along with them
to the south, who were attracted by the power of the
Christian masters, missionary teachings and the very
attractiveness of the Christianity for them and their fa¬
milies, were converted so deeply that after their return to
homeland they publicly manifested their affiliation with
a new religious group. It seems that the insular church
had the same creative approach to the pagan invaders
like the Carolingian one. It is very probable that the Iro-
-Scottish anchorets were present on Norway's west co¬
ast as early as 9"1 century.
Very often, the achievements of the Christian mis¬
sions in the 9th century Scandinavia are diminished. Such
assumption is deeply misguided, as they had significant
contribution to upholding of the growing number of
Christian groups, both of domestic origin and Chri¬
stian traders settled in the trading posts of the North.
An additional result of those expeditions were the na¬
tive disciples of order schools, who as part of the broad
missionary action were ransomed by the missionaries in
Scandinavia or accompanied them on the order of the
ancestral leaders or even thing.
Tradingposts were the earlier point of contact betwe¬
en Christians and Normans. These are the places were
first burials inspired by Christian teachings are found, it
is also where churches open in the 9th century and where
Christians are met who defy the pressure of their envi¬
ronment and thus deny the opinion of treacherousness
and unfaithfulness of the baptised Normans. The areas
characterised with high activity of Christian elements in
the 9th century (proved by archaeological evidence and
by reports of their presence in the early phase of the
expansion of the new religion northwards), in the later
period play a key role in spreading the domination of
Christianity to neighbouring areas.
Apart from the increased significance of the early
contacts Normans had with the new religion, I would
also like to emphasize the importance of the phenome¬
non known as individual conversion. Researchers often
defy to accept the notion of abandoning the old beliefs
and converting in a society which was still strongly ro¬
oted in the traditional ancestral/tribal structures. The
main line of reasoning here says that it was impossible
to an individual to decide for themselves and that their
ancestry ties were too strong on all levels of their being.
This also relates, if not especially, to tight adherence to
religious customs practised by their ancestors. Those
customs are sometimes described as a religion, which is
perceived to be a uniform system of beliefs and imagina¬
tions common to all Normans. On the contrary, in the
case of pre-Christian society we deal with a whole range
of various religious practices which do not constitute a
one specific system, those we know mainly according
ІЗ*
century chroniclers. Additionally, within individual
ancestries those beliefs evolved, which allowed a com¬
plete freedom in the approach to the traditional cult, and
even abandoning some deities in favour of other ones or
emergence of people who believed only in their own po¬
wer and success, which is however distant from the con¬
temporary notion of atheism. In the Viking Age, when
the social structure of the Norman tribes deeply changed,
selecting one's own religion was nothing uncommon. As
evidenced by the collected source materials, individual
conversions took place between the 9thh and
10*
centu¬
ry in the North. This process was not obstructed by any
ancestral dictatorship, conversely, if a head of an ancestry
was converted (who surely was aware of the opinion of
his family), its pace was even faster. Those people's had
also decisive opinion on the thing.
The notion of an individual conversion is directly
linked with the issue of syncretism which is frequently
-315-
mentioned in the paper. Syncretism in its conceptual
form would lead to a disturbance in personality and the
vision of universe's unity in reality where there was no
notion
oîprofanum,
and the entire world belonged to the
sacral province. Therefore, a man exposed to new ideas
felt a need to make a definite declaration. There was no
option of being torn between two religious systems. In
the case of clearly defined and described Christian re¬
ligion, conceptual syncretism is out of question, as es¬
sentially this -would lead to negating the main notions of
this religion. As far as syncretism in pre-Christian beliefs
is concerned, it was also impossible to align God/Christ
with other deities, as it was commonly known that Chri¬
stian religion does not tolerate any other deities. Thus,
what is often called syncretism in the literature is only a
sign of acculturation in relation to some elements which
are not significant to the essence of religion and filling
them with new, ideological content. In this case the pre-
-Christian religions in the North became much more
decultured due to their evolutionary character, eventually
leading to their entropy as subsequent generations died.
This clarification in necessary to explain the meaning of
syncretism in science, which is too often overused.
Such need for unity of a suitable religious system in a
given area, which is disturbed by the increasing number
of individual conversions, is the basis for the decisions
made by things, which were key for Christianisation of
Normans. A perfect example is Iceland, where co-exi¬
stence of two religious systems eventually brought a cri¬
sis and an attempt by one strong Christian group to bre¬
ak away from the legal/religious system of the islanders.
Therefore, a peaceful coexistence of Christian groups
and pre-Christian cult worshippers was possible until
the former group achieved such significance that made it
impossible for the thins community to exist and destroy¬
ed the picture of the world's unity secured by the legal/
religious system which had been accepted by the Althing.
Such crisis would be solved peacefully, in a common de¬
bate, by decision to change the legal system, which in its
new form allowed some elements originating from the
existing tradition, but not related to the cult, and in re¬
cognition of the power of the representatives of conver¬
ted ancestries, a decision to accept the Christian religion
was made. None of the conflicts in Scandinavia during
the Viking Age had a religious background. They were
caused by individual leaders striving to expand their in¬
fluences, with time their scale growing beyond regional
confrontations, however each part of such a conflict wo¬
uld involve both pagans and Christians fighting side by
side,
The representatives of local elite take over the le¬
ading role in the rapidly expanding process of conver¬
sion among the members of the community. They in¬
vite missionaries and allow them to celebrate liturgy in
their households, which traditionally are connected with
a certain form of cult. These are members of the elites
who fund first wooden churches on the area of Christian
cemeteries which existed earlier and often were a con¬
tinuation of the former burial places of their ancestries.
Until that moment Christians buried their dead in tra¬
ditional graveyards, trying to somehow differentiate or
mark the area dedicated only for a Christian. As shown by
the example of Odinkar's ancestry in southern Jutland,
Erling Skjalsson
in western Norway or earlier example
of Herigar in central Sweden, those masters played a key
role in Christianisation of their areas. At the same, from
the very beginning they tried to guarantee themselves
exclusivity to priesthood, which appeared in the North
for the first time in the history, either by inviting priests
at their own cost or by sending their dependant youths
or their sons to cathedral schools in Europe.
The new Christian law which was reformed during
each local thing assembly preserved the high position of
the local leaders. During the transitory period, when no
church administration was established, powerful ance¬
stries retained the right to honour their dead with presti¬
gious burial. Christian rune monuments often mention
setting up a grave holding deceased person's personal be¬
longings, over which a mound was raised with additio¬
nal stone construction, usually in the shape of a ship or
circle. Such burials, sometimes using Christian symbols
such as baptismal vestments, should never be treated as
pagan ones. After some time, graves were reduced to a
Christian rune monument, demonstrating that the dece¬
ased person was a member of the Christian community.
The connection of those burial mounds with the first
wooden churches should be emphasized
-
its function
was to symbolise the position of the ancestry which had
led the local community long time since and was the first
to take the initiative of bringing Christianity.
Both written sources and the archaeological mate¬
rials show a serious contribution of women to Normans'
conversion. This contribution was active; women, for
whom the ideas of the new religion were especially at¬
tractive due to the egalitarianism propagated by the prie¬
sts in the missionary phase and such elements as the ban
on elevating children, were often the first missionaries in
their ancestry. Converted women gained special signifi¬
cance from the Church's perspective as they were raring
children in the initial phase of their lives. This was an
important moment as it was decisive to the open attitude
of their offspring towards Christianity. Therefore it sho¬
uld not be underestimated.
The attractive proposal of the new religion, related to
the essence of the resurrection, individual responsibility,
definite vision of life after death was also, if not especially
appealing to men. "What's interesting, the sudden change
in Norman's burial customs shows that the reception of
-316-
this eschatological concept must have originated as early
as in the 9the century. With time, the knowledge of the
Christian notions related to this subject is reinforced and
losses the signs of superficiality. This is evidenced by the
output of converted skalds and especially Christian the¬
mes on rune stones. Their diversity at the end of the
10*
and beginning of the
11*
century proves that the main
ideas of the new religion spread in an independent and
uncontrolled manner. After some time this process beca¬
me a part of the church structures being created, which
brought the supervision of the clergy over Christian bu¬
rials. An additional proof that the Christian symbolism
was well known are the ornaments of the rune stones. It
is a derivative of missionary teachings, in which priests
used illuminations of liturgy books
-
an indispensable
attribute of any missionary. In the runic creations the
Normans may have also borrowed from their visits in
the temples of Christian East and West.
The emergence of cross pendant in Scandinavia
coexists with an intensive production of amulets in the
shape of Thor's hammer. Many researchers indicate that
this may be a sign of an ideological war. This can in¬
deed be a leftover after two groups distinctly declaring
their membership. However, this point requires further
research, especially in the light of the example which has
been used in the paper several times, i.e. the coexistence
of both symbols
—
the cross and hammer
-
on one object.
This is probably connected with the interspersing visions
of
Thor
defending people and with that of Christ trium¬
phing over Satan, especially evident in poetry and runic
ornaments. However, we should abandon the explana¬
tion proposed by some authors that this is an example of
syncretism.
We should rather focus on the language of missions
and identifying
Thor
with Christ as a sort of example,
making it easier for the Normans to understand the
Christian idea of the triumph of good over evil.
In the context of the research conducted, the view on
the role of first masters in Christianisation of their pe¬
ople should be revised. The common scientific opinion
shows a dissonance between the view on the weak posi¬
tion of the leaders of early states and the power to change
the religion and impose it attributed to them. The entire
process of Christianisation effected by
konungar
would
allegedly bring armed resistance of pagans. What is espe¬
cially doubtful in this vision is the period of time during
which the mental changes were to occur among most of
the dwellers in the area controlled by a given master. In
Norway for example, this was to take less than
30
years,
while in Denmark only the period of
Harald
Bluetooth
and his son's rule. Such vision of Christianisation rejects
the possibility of voluntary conversion prior to creating
first states. Everything would originate with the ruler's
decision to be baptised. This is very wrong. As a result of
research conducted, no conflicts were found between the
followers of pre-Christian religions and the neophytes.
The first leaders were baptised as early as the 9th century.
We should not automatically underestimate the perma¬
nence of such conversion. Many sources from the Viking
Age prove that individual conversions took place. At the
same time, the archaeological evidence shows that co¬
nverted Normans died in belief that the Christian God is
their salvation and that he will come from the east. This
vision started to gather its significance as early as the 9th
century. In the next century we see Christian cemeteries
and increasing number of Scandinavians accepting Chri¬
stianity. Leaders who aimed to become
konungar
would
after gain the power thanks to the higher number of sup¬
porters of Christian religion being present on the thing.
With such distribution of power and an increasing role
of Christians, leaders would often accept baptism even
prior to the dates quoted by historians and assumed to be
the beginning of Christianisation of the individual co¬
untries. The progress of the changing balance of powers
and the emergence of an active group of rivals with Chri¬
stian background in place forced first
konungar
to decided
to accept baptism. In order not to be excluded from the
race for power they had no choice but to rely on support
from the followers of the new religion. This decision led
those
konungar
to reach power over the states, which in
turn added dynamism to the Christianisation process
in the times when rulers tried to take away leadership
from powerful ancestries by building religious/trading
centres controlled by them. The representatives of the
first Christian elites would sometimes choose career in
church administration, which brought prestige and sta¬
tus to their entire ancestries. However, they also did not
avoid open confrontations during which
konungar,
their
opponents, never hesitated to seek help with their pagan
supporters. The entire background of the decision to of¬
ficially christianise the country described herein induces
to change the view on the decision to officially accept
baptism in the areas located outside of the borders of the
former Roman Empire, which were not subject to direct,
forced Christianisation, as it was the case with Saxons.
I am referring especially to the areas of today's Poland.
The development of both the institution of the state,
the monarch's power or Christianisation in the oldest
Piast
times is similar to the same processes taking pla¬
ce in the
10*
century Scandinavia, especially Denmark,
both because of the neighbouring Otto's empire as well
as the chronological coincidence of the described events.
Therefore the results of the research over the reception
of Christian religion in Scandinavia should be useful in
comparative research over the earliest phase of Christia¬
nisation of Poland.
-317- |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Kulesza, Przemysław 1977- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)141442980 |
| author_facet | Kulesza, Przemysław 1977- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kulesza, Przemysław 1977- |
| author_variant | p k pk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023305042 |
| contents | Bibliogr. s. 320-339 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)177373860 (DE-599)BVBBV023305042 |
| era | Geschichte 800-1000 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 800-1000 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 9 w jhpk Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 10 w jhpk Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 10 w jhpk Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 9 w jhpk |
| geographic_facet | Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 9 w Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 10 w Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 10 w Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 9 w |
| id | DE-604.BV023305042 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T20:48:07Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:15:26Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788389802354 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016489436 |
| oclc_num | 177373860 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 360 s. Ill., Kt. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Wydawnictwo i Agencja Informacyjna WAW Grzegorz Wawoczny |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Kulesza, Przemysław 1977- Verfasser (DE-588)141442980 aut Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku Przemysław Kulesza Racibórz Wydawnictwo i Agencja Informacyjna WAW Grzegorz Wawoczny 2007 Wrocław 360 s. Ill., Kt. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Bibliogr. s. 320-339 Geschichte 800-1000 gnd rswk-swf Wikingowie / religia / 9 w jhpk Wikingowie / religia / 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 9 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 9 w jhpk Wikingowie - religia - 10 w jhpk Wikingowie - religia - 9 w jhpk Normannen (DE-588)4042620-8 gnd rswk-swf Christianisierung (DE-588)4121091-8 gnd rswk-swf Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 9 w jhpk Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 10 w jhpk Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 10 w jhpk Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 9 w jhpk Normannen (DE-588)4042620-8 s Christianisierung (DE-588)4121091-8 s Geschichte 800-1000 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489436&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489436&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Kulesza, Przemysław 1977- Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku Bibliogr. s. 320-339 Wikingowie / religia / 9 w jhpk Wikingowie / religia / 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 9 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 9 w jhpk Wikingowie - religia - 10 w jhpk Wikingowie - religia - 9 w jhpk Normannen (DE-588)4042620-8 gnd Christianisierung (DE-588)4121091-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4042620-8 (DE-588)4121091-8 |
| title | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku |
| title_auth | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku |
| title_exact_search | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku |
| title_full | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku Przemysław Kulesza |
| title_fullStr | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku Przemysław Kulesza |
| title_full_unstemmed | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku Przemysław Kulesza |
| title_short | Normanowie a chrześcijaństwo |
| title_sort | normanowie a chrzescijanstwo recepcja nowej wiary w skandynawii w ix i x wieku |
| title_sub | recepcja nowej wiary w Skandynawii w IX i X wieku |
| topic | Wikingowie / religia / 9 w jhpk Wikingowie / religia / 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 9 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 10 w jhpk Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 9 w jhpk Wikingowie - religia - 10 w jhpk Wikingowie - religia - 9 w jhpk Normannen (DE-588)4042620-8 gnd Christianisierung (DE-588)4121091-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Wikingowie / religia / 9 w Wikingowie / religia / 10 w Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 9 w Chrześcijaństwo / Skandynawia (region) / 10 w Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 10 w Chrześcijaństwo - Skandynawia (region) - 9 w Wikingowie - religia - 10 w Wikingowie - religia - 9 w Normannen Christianisierung Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 9 w Skandynawia (region) / historia religijna / 10 w Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 10 w Skandynawia (region) - historia religijna - 9 w |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489436&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016489436&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kuleszaprzemysław normanowieachrzescijanstworecepcjanowejwiarywskandynawiiwixixwieku |