Sveti kralj: kult Stefana Dečanskog
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Srpska Akad. Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Inst. [u.a.]
2007
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Posebna izdanja / Balkanološki Institut
97 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | PST: The holy King. - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 655 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9788671790536 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | САДРЖАЈ
Уводне напомене
................................................9
део први
МОДЕЛИ
КРАЉЕВСКЕ СВЕТОСТИ
I.
Порекпо
и
рази
oj
институције краљевске светости
у
средњовековној Европи
....................................17
П. Обрасци владарске
светости у Срба
.......................... 85
1.
Претпоставке
светости
......................................85
2.
,Један
je
удео мучеништва,
а многи су начини смрти.,.
.........93
3.
Типологизација
светих владара у Срба
........................97
Узор светог оснивача: пут
ка Јерусалиму
..................100
„Живи стубови
што стоје
високо :
„свети човек и владар-аскета
...........................120
Династичка
светост
.....................................148
•
„Сада
je
поново
засијао
у нашем роду :
култ
свештене
двојице
................................148
•
Пантеон српских
светих
..............................159
Нови мартири
позносредњовековне побожности
..........170
649
СМИЉА МЛР/АНОВИЋ-ДУШАНИЋ
СВЕТИ
КРАЉ
део
други
СТВАРАЊЕ КРАЉЕВСКЕ
MEMORIAE
I.
Стефан Урош
III:
између хагиографије
и званичног документа
.................197
[.Vita.......................................................
197
Однос
модела
и стварности
..............................197
Ране године
............................................202
Млади
краљ............................................
216
Цариградско изгнанство
и
освајање
власти
...............240
Подвизи ...............................................
269
•
Подизање Дечана:
locus amoenus
и монашка света гора
...................269
•
Тријумф
код Велбужда:
темељ
српске превласти на Балкану
...................287
„Најгрча
сырт
удављења
................................308
2.
Дечани као средиште
култа:
топос и
memoria
.................323
И.
Култ светог
Стефана Дечанског:
од
светитеља
до националног херо/а
.........................337
1.
Култ
светог Стефана Дечанског у оквирима
средіьовековне политичке
теологије
.........................337
1
Уврштење
у свете
.......................................337
Измеїьени идентитет
светости
и
рађаље
концепта светог мученика
.....................361
2.
Реорганизација
модела......................................
369
Нови тип
репрезентативне представе
....................369
Свети краль барокног верско-политичког
програма:
историја
и
традиција
као политички аргумент
............406
Историја
у
служби
будућности:
рађање „историјског јунака
.............................467
Света
отаџбина:
култ националног
хероја
и
renovatio
„златног доба
........488
Свети
краљ
у
популарној побожности
....................537
650
___________________________________________________
садржа;
Закључна разматрања
.........................................553
Tlie
Holy King. Summary
.......................................565
Списак извора
................................................585
Списак
литературе
............................................591
Регистар имена и
noj
мои а
......................................621
Садржај
......................................................649
Contents......................................................
653
651
CONTENTS
Introductory remarks
.........
,
...................................9
Part One
THE PATTERNS OF ROYAL SANCTITY
I. The origin and evolution of the institution
of royal sanctity in medieval Europe
............................17
H. The patterns of royal sanctity in medieval Serbia
.................85
1.
Criteria for sanctity
...........................................85
2.
One is the share of martyrdom,
and many are the manners of death.
.. ..........................93
3.
Typology of holy rulers in medieval Serbia
.......................97
The example of the holy founder: the journey
towards Jerusalem
.......................................100
Living pillars standing high : the holy man and ascetic ruler
... 120
Dynastic sanctity
........................................148
•
Now he shines out amidst our race again : the cult of the
sacerdotal twosome
...................................148
•
The pantheon of Serbian saints
...........................159
New martyrs in late medieval piety
.........................170
653
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
Fart Two
THE CREATION OF ROYAL
MEMORIA
I. Stefan
Uros
III: between hagiography and official document
.......197
1.
Vita
.......................................................197
The relationship between model and reality
..................197
Early years
..............................................202
The young king
..........................................216
Constantinopolitan exile and accession to power
.............240
Deeds
..................................................269
•
Construction of Decani:
a locus amoenus and the monastic holy mountain
..........269
•
Triumph at
Velbužd:
a cornerstone of Serbian supremacy in the Balkans
........287
The bitterest death by strangulation
........................308
2.
Decani as the focus of the cult:
topos
and
memoria
...............323
II. The cult of Stefan of Decani: from saint to national hero
..........337
1.
The cult of St Stefan of Decani in the reference frame of medieval
politica)
theology
...........................................337
The inclusion among the saints
............................337
The changed identity of sanctity and the birth of the holy
martyr concept
..........................................36]
2.
Reorganizing the model
......................................369
A new type of the representative image
.....................369
The holy king of a baroque reiigio-political programme:
history and tradition as a political argument
.................406
History in the service of the future:
the birth of the historical hero
............................467
The holy fatherland: the national hero cult
and the renovatio of a golden age
..........................488
The holy king in popular piety
.............................537
654
CONTENTS
Concluding considerations
......................................553
The Holy King. Summary
.......................................565
List of sources
.................................................585
List of literature
................................................591
Index of names and concepts
....................................621
Contents
......................................................649
655
THE HOLY KING
The Cult of St. Stefan of Decani
Summary
The notion of the holy king is fundamental to the medieval ideology of
rulership. Quite frequently, it takes a material form. As testimony to the pres¬
ence of the sacred, the holy king s grave and his relics mould the sacral to¬
pography of the church and become a significant component of devotional
practices. In addition to this general aspect, applicable to all other Christian
saints, our enquiries also address the complex phenomenon of royal sanctity,
primarily examining, the political function of the cult and examining it from
synchronie
and diachronic perspectives. Holy rulers were born out of the pro¬
found need of early medieval European societies to legitimize themselves in
the sacral realm and thus ensure their appearance on the European political
scene. In a distinctly medieval way, that appearance had features of an entry
into sacred history.
The holy king is, according to the established and well-argued view, a
product of medieval royal ideology expressed in hagiography. A natural result
of the Christianization of kingship, the phenomenon becomes observable as
early as the sixth century. Over time, it underwent significant modifications
which shaped a complex concept of holy kingship. In seeking to delineate as
fully as possible the meaning field of the concept of the holy king, it should
be noted that this field contains a set of concepts relating mostly to the per¬
sonality of the holy king as saint-to-be. In ceremonial etiquette, associated
literature and the popular mind, this was raised to the supernatural realm
565
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
against a background woven from personal merits, posthumously recognized
and acknowledged, and expressed above all through the occurrence and ef¬
fects of miracles. The
hagiographie
portrayal of the ruler s personality and of
the style of his rule is based on standardized imagery or the principles of ideal
rulership found in Christian moralizing literature. This literature was shaped
under the powerful influence of the monastic ideal which marks profoundly
the typical portrait of the holy king.
The study of holy rulers has a long and prolific tradition, and the extensive
work done by Jacques
le Goff,
Robert Folz,
André Vauchez,
Jean-Claude
Sch¬
mitt
and
Gabor Klaniczay,
to mention only the best-known examples, has laid
a dependable basis for all attempts at a typology of royal sanctity. In addition
to the cited works devoted to the holy kings of the European Middle Ages,
our research relies on a well-defined tradition in cult studies, drawing on the
seminal work of Peter Brown, as well as, on the broad study of Byzantine
tradition in the domain of the cult of saints, and the relevant hagiographical
sources, In this field we are largely indebted by the outstanding contributions,
mainly of Michel Kaplan, Evelyn Patlagean and Bernard Flusin. Extending
the boundaries of cultural history studies, this scholarly tradition has made
new demands on the study of related issues. Also, extensive research into the
phenomenon of creating memory and its changing public reception has left
a significant mark on the way in which our ideas of the place of cult in the
constructed picture of the past are shaped.
Such demands also raise the question of the relationship between official
and popular memory. Apart from a typology of royal sanctity and the dis¬
tinctive character of the role and phenomenon of the holy king in the Serbian
middle ages, this book is concerned with the phenomenon of the history of
memory, that is, with the creation of royal
memoria
and, consistent with this
function, the specific role of the holy king s relics in the struggle against ob¬
livion . It is this function of the holy king cult that seems not to have been
adequately recognized in modern scholarship, the same as the relationship,
derived from it, between memory and historiography. Essentially, it is an is¬
sue of defining cultural models, which in turn affects the manner of interpre¬
tation and the choice of method. Attempts at explaining the ways in which
awareness of one s own past has been constructed concern modern historiog¬
raphy to the extent that the history of memory has been established as a disci¬
pline in its own right. It was our wish to answer, at least in part, the question
566
SUMMARY
that has been posed as regards the place of the cult in the history of memory;
also, as regards the attitude of official historiography, as a representative of the
elite culture of an epoch, towards such
topoi
as the cult place and the place of
memory. Through thought-out programmes of shaping collective memory,
such places have become, over time, the
topoi
of a community s identity. Our
goal has been to recognize the main phases of such practice in the Serbian
lands and its varying contents in the long span of time from the middle ages
to the present.
The approach to the problem requires that three closely related concepts be
clarified: sanctity, as defined in relation to the profane, or its reception which
effectively flavours the mentality of an epoch; sacred space, looked at in the
context of a universal, timeless sacral totality; and place of memory, a sym¬
bolic, historicized
topos as
the focus of the cult. All such spaces bear traces
of our need for
sacralisation as
the accepted, traditional principle of expe¬
riencing any space, historical most of all Be it a monastery, as an enclosed,
symbolic universe, or a territorialized historical space, real or projected, of an
ethnos, space plays a major role in apprehending sacrality. Finally, we arrive
at the issue of the function of the sacred place, at different ways in which his¬
torical memory has been shaped. It is constructed in texts, in visual culture,
in mentions and recollections, in public festivities as representative embodi¬
ments of the community s social structure whereby its ideals are program-
matically promoted. We can observe it through the changing ways of seeing
our own past, resulting as much from a moments political needs as from the
spirit of the age, which in turn imposes and shapes our self-experience and
our experience of the past. The need to promote domestic rulers to saints is an
expression of the complex relationship between the past and the accommoda¬
tion of the moment s needs, spiritual and political, to an acceptable model of
ancestor veneration.
These pivotal points of our research necessarily involve analysis of stere¬
otypes as pertinent to the shaping of historical memory in a given epoch.
Ње
medieval elites articulate their attitude towards memory through biblical
Parallels. This practice is particularly visible in the domains where Old Testa¬
ment
préfigurations
are used. As for New Testament associations, in addition
to the general practice of emulating the example of Christ, we can find an
overtly expressed need to accommodate the patterns of sanctity to the genre-
defined types. Hence our movement inside the medieval cultural models of
567
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
veneration of saints has relied inevitably on the typological identification of
royal sanctity or on the changing model of the holy king. These changes occur
in response to society s changing needs, but also to the concrete politico-reli¬
gious programmes to which they are related. This becomes even more obvious
in the modern evolution of the holy king concept. It evolves
-
in different cul¬
tural spaces of the Serbian ethnos, accommodated to its spiritual and political
needs
-
from patron saint to national hero.
A scholarly approach to the cult of saints strictly confined to the new cul¬
tural history framework and methodological tenets should not be pursued
inflexibly in studying the symbolic importance of the holy king s role among
the Serbs. Nonetheless, having taken up the challenge of outlining the Serbian
cultural models within which the holy king cult occurs as a significant in¬
gredient in the ideologies of different political and spiritual elites at different
periods, a number of issues concerning the identification of other essential
elements of those models have been raised. On the one hand, it has been vi¬
tal to identify typical examples by means of which to recognize phenomena
related to the themes, symbols, sentiments and forms assumed by the mani¬
festation of royal sanctity, that is its historical and national projection. The
research focus on representative culture has necessarily involved analysis of
the changing categories of Serbian ethnic space and stratified understanding
of the notion of time. Categories to be singled out here are the historical, the
sacral and the current, important in defining the attitude towards the past in
a given epoch. This approach has also involved diachronic analysis
-
in the
real and imaginary space of the Serbian ethnic community and its state pro¬
grammes
-
of another two important issues: the ambivalent phenomenon of
sanctity, and the political use of the holy ancestor cult as a key component in
shaping collective identity.
The intention to put together a work that seeks to explain a phenomenon
from the domain of representative culture as a rule draws on a string of theo¬
retical works defining that type of culture. Within so broad a field as the com¬
parative history of cults, the findings of which it may sometimes be tempting
to read into the understanding of sources from different and unfamiliar tradi¬
tions we have encountered the specific circumstances of a somewhat delayed
and repeatedly interrupted development. The complexity of such a research
framework results not only from increasingly diffuse scholarly disciplines
touching upon the phenomenon of sanctity, but also from the ever-extending
568
SUMMARY
boundaries of the use of the historical method in studying sanctity. Namely,
since sanctity carries meanings that elude rationalist interpretation, we need
to be constantly aware of our limited understanding of its totality. Also, in
addition to this global framework, our approach to the subject has been deter¬
mined by facts of a more general nature: firstly, by the complex phenomenon
of the religious revival currently underway, and secondly, by the fact that the
veneration of saints has migrated from the official state political programmes
into popular piety.
The first part of our book is dedicated to the study of the holy king as a
phenomenon, and particularly, to its typology and development in medieval
Serbia. Europe s earliest holy kings were venerated as martyrs, those making
the ultimate sacrifice for Christ consciously and willingly, and their martyr¬
dom as a rule emulates the example set by the passions of Christ. The choice
of this type of sanctity for the earliest royal cults is closely connected with the
prestige which martyrs enjoyed in Christian communities. It is on the cult of
martyrs graves, on translations of their relics across the newly-won Christian
world, that a new sacral topography of the empire built on the foundations
laid by the Constantinian programme was centred. Martyrs graves endow
the community with sacral identity, with a sense of being rooted deriving
from the praesentia of the sacred in its midst as a token of its place in sacred
history and ultimate salvation. With time the notion of the martyr was ex¬
tended to include all Christians who suffered a violent death, regardless of
whether this death was willingly accepted. Such a definition of martyrdom
opened the way for the admittance of all manner of sufferers and victims of
betrayal into their ranks. This extension of the original martyr type made it
possible to include those who fell in battle against the heathen, as warriors for
the faith, into this category of sanctity. The martyrs growing popularity and
prestige decisively contributed to the fact that most kings canonized before
the ninth century fall into this basic category.
Apart from the cult of royal martyrs, quite popular in medieval Serbia,
the type of the miracle-working king also emerges as an important compo¬
nent of the overall phenomenon of the holy king. Chronologically, leaving
aside the comparatively early example of the holy prince
Jovan Vladimir,
it
569
I
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
is to this type that the first Serbian holy rulers belong. In the course of the
full-blown middle ages, with the development of the cults of miracle-work¬
ing kings, they increasingly assume knightly features. They typically assist in
battles presaging the triumph of their successors by miraculous intervention
or simply through the appearance and action of victorious insignia. A char¬
acteristic
topos
of royal posthumous miracles relates to miracles occurring at
the grave. They usually begin shortly before the relics are elevated from the
grave, which is the traditional manner in which the relics miraculous pow¬
ers are revealed. After the
elevatio
of the relics and their being enshrined in
a special reliquary, this new space where the whole incorrupt body, or part
of the body, is laid assumes healing powers as well. At times, in the cases of
translation, miraculous powers are transferred to church spaces where the
body used to be deposited. Miracles occur in contact with the relics, but it
is not only in direct contact with the reliquary, the original burial place or
the relics themselves that the power of healing is manifested. It can operate
indirectly, in response to a prayer or a vow, or through the saint s appearance
in dreams. In that way, divine intervention may have long-distance effects,
which helps in the cult s diffusion. In each of such cases the invocatio of the
saint is at the core of the spiritual connection between the miracle-worker and
the believer. Miracles provide dependable protection either to the individual
or to the church of which the saint is the patron, or, if the saint was a ruler,
the founder. He intervenes directly to protect the rights of the monastery, at
times doing away mercilessly with those who disturb the peace of his founda¬
tion and those who serve there. The holy king s power to protect is transferred
to his family/dynasty, his people and the whole fatherland. In the process, the
holy king assumes qualities of some illustrious all-Christian saints, and thus
comes close to the warrior saints, or to St Nicholas as the vigilant protector of
those in need while travelling or at sea.
A very important feature of the holy ruler, distinguishing him from all
other types of saint, is his special bond with his kingdom, whose patron he
as a rule becomes. The holy king s relation to the fatherland is that of a holy
forebear, the one who confers holiness on the whole ruling dynasty. Rulers
reaffirm the sacral character of their rule by way of the cults of their sainted
predecessors. Also, the reign of the holy forebear1 is celebrated as an example
of good and just rule, and the laws he bestows on his subjects institute legal,
divine order and ensure perfect peace in his state. This book points particu-
570
SUMMARY
larly to the holy ruler s role as the founder and divinized forebear of the ruling
dynasty The Serbian example clearly shows the long duration of the cult of
dynastic sanctity, which became an attribute of the whole long-lived
Nemanjić
family. Not at all infrequently, dynastic sanctity is associated with deeds for
the true faith: in addition to hereditary sanctity, the Serbian rulers deserve
their cults by virtue of their remarkable loyalty to the church, which acted in
symphony with the state throughout Serbian history. The Serbian holy kings
draw their charisma from the holy root of the family tree
-
founder of the
dynasty, St Simeon. Analogous to this is a type proposed in the accepted ty¬
pologies, the type of the Christianizer ruler converting his people to Christi¬
anity and therefore deserving of reward in heaven. It is the holy Christianizer
king that usually assumes the role of the sainted forebear, as he naturally takes
the place formerly held by the charismatic divine forefather .
The process of sanctity transfer from the founder to the entire royal fam¬
ily generates the phenomenon of holy dynasties, the belief that some vir¬
tues (idoneitas) and miraculous powers are hereditary within the regale se¬
men, Similar beliefs produce a firm bond between the holy dynasty and the
chosen people, particularly well known from the Serbian example. The late
thirteenth century witnesses another resurgence of the holy lineage concept
(beata
stirps), largely related to the flourishing of family legends, particularly
popular in Hungary and central Europe. The influence of popular and widely
venerated saintly figures was quite strong in the fourteenth century as well,
and a similar pattern of dynastic sanctity was adopted by dynasties who as¬
serted themselves in the later medieval period, such as the Angevin, Luxem¬
burg,
Habsburg
and
Lazarević
dynasties. All these ruling families attempted
to affirm their legitimacy through their kinship, genuine or constructed, with
the lineages of holy kings. To that end, they resorted to canonizations of new
family saints. Similar processes were underway, both at the periphery of west-
em Christendom and in the Byzantine commonwealth. This fact suggests the
similar psychological and political needs of nations fresh on the historical
scene; newly-embraced Christianity and the new ruler type are consolidated
byway of the cults of holy kings. The insistence on royal pietas as the central
virtue continues into the modern age, assuming new features, as brilliant¬
ly shown by Ana Coreth and Franz Matsche s studies on the virtues of the
Habsburg
dynasty (pietas
Austriaca).
571
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
The shaping of the holy ruler cult with the Serbs is significantly influenced
by the Russian and Hungarian models. In Kievan
Rus,
the first to be accom¬
modated to this model was the cult of St Vladimir, credited with the Chris-
tianization of his people. This is a cult of the
founder , a pattern which, all local
distinctiveness notwithstanding, is used in medieval Serbia for the veneration
of the new Jacob , Simeon Nemanja. The Russian rulers held that the lawful¬
ness of their rule rested as much upon divine appointment as upon their be¬
longing to the ruling dynasty descended from the holy prince Vladimir. With
the conversion to Christianity, the notion of the ruler as a military leader and
natural focus of the people s ethnic and religious allegiances loses some of its
divine and magic properties; but, the blessing of the church confers a fresh
spiritual significance on his authority, and a stronger sense of cultural and
political unity to his people. A Christianizer ruler and great benefactor of
the church, St Vladimir is venerated as equal-to-the-apostles , and as a New
Constantine
he holds a special and separate place among the Russian national
saints. The notion of sanctity in Kievan
Rus
reveals influences of Byzantine
traditions and Slavic ancestor worship. The influence of the Hunagrian pat¬
terns of royal sanctity was equally important with the Serbs. Legends about
the Hungarian national kings retell the motifs central to eleventh-century
western spirituality. The distinctiveness of the early Hungarian model is in its
being a combination of elements borrowed from the cults cultivated both at
the centre and on the periphery of the then Christian world. In that sense, the
Hungarian cults of holy rulers may be said to have borrowed their form and
political function from marginal cults, such as that of the two passion-suffer¬
ers of Kiev, while their ideological aspect brings them closer to the patterns of
sanctity found in ancient Christianized areas.
Over time, the
hagiographie
pattern of the martyr ruler undergoes trans¬
formation into the popular just ruler type {rex iustus). The ideal of the holy
king begins to break free from the martyrial pattern, increasingly assuming
the functions of the ideal ruler, perceived in the context of Christian morality.
Then, at the time of the Crusades, the holy king model becomes accommodat¬
ed to the image of the ruler as an athleta
Christi.
The process is illustrated well
by some cults, such as that of St Vaclav of Bohemia. Undoubtedly, the ideal of
just war, popular in twelfth-century Europe, led to gradual change in the holy
ruler s image and
hagiographie
portrayal. In the modern age royal sanctity
finds its models in the archaic sacredness of the warrior king. The process is
572
SUMMARY
a consequence of, among other things, the conflict between the sovereign and
the church in the west, and may be viewed in the context of the rulers need to
redefine their sacral status. But, as a similar process occurred in Byzantium,
and in its cultural and confessional orbit, and the popularity of the new cult
images is readily observable from the spread of chivalric romance celebrating
heroes such as king Arthur and Alexander the Great, there is much more rea¬
son to place the new holy king type in the context of its time than to see it as a
mere reflection of the current polemic between the ruler and the church.
In Byzantium,
propagandistic
emphasis on the exaltation of the dynastic
principle pre-dates the
Komnenian
age, but it is then that it receives a fresh
impetus owing to the rising military aristocracy as the ruling elite. Not only
does the warrior of noble descent, famed for his victories, become the ideal of
the age, as evidenced by literature and the historical genre, but these qualities
soon become decisive in seizing imperial power. Especially relevant to our en¬
quiries is the period when the cults of holy rulers developed for the first time
among the Serbs, notably the cult of St Simeon Nemanja. In the course of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries the number of newly-included saints in the
calendar of the Eastern Orthodox Church decreases perceptibly. Also, hagi-
ography shows a significant decline compared to the opulence of the middle
Byzantine period. Another important feature of the epoch is the fact that
most newly-recognized saints come from the social elite. Also observable is
the increasingly complex canonization process, as well as the introduction
of formal elevation to sainthood by
concüiary
decision. As shown by Paul
Magdalino, these changes result from the changed spiritual and political cir¬
cumstances in
Komnenian
Byzantium» but they continue into the subsequent
periods.
Yet another development characteristic of the period of the rise of the Ser¬
bian dynasty is worthy of attention. A very important stage in the processes
of consolidating European monarchies and the sacral character of their power
is the systematization of royal cults into a single dynastic cult, as well as a
resurgence of the archaic concept of hereditary sanctity. The belief that mem¬
bership of a particular familial
beata
stirps enables promotion to sanctity had
an appeal in aristocratic circles until late medieval times. The link between the
notions of heredity and sanctity is especially widespread in Hungary, where,
beginning with the canonization ceremonies of
1083,
the development of a
series of saintly cults is observable for both male and female members of the
573
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
Arpad
family. The sacral prestige of this ruling family is transferred to their
successors on the Hungarian throne. The emphasis on heredity, the exaltation
of the royal family and the coupling of the ideal of sainthood with the dynastic
principle were to play a tremendous role on the periphery of Christendom in
the thirteenth century. In the west, the number of new saints of royal descent
gradually decreases in the fourteenth century, giving way to new, mendicant
saints. With them, a new concept of sainthood develops founded on the prin¬
ciples of poverty and humilitas. Family by blood gives way to the spiritual
family of the late middle ages.
Given these new trends in west-European society, the Hungarian and Ser¬
bian examples of hereditary dynastic sanctity may be regarded as archaic. The
two examples show much similarity, which is exceptionally useful in our re¬
search. Hungary does not show so elaborate a notion of the holy dynasty as Ser¬
bia s
Nemanjić
dynasty, but the belief in the hereditary sanctity of the Arpads
and their mythic origin was widely popular. As part of the same trend may be
seen contemporary depictions of the Tree of Jesse, but it should be noted that
in the Serbian case they function as direct counterparts of the national royal
lineage. This current in the evolution of royal cults, however, is not a revival of
the Old German notion of sanctity by blood as discussed by Karl Hauk. Its
sources are different and have to do with the political needs and
propagandis¬
tic
actions of the new dynasties. The processes are very complex and connect¬
ed with various forms of royal representation: from ceremonials, pilgrimages,
translations of relics, dedications of new churches and building projects to
the programmatic portrayal of royal and saintly virtues in the visual arts and
literature. Viewed as a whole, all the ways in which the holy ruler is venerated,
including the gradual shaping of his image into a subsequent example, differ¬
ent functions of the cult and the successors aspiration to join their ancestors
in the pantheon of saints through following the practice of dynastic sanctity,
form part of the cult s basic purpose, independent of the type of royal sanctity:
to intercede for the living in attaining salvation. Dynastic saints of central and
western Europe became remarkably popular in the fourteenth century, which,
however, led to a significant transformation of their cults. The change mostly
amounts to their changed political function: no longer the exclusive bearers
of dynastic prestige, they become true national symbols. It is needless to point
out how closely akin are the Serbian example and the role of dynastic cults
subsequent to the fall of the medieval Serbian state.
574
SUMMARY
The second part of the book is devoted to a particular holy king cult, the
best-preserved example documented by written and painted sources, material
remains and ethnographic evidence. The very broadly founded study of the
holy king with the Serbs has naturally led to the study of the cult of St Stefan
of Decani for more than one reason. First of all, the choice of this saint for
the key study is obviously due to the fact that Stefan of Decani, along with Sts
Simeon and
Sava,
is the most celebrated Serbian saint. This is the only nation¬
al saint whose cult has passed through almost all the developmental stages
-
from dynastic saint to national hero, while retaining its essential link with the
central veneration in his funerary church. On the other hand, this is the only
domestic cult of a holy ruler displaying all features proper to its royal nature,
without a tinge of state-symbolic messages such as are obviously conveyed by
the joint cult of the sacerdotal twosome. We have faced, then, the challenge of
studying a long-term phenomenon which has been under transformation till
this day. For the historian, this diachronic perspective is the most difficult, but
also the most exciting challenge.
And yet, this is a typical medieval cult of a crowned member of the cho¬
sen dynasty. This fact has decided the principal course of research placed in
the framework of comparative studies of holy rulers across Europe. Without
insight into the roots of different cults of this type, and the psychological and
political circumstances in which they arose, it would not have been possible to
ріска
particular case, nor to look at it from the perspective of change resulting
from the phenomenon s dynamic evolution. We have first looked at the lives
and offices dedicated to Stefan of Decani, and at the relationship between his
hagiographie
image and the idea of his rule as obtained from documentary
evidence. Then we have sought to identify the main stages of his cultic ven¬
eration, which also testify to the changing functions of the saint s cult. These
changes become observable from the time of Stefan s relatively early canoni¬
zation and preparatory devotional compositions whose framework was ini¬
tially established by the
hagiographie
collection The Lives of the Serbian Holy
Kings and Archbishops penned by Archbishop
Danilo
(Daniel) and continued
by his disciples. The decisive moments in this first phase of his cultic venera¬
tion are the revelation of the king s saintliness, the transfer of his relics into
another shrine placed near the altar, and the creation of his saintly
memoria
beginning with the first holy images. As early as this stage, two parallel, albeit
not always harmonized, courses are observable. Namely, the relatively low-
575
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
key saintly image created by a follower of Danilo s, fitting into the pattern of
a vaguely outlined dynastic sanctity and lacking distinct saintly attributes,
seems to have been counteracted by a well-designed and coordinated action
by the monastic circle of Decani, leading to the king s canonization in
1343.
The second phase, dated to the early years of the fifteenth century, is cen¬
tred on the monastery of Decani itself and its hegumen Grigorije Camblak
(Gregory Tsamblak). The king s
memoria
is placed in the framework of the
neomartyrial type of sanctity, which conforms to the then current patterns
of sanctity connected with the post-Kosovo age and with preparations for the
martyrial cult of a Kosovo martyr, prince
Lazar.
The shaping of the cult as
martyrial proved central to its further evolution. It was motivated by spiritual
and political concerns resulting from current trends, based on the true story
of the christianissimus rex blinded by his father and strangled by his son .
The third phase coincides with the restoration of the Patriarchate of
Peć
in the second half of the sixteenth century. The spreading of the cult is ob¬
vious from St Stefan of
Dečani s
inclusion into synaxaria and increasingly
frequent portrayal in devotional painting, icons and early prints. The focus of
cultic veneration is the king s foundation, and in parallel with the monastery s
growing prestige and contacts across the Orthodox Slavic world, grows the
presence of the king s image, celebrated as a martyr, and venerated especial¬
ly owing to depictions of the miracles of St Nicholas. The monks of Decani,
wherever they went, took with them the memory of their monastery and its
holiest relic, as evidenced by numerous depictions of St Stefan of Decani, from
Vuković s
Menaion, printed in Venice in the sixteenth century with the assist¬
ance of the Decani monk Mojsej (Moseus), to the effort of the metropolitan of
Sremski
Karlovci Jovan Georgijević,
a former monk of Decani, to pay his debt
to the monastery and its sainted ktetor by many a benefaction.
The veneration of Stefan of Decani is given a special place in the ecclesio-
political programmes of the Metropolitanate of
Karlovci,
dominated by no¬
tions of the past characteristic of baroque historicism. This period is marked
by representative art which takes to the fore the legitimation claims laid by
the leaders of the Serbian church to their status and to the leading role of
the Orthodox church as an institution in relation to the Viennese court. The
purpose of the emphasis on a select gallery of Serbian saints in the Metropoli-
tanate s visual programmes was aimed at highlighting the historical roots of
the ecclesiastical institution and its connection with the sacral topography of
576
SUMMARY
the whole territory under the jurisdiction of the Serbian patriarch. A decisive
event in that sense was the publication of the Stemmatography in the mid-
eighteenth century
(1741),
an armorial of the Illyric lands laden with ideo¬
logical and
propagandistic
messages. The choice of saints portrayed in this
compilation is complex, conceived in such a way as to illustrate the idea of
the Serbian patriarch as political and religious leader. This gallery of idealized
portraits includes Serbian bishops and rulers, so chosen as to reflect the whole
sacral territory of the Serbian lands, which find their earthly correlates in the
corresponding coat-of-arms of the Illyric lands. In this way a composite idea
of Serbia Sancta and Serbia Sacra is created, the bond between the two being
embodied in the institution of patriarch as etnarch and religious leader.
In parallel with these processes unfolds the gradual laicization of saintly
images, predominant from the first modern Serbian work of history founded
on critical examination of the sources
-
History by
Jovan Rajić.
From this
time the birth of the concept of popular patriotism, attuned to the secularism
of the age of Enlightenment becomes observable, and the images of Serbian
saints become epitomes of historical heroes. It is in the work of
Jovan Rajić
that Stefan of
Dečanľs
saintly image is constituted into the image of a histori¬
cal hero.
The representative status of rulers and their historical holy images gradu¬
ally become, in the course of the nineteenth century, accommodated to the
nation-state concept, the celebration of which comes to the fore. The ideals of
state and nation become bearers of national patriotism, with the memory of
the golden age of the medieval past assuming a central place. In the Serbian
environment, this process, observable across the Europe of emerging nation-
states, is intertwined with an active revolutionary programme and struggle
for liberation. In that connection, a new patriotic religion is constituted, and
the dialogue between the state and its subjects is entertained on the public
opinion scene shaped by media such as the theatre as a means of political
persuasion, by public events such as formal ceremonies and the setting-up of
monuments to select heroes. In addition to their old representative character,
they now assume a didactic one, for the purpose of national edification. Stefan
of Decani as a national hero finds his place in plays and in the theatres of Bel¬
grade and
Novi Sad.
Our analysis of the theatrical repertoires shows the theatre
being constituted into a temple of patriotic religion. With a leading role in five
Plays, the holy king gains in popularity, within the framework of a sensibility
577
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
characteristic of nineteenth-century Romantic historical drama which glori¬
fies national heroes of the golden age of Serbian history. The saint s laicized,
patriotic image is often fitted into dynastic glorification, in connection with
the new reigning Serbian dynasties of
Obrenovićs
and
Karadjordjevićs,
as a
source of their sacral legitimacy, a visible expression of the process of their,
occasionally disputed, legitimization. The proposed research framework has
required that the evolution of the holy king s cult be traced to this day. There is
no doubt that, apart from the essentially unchanged church veneration, these
processes have gradually shifted towards popular piety which becomes the
main context for observing the cult at work.
The cult of St Stefan of Decani is used to show how the type of sanctity
changes depending on the group that promotes it. Undoubtedly, the memory
officially shaped as public memory is always, in part, a product of manip¬
ulation by certain elites, a symbolic expression of their current projections
and political interests. Our enquiries have made this evident through the in¬
stances of alliance between the regency authority and the monastic setting of
Decani in the early fifteenth century, in the
religio
-political programmes of
the
Metropolita
nate
of Sremski
Karlovci,
and in the nineteenth-century na¬
tional programmes of the Serbian state.
The starting and concluding point of our research is the monastery of
Decani itself- as the holy king s foundation and funerary church, as the place
where his cult has been shaped and promoted and, finally, as a sacred space
where his cult continues its active work. Decani was designated a sacred place
already in the middle ages, from the time of
St Sava,
and certainly from the
time the church was built, and with time the monastery has become a classi¬
cal example of a national
lieu de mémoire.
This is a long-established scholarly
term for, in this case, a territorialized
topos
within which memory is continu¬
ally shaped and perpetuated, and which becomes the conceptual core of the
cult in sacral and historical terms. The realm of the sacred is marked out by
the church itself and the saint s grave as the focal point of the sacral space,
a physical testimony to God s presence amidst the community. The notion
of sacred space includes, in the case of the Decani complex, a system of er¬
emitic churches, cells and chapels erected outside the monastery. A broad no-
578
SUMMARY
tion
of sacred space includes the entire surroundings of a monastery, natural
or urban, within which take place religious processions and liturgical ritu¬
als whose function is to provide an active connection between the world of
the living and the world of the dead. The very process of creating a sacral
space is directly dependent on understanding the complex issue of defining
the function and role of praesentiae divinae in a particular privileged place.
The example of Decani
-
a sacred place whose focal point is the saint s grave,
the encounter with which allows the believer s immediate contact with a holy
relic, and whose sacrality is substantially enhanced by the presence of a desert
in the monastery s vicinity
-
shows all the abovementioned theoretically de¬
fined elements known from Byzantine practice. This is a real landscape in
which a new, sacral, space is constructed . Taking into account the concepts
of sacred place and sacred space thus understood, we have sought to delineate
the changing stages of the birth of the ktetor s saintly and historical memory
and its manifold connection with the sacred space of the monastery.
Analysis of the historical sources as regards the choice of Decani as a holy
place and the focus of a later cult certainly begins with the Decani chrysobul.
Its
polysemie
preamble contains information on the choice of the holy place,
linking it explicitly with the first Serbian archbishop. This reference to a holy
ancestor is placed in a quite distinct context, as Stefan of Decani links it with
care for his own memory. Topographic
realia,
in the context of establishing a
holy place, are a reflection of certain
hagiographie
requirements. As regards
the site of the Decani church, it derives its sacredness not only from Sava s
choice, but also from the presence of a sacred desert area in the environs of
the monastery
-
the monastic mountain as a system of cave hermitages (reg¬
istered in Mt
Belaja)
arranged in a natural landscape described as not-made-
by-hand, that is created by God s hand. This undoubtedly is the reception of
a Byzantine model. The concept and practice of monastic deserts in Serbia is
related to St Sava s ideological programme, but also to the Eastern Christian
tradition of desert asceticism introduced through Sava s ideas, according to
which such sketes are the abodes of the monastic elite whose prestige confers
eminence on a new sacred centre. A thus conceived sacred space is marked out
precisely by a number of associated
hagiographie
elements, affirming all its
indispensable attributes, such as inaccessible steep locales, sacred/life-giving
springs, and created simulacra of the heavenly garden. Both references to the
origination of Decani
-
one, referring to the saintly/divine choice and, then,
579
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
the church construction site being blessed by the holy hands , and the other,
confirming the process of shaping the space into a sacred place, notionally
and physically, through the establishment of a number of eremitic sketes
-
form part of a well-known and thoroughly ascertained tradition. Towards the
end of the middle ages, this tradition became centred on the memory of the
holy king as a martyr, associated with the monastery itself, the natural focus
of the tradition, and then with the activity of the Patriarchate of
Peć.
Stefan of
Dečani s
memory was shaped in a decisive manner by the monastery s hegu-
men and subsequent metropolitan of Kiev, Grigorije Camblak, in his illustri¬
ous Vita of the holy king penned in the early fifteenth century. It is only with
this Life, and within a well-designed programme connected both with the rise
of new martyrial cults and with the particular veneration of a Kosovo martyr,
prince
Lazar,
that the martyrial veneration of Stefan of Decani becomes es¬
tablished, and his
hagiographie
image consistently fashioned after the model
of holy martyrs.
In the subsequent tradition, the connection between the sacred place and
the saint s memory is publicly demonstrated in a visual way. Particularly char¬
acteristic in this regard are eighteenth-century prints, such as a copper engrav¬
ing, commissioned by the Serbian patriarch Arsenije IV (Arsenius), showing
the monastery of Decani, the holy king as its first ktetor, and the patriarch
himself. Quite in line with a tribute paid to a historical hero s memory, Stefan
of Decani is depicted as a ruler, with a special emphasis on the insignia of his
worldly power effected through their being shown separately, and through
the scene of divine blessing. Even a superficial comparison with prints depict¬
ing other sacred centres of national memory, such as the famous
veduta
of
Chilandar showing an imperial visitation to the city-monastery, clearly illus¬
trates the donors intention
-
to establish a distinctive, through these prints
multiplied and hence popular, notion of the historical past of sacred places
and their special connection with the highest ranks of the political/religious
hierarchies. The monastery epitomizes the notion of society as united by the
same religion and the same vital interests. The natural setting for the archi¬
tecture is consciously constructed as a Christian garden. For a brief moment,
saintly memory gives way to political which, in a theatrical and representative
manner, glorifies historical grandeur, itself remaining associated with the sa-
credness of the monastery-city as a locus of cultic remembrance.
580
SUMMARY
As early as the seventeenth century, under the influence of the tenets of
baroque historicism reaching the Metropolitanate of
Karlovci
via Vienna, the
veneration of domestic saints based on their
hagiographie
images begins to
be enriched in the process of shaping their historical images. Quite naturally,
special attention in such pursuits is paid to heroes from the national mar-
tyrology. As a result, king Stefan of Decani becomes a popular prototype of
the martyr king in the Serb-inhabited areas of the
Habsburg
Monarchy too.
In the process of shaping the idea of a Serbian holy empire religious identity
increasingly gives way to national, with the pantheon of Serbian saints be¬
coming laicized and, as the bearers of the memory of the golden age, included
in the Serbian national programme. As part of this programme, in the course
of the nineteenth century, the saint s memory assumes additional national
features, being built into the triumphant image of the popular church. A com¬
monplace in such programmes is the return to a golden age of national his¬
tory, which, in the Serbian case, meant to celebrate heroes of the medieval past
as epitomizing national glory. In that sense, analysis of elements belonging
to the domain of public memory
-
images, symbols and rituals as exempli¬
fied in commemorations and celebrations
-
is an indispensable step towards
a precise definition of the golden age phenomenon. The belief that a people,
as a community sharing the same past, language and territory, is the product
of history expressed in the actions of heroes as agents of communal salvation,
is summed up in the notion that the community s virtue is best reflected in
its resplendent (golden) past, which is shown as the unique and unrepeatable
history of a chosen people. Also, it is worthy of note that the amalgamation of
myths and recollections surrounding the notion of the golden age is, as a rule,
precisely defined in terms of space, that is, shaped around particular sacred
places
{loca
sancta,
toca
sacra). Thus, in the Serbian national programme of
reviving the golden age, it is the monasteries that become the loci of national
memory where the relics are kept as
realia
to provide confirmation of the na¬
tion s sacrality The past remembered is transmitted in these ways, and de¬
fined anew, and in this process of redefinition a new memory is shaped, where
Decani occupies a special and prominent place as the centre of the holy king
cult
-
a place of memory of national identity.
In parallel with conforming the image of holy rulers to the image of popu¬
lar heroes
-
pre-images of the ruling dynasty, where Stefan of Decani features
in the narrowest selection of Serbian saints, unfolds the long struggle for the
581
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
survival of his foundation and of his holy relics as its sacral focus. It unfolds,
often taking dramatic turns, against the background of the shifting political
fortunes of the Serbian people in Metochia in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. In pondering on the phenomenon of popular devotion
to the holy king, one must bear in mind the importance of the great
lavra
of
Decani and its brotherhood in perpetuating and spreading his cult. The mon¬
astery s contacts with the Christian Orthodox population in South Serbia,
Kosovo-Metochia and Macedonia remained very lively under centuries-long
Ottoman rule. The monks of Decani kept travelling across Old Serbia, and in
every nachiye, in places where there were no schools, instructed the children
in faith, lifted people s spirits and collected contributions for their monas¬
tery. They also made visits to the monastery s many metochia, and organized
small-scale pilgrimages to Decani, where the faithful could pay devotions to
the holy king s relics. The tremendous popularity of his cult among the local
population of all confessions helped to protect the monastery from Muslim,
especially Albanian, attacks on Serbian shrines, the goal of which was, just
as it is today, a planned and systematic obliteration of any trace of Serbian
presence in Kosovo and Metochia.
Ihat
this is a widespread notion of the
prophylactic role of a miracle-working saint is evidenced by many legends
about Stefan of
Dečani s
lasting presence and protection of the monastery.
The phenomenon is evidenced already in Camblak s Life, and by later records
preserved in the monastery. The holy king s cult is related to folk legends, is
cultivated within the church s veneration, through contacts between differ¬
ent regions honouring his memory and maintaining relations with the main
focus of the cult in Decani. The antiquity of these beliefs is reflected in abun¬
dant surviving information about magico-ritual practices connected with his
healing and apotropaic powers. Popular beliefs about the holy king s miracles
may be typologically assigned to several classes. The foremost are the miracles
occurring in times of hardship for Decani, when the king steps in as rescuer
of his foundation. Apart from the miracles ensuring protection for the foun¬
dation, the holy king occurs in popular piety as healer of many illnesses, im¬
paired sight most of all.
The examples cited above show that the cult has assumed characteristics of
the miracle-worker type in popular piety. The entirely martyrial character of
Stefan s sanctity has been pushed back to make room for devotion to the mira¬
cle-working king. As already emphasized» Decani was an important focus of
582
SUMMARY
pilgrimage; the holy king s relics were paid devotions by members of different
confessions visiting the monastery as an obligatory stop on pilgrimage itin¬
eraries, and the popularity of the cult in the whole of Kosovo and the Serbian
south indicates the changed identity of the king s sanctity. Namely, the martyr
type saint becomes popular in times of social crisis, as the fall of the medieval
Serbian state and foreign occupation no doubt were. On the level of collective
psychology, this is a process of the community s identification with its heav¬
enly protectors in suffering, a process rendered additionally complex by the
emphasis placed on the idea of the people s divine election and the sacraliza-
tion of the Kosovo myth. The migration of the cult to popular piety suggests
its gradual transformation into the miracle-working type of sanctity. With
this aspect of veneration in ritual piety, the cult of Stefan of Decani has gone
through all the stages in the evolution and transformation of the ruler cult,
thereby becoming the most complete holy king cult in Serbian history.
The final pages of this book were written in an awaiting-the-end at¬
mosphere irresistibly reminding the author of medieval waiting for the final
days. Left to their prayers and the holy king s protection, the monastic elite
of Decani, and Stefan of
Dečani s
holy remains, still hold out in the face of a
brash majority, hopeful of being able to endure in the ancient Serbian lands. A
historian aware of the political cynicism and ahistorical currents of the mod¬
ern age is left with many a query, but also with the conviction that the energy
of the holy king s cult remains the only defence of the monastery of Decani, a
pkœ
of memory for Serbian national identity, in times to come.
583
|
| adam_txt |
САДРЖАЈ
Уводне напомене
.9
део први
МОДЕЛИ
КРАЉЕВСКЕ СВЕТОСТИ
I.
Порекпо
и
рази
oj
институције краљевске светости
у
средњовековној Европи
.17
П. Обрасци владарске
светости у Срба
. 85
1.
Претпоставке
светости
.85
2.
,Један
je
удео мучеништва,
а многи су начини смрти.,."
.93
3.
Типологизација
светих владара у Срба
.97
Узор светог оснивача: пут
ка Јерусалиму
.100
„Живи стубови
што стоје
високо":
„свети човек" и владар-аскета
.120
Династичка
светост
.148
•
„Сада
je
поново
засијао
у нашем роду":
култ
свештене
двојице
.148
•
Пантеон српских
светих
.159
Нови мартири
позносредњовековне побожности
.170
649
СМИЉА МЛР/АНОВИЋ-ДУШАНИЋ
СВЕТИ
КРАЉ
део
други
СТВАРАЊЕ КРАЉЕВСКЕ
MEMORIAE
I.
Стефан Урош
III:
између хагиографије
и званичног документа
.197
[.Vita.
197
Однос
модела
и стварности
.197
Ране године
.202
Млади
краљ.
216
Цариградско изгнанство
и
освајање
власти
.240
Подвизи .
269
•
Подизање Дечана:
locus amoenus
и монашка света гора
.269
•
Тријумф
код Велбужда:
темељ
српске превласти на Балкану
.287
„Најгрча
сырт
удављења"
.308
2.
Дечани као средиште
култа:
топос и
memoria
.323
И.
Култ светог
Стефана Дечанског:
од
светитеља
до националног херо/а
.337
1.
Култ
светог Стефана Дечанског у оквирима
средіьовековне политичке
теологије
.337
1
Уврштење
у свете
.337
Измеїьени идентитет
светости
и
рађаље
концепта светог мученика
.361
2.
Реорганизација
модела.
369
Нови тип
репрезентативне представе
.369
Свети краль барокног верско-политичког
програма:
историја
и
традиција
као политички аргумент
.406
Историја
у
служби
будућности:
рађање „историјског" јунака
.467
Света
отаџбина:
култ националног
хероја
и
renovatio
„златног доба"
.488
Свети
краљ
у
популарној побожности
.537
650
_
садржа;
Закључна разматрања
.553
Tlie
Holy King. Summary
.565
Списак извора
.585
Списак
литературе
.591
Регистар имена и
noj
мои а
.621
Садржај
.649
Contents.
653
651
CONTENTS
Introductory remarks
.
,
.9
Part One
THE PATTERNS OF ROYAL SANCTITY
I. The origin and evolution of the institution
of royal sanctity in medieval Europe
.17
H. The patterns of royal sanctity in medieval Serbia
.85
1.
Criteria for sanctity
.85
2.
'One is the share of martyrdom,
and many are the manners of death.
.'.93
3.
Typology of holy rulers in medieval Serbia
.97
The example of the holy founder: the journey
towards Jerusalem
.100
'Living pillars standing high': the holy man and ascetic ruler
. 120
Dynastic sanctity
.148
•
'Now he shines out amidst our race again': the cult of the
sacerdotal twosome
.148
•
The pantheon of Serbian saints
.159
New martyrs in late medieval piety
.170
653
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
Fart Two
THE CREATION OF ROYAL
MEMORIA
I. Stefan
Uros
III: between hagiography and official document
.197
1.
Vita
.197
The relationship between model and reality
.197
Early years
.202
The young king
.216
Constantinopolitan exile and accession to power
.240
Deeds
.269
•
Construction of Decani:
a locus amoenus and the monastic holy mountain
.269
•
Triumph at
Velbužd:
a cornerstone of Serbian supremacy in the Balkans
.287
"The bitterest death by strangulation'
.308
2.
Decani as the focus of the cult:
topos
and
memoria
.323
II. The cult of Stefan of Decani: from saint to national hero
.337
1.
The cult of St Stefan of Decani in the reference frame of medieval
politica)
theology
.337
The inclusion among the saints
.337
The changed identity of sanctity and the birth of the holy
martyr concept
.36]
2.
Reorganizing the model
.369
A new type of the representative image
.369
The holy king of a baroque reiigio-political programme:
history and tradition as a political argument
.406
History in the service of the future:
the birth of the 'historical hero'
.467
The holy fatherland: the national hero cult
and the renovatio of a 'golden age'
.488
The holy king in popular piety
.537
654
CONTENTS
Concluding considerations
.553
The Holy King. Summary
.565
List of sources
.585
List of literature
.591
Index of names and concepts
.621
Contents
.649
655
THE HOLY KING
The Cult of St. Stefan of Decani
Summary
The notion of the holy king is fundamental to the medieval ideology of
rulership. Quite frequently, it takes a material form. As testimony to the pres¬
ence of the sacred, the holy king's grave and his relics mould the sacral to¬
pography of the church and become a significant component of devotional
practices. In addition to this general aspect, applicable to all other Christian
saints, our enquiries also address the complex phenomenon of royal sanctity,
primarily examining, the political function of the cult and examining it from
synchronie
and diachronic perspectives. Holy rulers were born out of the pro¬
found need of early medieval European societies to legitimize themselves in
the sacral realm and thus ensure their appearance on the European political
scene. In a distinctly medieval way, that appearance had features of an entry
into sacred history.
The holy king is, according to the established and well-argued view, a
product of medieval royal ideology expressed in hagiography. A natural result
of the Christianization of kingship, the phenomenon becomes observable as
early as the sixth century. Over time, it underwent significant modifications
which shaped a complex concept of holy kingship. In seeking to delineate as
fully as possible the meaning field of the concept of the holy king, it should
be noted that this field contains a set of concepts relating mostly to the per¬
sonality of the holy king as saint-to-be. In ceremonial etiquette, associated
literature and the popular mind, this was raised to the supernatural realm
565
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
against a background woven from personal merits, posthumously recognized
and acknowledged, and expressed above all through the occurrence and ef¬
fects of miracles. The
hagiographie
portrayal of the ruler's personality and of
the style of his rule is based on standardized imagery or the principles of ideal
rulership found in Christian moralizing literature. This literature was shaped
under the powerful influence of the monastic ideal which marks profoundly
the typical portrait of the holy king.
The study of holy rulers has a long and prolific tradition, and the extensive
work done by Jacques
le Goff,
Robert Folz,
André Vauchez,
Jean-Claude
Sch¬
mitt
and
Gabor Klaniczay,
to mention only the best-known examples, has laid
a dependable basis for all attempts at a typology of royal sanctity. In addition
to the cited works devoted to the holy kings of the European Middle Ages,
our research relies on a well-defined tradition in cult studies, drawing on the
seminal work of Peter Brown, as well as, on the broad study of Byzantine
tradition in the domain of the cult of saints, and the relevant hagiographical
sources, In this field we are largely indebted by the outstanding contributions,
mainly of Michel Kaplan, Evelyn Patlagean and Bernard Flusin. Extending
the boundaries of cultural history studies, this scholarly tradition has made
new demands on the study of related issues. Also, extensive research into the
phenomenon of creating memory and its changing public reception has left
a significant mark on the way in which our ideas of the place of cult in the
constructed picture of the past are shaped.
Such demands also raise the question of the relationship between official
and popular memory. Apart from a typology of royal sanctity and the dis¬
tinctive character of the role and phenomenon of the holy king in the Serbian
middle ages, this book is concerned with the phenomenon of the history of
memory, that is, with the creation of royal
memoria
and, consistent with this
function, the specific role of the holy king's relics in the 'struggle against ob¬
livion'. It is this function of the holy king cult that seems not to have been
adequately recognized in modern scholarship, the same as the relationship,
derived from it, between memory and historiography. Essentially, it is an is¬
sue of defining cultural models, which in turn affects the manner of interpre¬
tation and the choice of method. Attempts at explaining the ways in which
awareness of one's own past has been constructed concern modern historiog¬
raphy to the extent that the history of memory has been established as a disci¬
pline in its own right. It was our wish to answer, at least in part, the question
566
SUMMARY
that has been posed as regards the place of the cult in the history of memory;
also, as regards the attitude of official historiography, as a representative of the
elite culture of an epoch, towards such
topoi
as the cult place and the place of
memory. Through thought-out programmes of shaping collective memory,
such places have become, over time, the
topoi
of a community's identity. Our
goal has been to recognize the main phases of such practice in the Serbian
lands and its varying contents in the long span of time from the middle ages
to the present.
The approach to the problem requires that three closely related concepts be
clarified: sanctity, as defined in relation to the profane, or its reception which
effectively flavours the mentality of an epoch; sacred space, looked at in the
context of a universal, timeless sacral totality; and place of memory, a sym¬
bolic, historicized
topos as
the focus of the cult. All such spaces bear traces
of our need for
sacralisation as
the accepted, traditional principle of expe¬
riencing any space, historical most of all Be it a monastery, as an enclosed,
symbolic universe, or a territorialized historical space, real or projected, of an
ethnos, space plays a major role in apprehending sacrality. Finally, we arrive
at the issue of the function of the sacred place, at different ways in which his¬
torical memory has been shaped. It is constructed in texts, in visual culture,
in mentions and recollections, in public festivities as representative embodi¬
ments of the community's social structure whereby its ideals are program-
matically promoted. We can observe it through the changing ways of seeing
our own past, resulting as much from a moments political needs as from the
spirit of the age, which in turn imposes and shapes our self-experience and
our experience of the past. The need to promote domestic rulers to saints is an
expression of the complex relationship between the past and the accommoda¬
tion of the moment's needs, spiritual and political, to an acceptable model of
ancestor veneration.
These pivotal points of our research necessarily involve analysis of stere¬
otypes as pertinent to the shaping of historical memory in a given epoch.
Ње
medieval elites articulate their attitude towards memory through biblical
Parallels. This practice is particularly visible in the domains where Old Testa¬
ment
préfigurations
are used. As for New Testament associations, in addition
to the general practice of emulating the example of Christ, we can find an
overtly expressed need to accommodate the patterns of sanctity to the genre-
defined types. Hence our movement inside the medieval cultural models of
567
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
veneration of saints has relied inevitably on the typological identification of
royal sanctity or on the changing model of the holy king. These changes occur
in response to society's changing needs, but also to the concrete politico-reli¬
gious programmes to which they are related. This becomes even more obvious
in the modern evolution of the holy king concept. It evolves
-
in different cul¬
tural spaces of the Serbian ethnos, accommodated to its spiritual and political
needs
-
from patron saint to national hero.
A scholarly approach to the cult of saints strictly confined to the new cul¬
tural history framework and methodological tenets should not be pursued
inflexibly in studying the symbolic importance of the holy king's role among
the Serbs. Nonetheless, having taken up the challenge of outlining the Serbian
cultural models within which the holy king cult occurs as a significant in¬
gredient in the ideologies of different political and spiritual elites at different
periods, a number of issues concerning the identification of other essential
elements of those models have been raised. On the one hand, it has been vi¬
tal to identify typical examples by means of which to recognize phenomena
related to the themes, symbols, sentiments and forms assumed by the mani¬
festation of royal sanctity, that is its historical and national projection. The
research focus on representative culture has necessarily involved analysis of
the changing categories of Serbian ethnic space and stratified understanding
of the notion of time. Categories to be singled out here are the historical, the
sacral and the current, important in defining the attitude towards the past in
a given epoch. This approach has also involved diachronic analysis
-
in the
real and imaginary space of the Serbian ethnic community and its state pro¬
grammes
-
of another two important issues: the ambivalent phenomenon of
sanctity, and the political use of the holy ancestor cult as a key component in
shaping collective identity.
The intention to put together a work that seeks to explain a phenomenon
from the domain of representative culture as a rule draws on a string of theo¬
retical works defining that type of culture. Within so broad a field as the com¬
parative history of cults, the findings of which it may sometimes be tempting
to read into the understanding of sources from different and unfamiliar tradi¬
tions we have encountered the specific circumstances of a somewhat delayed
and repeatedly interrupted development. The complexity of such a research
framework results not only from increasingly diffuse scholarly disciplines
touching upon the phenomenon of sanctity, but also from the ever-extending
568
SUMMARY
boundaries of the use of the historical method in studying sanctity. Namely,
since sanctity carries meanings that elude rationalist interpretation, we need
to be constantly aware of our limited understanding of its totality. Also, in
addition to this global framework, our approach to the subject has been deter¬
mined by facts of a more general nature: firstly, by the complex phenomenon
of the religious revival currently underway, and secondly, by the fact that the
veneration of saints has migrated from the official state political programmes
into popular piety.
The first part of our book is dedicated to the study of the holy king as a
phenomenon, and particularly, to its typology and development in medieval
Serbia. Europe's earliest holy kings were venerated as martyrs, those making
the ultimate sacrifice for Christ consciously and willingly, and their martyr¬
dom as a rule emulates the example set by the passions of Christ. The choice
of this type of sanctity for the earliest royal cults is closely connected with the
prestige which martyrs enjoyed in Christian communities. It is on the cult of
martyrs' graves, on translations of their relics across the newly-won Christian
world, that a new sacral topography of the empire built on the foundations
laid by the Constantinian programme was centred. Martyrs' graves endow
the community with sacral identity, with a sense of being rooted deriving
from the praesentia of the sacred in its midst as a token of its place in sacred
history and ultimate salvation. With time the notion of the martyr was ex¬
tended to include all Christians who suffered a violent death, regardless of
whether this death was willingly accepted. Such a definition of'martyrdom'
opened the way for the admittance of all manner of sufferers and victims of
betrayal into their ranks. This extension of the original martyr type made it
possible to include those who fell in battle against the heathen, as warriors for
the faith, into this category of sanctity. The martyrs' growing popularity and
prestige decisively contributed to the fact that most kings canonized before
the ninth century fall into this basic category.
Apart from the cult of royal martyrs, quite popular in medieval Serbia,
the type of the miracle-working king also emerges as an important compo¬
nent of the overall phenomenon of the holy king. Chronologically, leaving
aside the comparatively early example of the holy prince
Jovan Vladimir,
it
569
I
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
is to this type that the first Serbian holy rulers belong. In the course of the
full-blown middle ages, with the development of the cults of miracle-work¬
ing kings, they increasingly assume knightly features. They typically assist in
battles presaging the triumph of their successors by miraculous intervention
or simply through the appearance and action of victorious insignia. A char¬
acteristic
topos
of royal posthumous miracles relates to miracles occurring at
the grave. They usually begin shortly before the relics are elevated from the
grave, which is the traditional manner in which the relics' miraculous pow¬
ers are revealed. After the
elevatio
of the relics and their being enshrined in
a special reliquary, this new space where the whole incorrupt body, or part
of the body, is laid assumes healing powers as well. At times, in the cases of
translation, miraculous powers are transferred to church spaces where the
body used to be deposited. Miracles occur in contact with the relics, but it
is not only in direct contact with the reliquary, the original burial place or
the relics themselves that the power of healing is manifested. It can operate
indirectly, in response to a prayer or a vow, or through the saint's appearance
in dreams. In that way, divine intervention may have long-distance effects,
which helps in the cult's diffusion. In each of such cases the invocatio of the
saint is at the core of the spiritual connection between the miracle-worker and
the believer. Miracles provide dependable protection either to the individual
or to the church of which the saint is the patron, or, if the saint was a ruler,
the founder. He intervenes directly to protect the rights of the monastery, at
times doing away mercilessly with those who disturb the peace of his founda¬
tion and those who serve there. The holy king's power to protect is transferred
to his family/dynasty, his people and the whole fatherland. In the process, the
holy king assumes qualities of some illustrious all-Christian saints, and thus
comes close to the warrior saints, or to St Nicholas as the vigilant protector of
those in need while travelling or at sea.
A very important feature of the holy ruler, distinguishing him from all
other types of saint, is his special bond with his kingdom, whose patron he
as a rule becomes. The holy king's relation to the fatherland is that of a holy
forebear, the one who confers holiness on the whole ruling dynasty. Rulers
reaffirm the sacral character of their rule by way of the cults of their sainted
predecessors. Also, the reign of the 'holy forebear1 is celebrated as an example
of good and just rule, and the laws he bestows on his subjects institute legal,
divine order and ensure perfect peace in his state. This book points particu-
570
SUMMARY
larly to the holy ruler's role as the founder and divinized forebear of the ruling
dynasty The Serbian example clearly shows the long duration of the cult of
dynastic sanctity, which became an attribute of the whole long-lived
Nemanjić
family. Not at all infrequently, dynastic sanctity is associated with deeds for
the true faith: in addition to 'hereditary' sanctity, the Serbian rulers 'deserve'
their cults by virtue of their remarkable loyalty to the church, which acted in
symphony with the state throughout Serbian history. The Serbian holy kings
draw their charisma from the 'holy root of the family tree'
-
founder of the
dynasty, St Simeon. Analogous to this is a type proposed in the accepted ty¬
pologies, the type of the Christianizer ruler converting his people to Christi¬
anity and therefore deserving of reward in heaven. It is the holy Christianizer
king that usually assumes the role of the sainted forebear, as he naturally takes
the place formerly held by the charismatic divine 'forefather'.
The process of sanctity transfer from the founder to the entire royal fam¬
ily generates the phenomenon of holy dynasties, the belief that some vir¬
tues (idoneitas) and miraculous powers are hereditary within the regale se¬
men, Similar beliefs produce a firm bond between the holy dynasty and the
chosen people, particularly well known from the Serbian example. The late
thirteenth century witnesses another resurgence of the holy lineage concept
(beata
stirps), largely related to the flourishing of family legends, particularly
popular in Hungary and central Europe. The influence of popular and widely
venerated saintly figures was quite strong in the fourteenth century as well,
and a similar pattern of dynastic sanctity was adopted by dynasties who as¬
serted themselves in the later medieval period, such as the Angevin, Luxem¬
burg,
Habsburg
and
Lazarević
dynasties. All these ruling families attempted
to affirm their legitimacy through their kinship, genuine or constructed, with
the lineages of holy kings. To that end, they resorted to canonizations of new
family saints. Similar processes were underway, both at the periphery of west-
em Christendom and in the Byzantine commonwealth. This fact suggests the
similar psychological and political needs of nations fresh on the historical
scene; newly-embraced Christianity and the new ruler type are consolidated
byway of the cults of holy kings. The insistence on royal pietas as the central
virtue continues into the modern age, assuming new features, as brilliant¬
ly shown by Ana Coreth and Franz Matsche's studies on the virtues of the
Habsburg
dynasty (pietas
Austriaca).
571
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
The shaping of the holy ruler cult with the Serbs is significantly influenced
by the Russian and Hungarian models. In Kievan
Rus,
the first to be accom¬
modated to this model was the cult of St Vladimir, credited with the Chris-
tianization of his people. This is a cult of the
'
founder', a pattern which, all local
distinctiveness notwithstanding, is used in medieval Serbia for the veneration
of the 'new Jacob', Simeon Nemanja. The Russian rulers held that the lawful¬
ness of their rule rested as much upon divine appointment as upon their be¬
longing to the ruling dynasty descended from the holy prince Vladimir. With
the conversion to Christianity, the notion of the ruler as a military leader and
natural focus of the people's ethnic and religious allegiances loses some of its
divine and magic properties; but, the blessing of the church confers a fresh
spiritual significance on his authority, and a stronger sense of cultural and
political unity to his people. A Christianizer ruler and great benefactor of
the church, St Vladimir is venerated as 'equal-to-the-apostles', and as a New
Constantine
he holds a special and separate place among the Russian national
saints. The notion of sanctity in Kievan
Rus
reveals influences of Byzantine
traditions and Slavic ancestor worship. The influence of the Hunagrian pat¬
terns of royal sanctity was equally important with the Serbs. Legends about
the Hungarian 'national' kings retell the motifs central to eleventh-century
western spirituality. The distinctiveness of the early Hungarian model is in its
being a combination of elements borrowed from the cults cultivated both at
the centre and on the periphery of the then Christian world. In that sense, the
Hungarian cults of holy rulers may be said to have borrowed their form and
political function from marginal cults, such as that of the two passion-suffer¬
ers of Kiev, while their ideological aspect brings them closer to the patterns of
sanctity found in ancient Christianized areas.
Over time, the
hagiographie
pattern of the martyr ruler undergoes trans¬
formation into the popular just ruler type {rex iustus). The ideal of the holy
king begins to break free from the martyrial pattern, increasingly assuming
the functions of the ideal ruler, perceived in the context of Christian morality.
Then, at the time of the Crusades, the holy king model becomes accommodat¬
ed to the image of the ruler as an athleta
Christi.
The process is illustrated well
by some cults, such as that of St Vaclav of Bohemia. Undoubtedly, the ideal of
just war, popular in twelfth-century Europe, led to gradual change in the holy
ruler's image and
hagiographie
portrayal. In the modern age royal sanctity
finds its models in the archaic sacredness of the warrior king. The process is
572
SUMMARY
a consequence of, among other things, the conflict between the sovereign and
the church in the west, and may be viewed in the context of the rulers' need to
redefine their sacral status. But, as a similar process occurred in Byzantium,
and in its cultural and confessional orbit, and the popularity of the new cult
images is readily observable from the spread of chivalric romance celebrating
heroes such as king Arthur and Alexander the Great, there is much more rea¬
son to place the new holy king type in the context of its time than to see it as a
mere reflection of the current polemic between the ruler and the church.
In Byzantium,
propagandistic
emphasis on the exaltation of the dynastic
principle pre-dates the
Komnenian
age, but it is then that it receives a fresh
impetus owing to the rising military aristocracy as the ruling elite. Not only
does the warrior of noble descent, famed for his victories, become the ideal of
the age, as evidenced by literature and the historical genre, but these qualities
soon become decisive in seizing imperial power. Especially relevant to our en¬
quiries is the period when the cults of holy rulers developed for the first time
among the Serbs, notably the cult of St Simeon Nemanja. In the course of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries the number of newly-included saints in the
calendar of the Eastern Orthodox Church decreases perceptibly. Also, hagi-
ography shows a significant decline compared to the opulence of the middle
Byzantine period. Another important feature of the epoch is the fact that
most newly-recognized saints come from the social elite. Also observable is
the increasingly complex canonization process, as well as the introduction
of formal elevation to sainthood by
concüiary
decision. As shown by Paul
Magdalino, these changes result from the changed spiritual and political cir¬
cumstances in
Komnenian
Byzantium» but they continue into the subsequent
periods.
Yet another development characteristic of the period of the rise of the Ser¬
bian dynasty is worthy of attention. A very important stage in the processes
of consolidating European monarchies and the sacral character of their power
is the 'systematization' of royal cults into a single dynastic cult, as well as a
resurgence of the archaic concept of hereditary sanctity. The belief that mem¬
bership of a particular familial
beata
stirps enables promotion to sanctity had
an appeal in aristocratic circles until late medieval times. The link between the
notions of heredity and sanctity is especially widespread in Hungary, where,
beginning with the canonization ceremonies of
1083,
the development of a
series of saintly cults is observable for both male and female members of the
573
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
Arpad
family. The sacral prestige of this ruling family is 'transferred' to their
successors on the Hungarian throne. The emphasis on heredity, the exaltation
of the royal family and the coupling of the ideal of sainthood with the dynastic
principle were to play a tremendous role on the 'periphery' of Christendom in
the thirteenth century. In the west, the number of new saints of royal descent
gradually decreases in the fourteenth century, giving way to new, mendicant
saints. With them, a new concept of sainthood develops founded on the prin¬
ciples of poverty and humilitas. Family by blood gives way to the spiritual
family of the late middle ages.
Given these new trends in west-European society, the Hungarian and Ser¬
bian examples of hereditary dynastic sanctity may be regarded as archaic. The
two examples show much similarity, which is exceptionally useful in our re¬
search. Hungary does not show so elaborate a notion of the holy dynasty as Ser¬
bia's
Nemanjić
dynasty, but the belief in the hereditary sanctity of the Arpads
and their mythic origin was widely popular. As part of the same trend may be
seen contemporary depictions of the Tree of Jesse, but it should be noted that
in the Serbian case they function as direct counterparts of the national royal
lineage. This current in the evolution of royal cults, however, is not a revival of
the Old German notion of sanctity 'by blood' as discussed by Karl Hauk. Its
sources are different and have to do with the political needs and
propagandis¬
tic
actions of the new dynasties. The processes are very complex and connect¬
ed with various forms of royal representation: from ceremonials, pilgrimages,
translations of relics, dedications of new churches and building projects to
the programmatic portrayal of royal and saintly virtues in the visual arts and
literature. Viewed as a whole, all the ways in which the holy ruler is venerated,
including the gradual shaping of his image into a subsequent example, differ¬
ent functions of the cult and the successors' aspiration to join their ancestors
in the pantheon of saints through following the practice of dynastic sanctity,
form part of the cult's basic purpose, independent of the type of royal sanctity:
to intercede for the living in attaining salvation. Dynastic saints of central and
western Europe became remarkably popular in the fourteenth century, which,
however, led to a significant transformation of their cults. The change mostly
amounts to their changed political function: no longer the exclusive bearers
of dynastic prestige, they become true national symbols. It is needless to point
out how closely akin are the Serbian example and the role of dynastic cults
subsequent to the fall of the medieval Serbian state.
574
SUMMARY
The second part of the book is devoted to a particular holy king cult, the
best-preserved example documented by written and painted sources, material
remains and ethnographic evidence. The very broadly founded study of the
holy king with the Serbs has naturally led to the study of the cult of St Stefan
of Decani for more than one reason. First of all, the choice of this saint for
the key study is obviously due to the fact that Stefan of Decani, along with Sts
Simeon and
Sava,
is the most celebrated Serbian saint. This is the only nation¬
al saint whose cult has passed through almost all the developmental stages
-
from dynastic saint to national hero, while retaining its essential link with the
central veneration in his funerary church. On the other hand, this is the only
domestic cult of a holy ruler displaying all features proper to its 'royal' nature,
without a tinge of state-symbolic messages such as are obviously conveyed by
the joint cult of the sacerdotal twosome. We have faced, then, the challenge of
studying a long-term phenomenon which has been under transformation till
this day. For the historian, this diachronic perspective is the most difficult, but
also the most exciting challenge.
And yet, this is a typical medieval cult of a crowned member of the cho¬
sen dynasty. This fact has decided the principal course of research placed in
the framework of comparative studies of holy rulers across Europe. Without
insight into the roots of different cults of this type, and the psychological and
political circumstances in which they arose, it would not have been possible to
ріска
particular case, nor to look at it from the perspective of change resulting
from the phenomenon's dynamic evolution. We have first looked at the lives
and offices dedicated to Stefan of Decani, and at the relationship between his
hagiographie
image and the idea of his rule as obtained from documentary
evidence. Then we have sought to identify the main stages of his cultic ven¬
eration, which also testify to the changing functions of the saint's cult. These
changes become observable from the time of Stefan's relatively early canoni¬
zation and preparatory devotional compositions whose framework was ini¬
tially established by the
hagiographie
collection The Lives of the Serbian Holy
Kings and Archbishops penned by Archbishop
Danilo
(Daniel) and continued
by his disciples. The decisive moments in this first phase of his cultic venera¬
tion are the revelation of the king's saintliness, the transfer of his relics into
another shrine placed near the altar, and the creation of his saintly
memoria
beginning with the first holy images. As early as this stage, two parallel, albeit
not always harmonized, courses are observable. Namely, the relatively low-
575
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
key saintly image created by a follower of Danilo's, fitting into the pattern of
a vaguely outlined dynastic sanctity and lacking distinct saintly attributes,
seems to have been counteracted by a well-designed and coordinated action
by the monastic circle of Decani, leading to the king's canonization in
1343.
The second phase, dated to the early years of the fifteenth century, is cen¬
tred on the monastery of Decani itself and its hegumen Grigorije Camblak
(Gregory Tsamblak). The king's
memoria
is placed in the framework of the
neomartyrial type of sanctity, which conforms to the then current patterns
of sanctity connected with the post-Kosovo age and with preparations for the
martyrial cult of a Kosovo martyr, prince
Lazar.
The shaping of the cult as
martyrial proved central to its further evolution. It was motivated by spiritual
and political concerns resulting from current trends, based on the true story
of the christianissimus rex "blinded by his father" and "strangled by his son".
The third phase coincides with the restoration of the Patriarchate of
Peć
in the second half of the sixteenth century. The spreading of the cult is ob¬
vious from St Stefan of
Dečani's
inclusion into synaxaria and increasingly
frequent portrayal in devotional painting, icons and early prints. The focus of
cultic veneration is the king's foundation, and in parallel with the monastery's
growing prestige and contacts across the Orthodox Slavic world, grows the
presence of the king's image, celebrated as a martyr, and venerated especial¬
ly owing to depictions of the miracles of St Nicholas. The monks of Decani,
wherever they went, took with them the memory of their monastery and its
holiest relic, as evidenced by numerous depictions of St Stefan of Decani, from
Vuković's
Menaion, printed in Venice in the sixteenth century with the assist¬
ance of the Decani monk Mojsej (Moseus), to the effort of the metropolitan of
Sremski
Karlovci Jovan Georgijević,
a former monk of Decani, to pay his debt
to the monastery and its sainted ktetor by many a benefaction.
The veneration of Stefan of Decani is given a special place in the ecclesio-
political programmes of the Metropolitanate of
Karlovci,
dominated by no¬
tions of the past characteristic of baroque historicism. This period is marked
by representative art which takes to the fore the legitimation claims laid by
the leaders of the Serbian church to their status and to the leading role of
the Orthodox church as an institution in relation to the Viennese court. The
purpose of the emphasis on a select gallery of Serbian saints in the Metropoli-
tanate's visual programmes was aimed at highlighting the historical roots of
the ecclesiastical institution and its connection with the sacral topography of
576
SUMMARY
the whole territory under the jurisdiction of the Serbian patriarch. A decisive
event in that sense was the publication of the Stemmatography in the mid-
eighteenth century
(1741),
an armorial of the Illyric lands laden with ideo¬
logical and
propagandistic
messages. The choice of saints portrayed in this
compilation is complex, conceived in such a way as to illustrate the idea of
the Serbian patriarch as political and religious leader. This gallery of idealized
portraits includes Serbian bishops and rulers, so chosen as to reflect the whole
sacral territory of the Serbian lands, which find their earthly correlates in the
corresponding coat-of-arms of the Illyric lands. In this way a composite idea
of Serbia Sancta and Serbia Sacra is created, the bond between the two being
embodied in the institution of patriarch as etnarch and religious leader.
In parallel with these processes unfolds the gradual laicization of saintly
images, predominant from the first modern Serbian work of history founded
on critical examination of the sources
-
History by
Jovan Rajić.
From this
time the birth of the concept of popular patriotism, attuned to the secularism
of the age of Enlightenment becomes observable, and the images of Serbian
saints become epitomes of historical heroes. It is in the work of
Jovan Rajić
that Stefan of
Dečanľs
saintly image is constituted into the image of a histori¬
cal hero.
The representative status of rulers and their historical holy images gradu¬
ally become, in the course of the nineteenth century, accommodated to the
nation-state concept, the celebration of which comes to the fore. The ideals of
state and nation become bearers of national patriotism, with the memory of
the golden age of the medieval past assuming a central place. In the Serbian
environment, this process, observable across the Europe of emerging nation-
states, is intertwined with an active revolutionary programme and struggle
for liberation. In that connection, a new patriotic religion is constituted, and
the dialogue between the state and its subjects is entertained on the public
opinion scene shaped by media such as the theatre as a means of political
persuasion, by public events such as formal ceremonies and the setting-up of
monuments to select heroes. In addition to their old representative character,
they now assume a didactic one, for the purpose of national edification. Stefan
of Decani as a national hero finds his place in plays and in the theatres of Bel¬
grade and
Novi Sad.
Our analysis of the theatrical repertoires shows the theatre
being constituted into a temple of patriotic religion. With a leading role in five
Plays, the holy king gains in popularity, within the framework of a sensibility
577
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
characteristic of nineteenth-century Romantic historical drama which glori¬
fies national heroes of the 'golden age' of Serbian history. The saint's laicized,
patriotic image is often fitted into dynastic glorification, in connection with
the new reigning Serbian dynasties of
Obrenovićs
and
Karadjordjevićs,
as a
source of their sacral legitimacy, a visible expression of the process of their,
occasionally disputed, legitimization. The proposed research framework has
required that the evolution of the holy king's cult be traced to this day. There is
no doubt that, apart from the essentially unchanged church veneration, these
processes have gradually shifted towards popular piety which becomes the
main context for observing the cult at work.
The cult of St Stefan of Decani is used to show how the type of sanctity
changes depending on the group that promotes it. Undoubtedly, the memory
officially shaped as 'public memory' is always, in part, a product of manip¬
ulation by certain elites, a symbolic expression of their current projections
and political interests. Our enquiries have made this evident through the in¬
stances of alliance between the regency authority and the monastic setting of
Decani in the early fifteenth century, in the
religio
-political programmes of
the
Metropolita
nate
of Sremski
Karlovci,
and in the nineteenth-century na¬
tional programmes of the Serbian state.
The starting and concluding point of our research is the monastery of
Decani itself- as the holy king's foundation and funerary church, as the place
where his cult has been shaped and promoted and, finally, as a sacred space
where his cult continues its active work. Decani was designated a sacred place
already in the middle ages, from the time of
St Sava,
and certainly from the
time the church was built, and with time the monastery has become a classi¬
cal example of a national
lieu de mémoire.
This is a long-established scholarly
term for, in this case, a territorialized
topos
within which memory is continu¬
ally shaped and perpetuated, and which becomes the conceptual core of the
cult in sacral and historical terms. The realm of the sacred is marked out by
the church itself and the saint's grave as the focal point of the sacral space,
a physical testimony to God's presence amidst the community. The notion
of sacred space includes, in the case of the Decani complex, a system of er¬
emitic churches, cells and chapels erected outside the monastery. A broad no-
578
SUMMARY
tion
of sacred space includes the entire surroundings of a monastery, natural
or urban, within which take place religious processions and liturgical ritu¬
als whose function is to provide an active connection between the world of
the living and the world of the dead. The very process of creating a sacral
space is directly dependent on understanding the complex issue of defining
the function and role of praesentiae divinae in a particular privileged place.
The example of Decani
-
a sacred place whose focal point is the saint's grave,
the encounter with which allows the believer's immediate contact with a holy
relic, and whose sacrality is substantially enhanced by the presence of a desert
in the monastery's vicinity
-
shows all the abovementioned theoretically de¬
fined elements known from Byzantine practice. This is a real landscape in
which a new, sacral, space is 'constructed'. Taking into account the concepts
of sacred place and sacred space thus understood, we have sought to delineate
the changing stages of the birth of the ktetor's saintly and historical memory
and its manifold connection with the sacred space of the monastery.
Analysis of the historical sources as regards the choice of Decani as a holy
place and the focus of a later cult certainly begins with the Decani chrysobul.
Its
polysemie
preamble contains information on the choice of the holy place,
linking it explicitly with the first Serbian archbishop. This reference to a holy
ancestor is placed in a quite distinct context, as Stefan of Decani links it with
care for his own memory. Topographic
realia,
in the context of establishing a
holy place, are a reflection of certain
hagiographie
requirements. As regards
the site of the Decani church, it derives its sacredness not only from Sava's
choice, but also from the presence of a sacred desert area in the environs of
the monastery
-
the monastic mountain as a system of cave hermitages (reg¬
istered in Mt
Belaja)
arranged in a natural landscape described as not-made-
by-hand, that is created by God's hand. This undoubtedly is the reception of
a Byzantine model. The concept and practice of monastic deserts in Serbia is
related to St Sava's ideological programme, but also to the Eastern Christian
tradition of desert asceticism introduced through Sava's ideas, according to
which such sketes are the abodes of the monastic elite whose prestige confers
eminence on a new sacred centre. A thus conceived sacred space is marked out
precisely by a number of associated
'hagiographie'
elements, affirming all its
indispensable attributes, such as inaccessible steep locales, sacred/life-giving
springs, and 'created' simulacra of the heavenly garden. Both references to the
origination of Decani
-
one, referring to the saintly/divine choice and, then,
579
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
the church construction site being blessed by the 'holy hands', and the other,
confirming the process of shaping the space into a sacred place, notionally
and physically, through the establishment of a number of eremitic sketes
-
form part of a well-known and thoroughly ascertained tradition. Towards the
end of the middle ages, this tradition became centred on the memory of the
holy king as a martyr, associated with the monastery itself, the natural focus
of the tradition, and then with the activity of the Patriarchate of
Peć.
Stefan of
Dečani's
memory was shaped in a decisive manner by the monastery's hegu-
men and subsequent metropolitan of Kiev, Grigorije Camblak, in his illustri¬
ous Vita of the holy king penned in the early fifteenth century. It is only with
this Life, and within a well-designed programme connected both with the rise
of new martyrial cults and with the particular veneration of a Kosovo martyr,
prince
Lazar,
that the martyrial veneration of Stefan of Decani becomes es¬
tablished, and his
hagiographie
image consistently fashioned after the model
of holy martyrs.
In the subsequent tradition, the connection between the sacred place and
the saint's memory is publicly demonstrated in a visual way. Particularly char¬
acteristic in this regard are eighteenth-century prints, such as a copper engrav¬
ing, commissioned by the Serbian patriarch Arsenije IV (Arsenius), showing
the monastery of Decani, the holy king as its first ktetor, and the patriarch
himself. Quite in line with a tribute paid to a historical hero's memory, Stefan
of Decani is depicted as a ruler, with a special emphasis on the insignia of his
worldly power effected through their being shown separately, and through
the scene of divine blessing. Even a superficial comparison with prints depict¬
ing other sacred centres of national memory, such as the famous
veduta
of
Chilandar showing an imperial visitation to the city-monastery, clearly illus¬
trates the donors' intention
-
to establish a distinctive, through these prints
multiplied and hence popular, notion of the historical past of sacred places
and their special connection with the highest ranks of the political/religious
hierarchies. The monastery epitomizes the notion of society as united by the
same religion and the same vital interests. The natural setting for the archi¬
tecture is consciously constructed as a Christian garden. For a brief moment,
saintly memory gives way to political which, in a theatrical and representative
manner, glorifies historical grandeur, itself remaining associated with the sa-
credness of the monastery-city as a locus of cultic remembrance.
580
SUMMARY
As early as the seventeenth century, under the influence of the tenets of
baroque historicism reaching the Metropolitanate of
Karlovci
via Vienna, the
veneration of domestic saints based on their
hagiographie
images begins to
be enriched in the process of shaping their historical images. Quite naturally,
special attention in such pursuits is paid to heroes from the national mar-
tyrology. As a result, king Stefan of Decani becomes a popular prototype of
the martyr king in the Serb-inhabited areas of the
Habsburg
Monarchy too.
In the process of shaping the idea of a Serbian holy empire religious identity
increasingly gives way to national, with the pantheon of Serbian saints be¬
coming laicized and, as the bearers of the memory of the golden age, included
in the Serbian national programme. As part of this programme, in the course
of the nineteenth century, the saint's memory assumes additional national
features, being built into the triumphant image of the popular church. A com¬
monplace in such programmes is the return to a golden age of national his¬
tory, which, in the Serbian case, meant to celebrate heroes of the medieval past
as epitomizing national glory. In that sense, analysis of elements belonging
to the domain of public memory
-
images, symbols and rituals as exempli¬
fied in commemorations and celebrations
-
is an indispensable step towards
a precise definition of the 'golden age' phenomenon. The belief that a people,
as a community sharing the same past, language and territory, is the product
of history expressed in the actions of heroes as agents of communal salvation,
is summed up in the notion that the community's virtue is best reflected in
its resplendent (golden) past, which is shown as the unique and unrepeatable
history of a chosen people. Also, it is worthy of note that the amalgamation of
myths and recollections surrounding the notion of the golden age is, as a rule,
precisely defined in terms of space, that is, shaped around particular sacred
places
{loca
sancta,
toca
sacra). Thus, in the Serbian national programme of
reviving the golden age, it is the monasteries that become the loci of national
memory where the relics are kept as
realia
to provide confirmation of the na¬
tion's sacrality The past remembered is transmitted in these ways, and de¬
fined anew, and in this process of redefinition a new memory is shaped, where
Decani occupies a special and prominent place as the centre of the holy king
cult
-
a 'place of memory' of national identity.
In parallel with conforming the image of holy rulers to the image of popu¬
lar heroes
-
pre-images of the ruling dynasty, where Stefan of Decani features
in the narrowest selection of Serbian saints, unfolds the long struggle for the
581
SMILJA MARJANOVIĆ-DUŠANIĆ
THE HOLY KING
survival of his foundation and of his holy relics as its sacral focus. It unfolds,
often taking dramatic turns, against the background of the shifting political
fortunes of the Serbian people in Metochia in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. In pondering on the phenomenon of popular devotion
to the holy king, one must bear in mind the importance of the great
lavra
of
Decani and its brotherhood in perpetuating and spreading his cult. The mon¬
astery's contacts with the Christian Orthodox population in South Serbia,
Kosovo-Metochia and Macedonia remained very lively under centuries-long
Ottoman rule. The monks of Decani kept travelling across Old Serbia, and in
every nachiye, in places where there were no schools, instructed the children
in faith, lifted people's spirits and collected contributions for their monas¬
tery. They also made visits to the monastery's many metochia, and organized
small-scale pilgrimages to Decani, where the faithful could pay devotions to
the holy king's relics. The tremendous popularity of his cult among the local
population of all confessions helped to protect the monastery from Muslim,
especially Albanian, attacks on Serbian shrines, the goal of which was, just
as it is today, a planned and systematic obliteration of any trace of Serbian
presence in Kosovo and Metochia.
Ihat
this is a widespread notion of the
prophylactic role of a miracle-working saint is evidenced by many legends
about Stefan of
Dečani's
lasting presence and protection of the monastery.
The phenomenon is evidenced already in Camblak's Life, and by later records
preserved in the monastery. The holy king's cult is related to folk legends, is
cultivated within the church's veneration, through contacts between differ¬
ent regions honouring his memory and maintaining relations with the main
focus of the cult in Decani. The antiquity of these beliefs is reflected in abun¬
dant surviving information about magico-ritual practices connected with his
healing and apotropaic powers. Popular beliefs about the holy king's miracles
may be typologically assigned to several classes. The foremost are the miracles
occurring in times of hardship for Decani, when the king steps in as rescuer
of his foundation. Apart from the miracles ensuring protection for the foun¬
dation, the holy king occurs in popular piety as healer of many illnesses, im¬
paired sight most of all.
The examples cited above show that the cult has assumed characteristics of
the miracle-worker type in popular piety. The entirely martyrial character of
Stefan's sanctity has been pushed back to make room for devotion to the mira¬
cle-working king. As already emphasized» Decani was an important focus of
582
SUMMARY
pilgrimage; the holy king's relics were paid devotions by members of different
confessions visiting the monastery as an obligatory stop on pilgrimage itin¬
eraries, and the popularity of the cult in the whole of Kosovo and the Serbian
south indicates the changed identity of the king's sanctity. Namely, the martyr
type saint becomes popular in times of social crisis, as the fall of the medieval
Serbian state and foreign occupation no doubt were. On the level of collective
psychology, this is a process of the community's identification with its heav¬
enly protectors in suffering, a process rendered additionally complex by the
emphasis placed on the idea of the people's divine election and the sacraliza-
tion of the Kosovo myth. The migration of the cult to popular piety suggests
its gradual transformation into the miracle-working type of sanctity. With
this aspect of veneration in ritual piety, the cult of Stefan of Decani has gone
through all the stages in the evolution and transformation of the ruler cult,
thereby becoming the most complete holy king cult in Serbian history.
The final pages of this book were written in an 'awaiting-the-end' at¬
mosphere irresistibly reminding the author of medieval waiting for the final
days. Left to their prayers and the holy king's protection, the monastic elite
of Decani, and Stefan of
Dečani's
holy remains, still hold out in the face of a
brash majority, hopeful of being able to endure in the ancient Serbian lands. A
historian aware of the political cynicism and ahistorical currents of the mod¬
ern age is left with many a query, but also with the conviction that the energy
of the holy king's cult remains the only defence of the monastery of Decani, a
'pkœ
of memory' for Serbian national identity, in times to come.
583 |
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| author | Marjanović-Dušanić, Smilja 1963- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1117561534 |
| author_facet | Marjanović-Dušanić, Smilja 1963- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Marjanović-Dušanić, Smilja 1963- |
| author_variant | s m d smd |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023303315 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)230212966 (DE-599)BVBBV023303315 |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV023303315 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T20:47:31Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:15:23Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788671790536 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016487734 |
| oclc_num | 230212966 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-20 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-20 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 655 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Srpska Akad. Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Inst. [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Posebna izdanja / Balkanološki Institut |
| spelling | Marjanović-Dušanić, Smilja 1963- Verfasser (DE-588)1117561534 aut Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog Smilja Marjanović-Dušanić Beograd Srpska Akad. Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Inst. [u.a.] 2007 655 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Posebna izdanja / Balkanološki Institut 97 PST: The holy King. - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Stephan Uroš Dečanski III. Serbien, König (DE-588)119477513 gnd rswk-swf Volksfrömmigkeit (DE-588)4121880-2 gnd rswk-swf Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd rswk-swf Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 gnd rswk-swf Stephan Uroš Dečanski III. Serbien, König (DE-588)119477513 p Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 s Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 s Volksfrömmigkeit (DE-588)4121880-2 s DE-604 Balkanološki Institut Posebna izdanja 97 (DE-604)BV000007645 97 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016487734&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016487734&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Marjanović-Dušanić, Smilja 1963- Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog Stephan Uroš Dečanski III. Serbien, König (DE-588)119477513 gnd Volksfrömmigkeit (DE-588)4121880-2 gnd Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)119477513 (DE-588)4121880-2 (DE-588)4054596-9 (DE-588)4187640-4 |
| title | Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog |
| title_auth | Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog |
| title_exact_search | Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog |
| title_full | Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog Smilja Marjanović-Dušanić |
| title_fullStr | Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog Smilja Marjanović-Dušanić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Sveti kralj kult Stefana Dečanskog Smilja Marjanović-Dušanić |
| title_short | Sveti kralj |
| title_sort | sveti kralj kult stefana decanskog |
| title_sub | kult Stefana Dečanskog |
| topic | Stephan Uroš Dečanski III. Serbien, König (DE-588)119477513 gnd Volksfrömmigkeit (DE-588)4121880-2 gnd Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Stephan Uroš Dečanski III. Serbien, König Volksfrömmigkeit Serben Verehrung |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016487734&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016487734&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000007645 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT marjanovicdusanicsmilja svetikraljkultstefanadecanskog |