Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine: od 1878. do 1914.
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Bosnian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Sarajevo
Magistrat
2007
|
| Ausgabe: | 3. izd. |
| Schriftenreihe: | Editio Memoria iuris
3 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The legal status and domestic political development of Bosnia-Herzegovina |
| Beschreibung: | VIII, 350 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789958635502 |
Internformat
MARC
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| 100 | 1 | |a Imamović, Mustafa |d 1941-2017 |e Verfasser |0 (DE-588)133142558 |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine |b od 1878. do 1914. |c Mustafa Imamović |
| 250 | |a 3. izd. | ||
| 264 | 1 | |a Sarajevo |b Magistrat |c 2007 | |
| 300 | |a VIII, 350 S. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
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| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 1 | |a Editio Memoria iuris |v 3 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The legal status and domestic political development of Bosnia-Herzegovina | ||
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1878-1914 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Geschichte | |
| 650 | 4 | |a Politik | |
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| 651 | 4 | |a Bosnia and Hercegovina |x History |y 1878-1918 | |
| 651 | 4 | |a Bosnia and Hercegovina |x Politics and government | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804137481757523968 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Sadržaj
Napomena uz treće izdanje
............................
iii
Predgovor drugom izdanju
............................ iv
Uvod
............................................... 1
Glava
I:
Državnopravni položaj BiH
nakon okupacije
1878.
1.
Berlinski kongres i okupacija
Bosne i Hercegovine
........................ 7
2.
Carigradska konvencija
..................... 16
3.
Državnopravni položaj
ВІН
.................. 21
4.
Unutrašnji pravni okvir okupacionog režima
... 41
5.
Finansijski sistem i politika
.................. 49
6.
Agrarni odnosi i propisi
..................... 59
7.
Upravno-politički režim okupacije
............ 71
Glava
II:
Politički odnosi u BiH nakon okupacije
1.
Nacionalna politika okupacione uprave
-
bošnjaštvo
............................... 83
2.
Razvitak srpske građanske politike do
okončanja borbe za vjersko-prosvjetnu
autonomiju
1905.
godine
.................... 89
3.
Politički razvitak hrvatskog građanstva
u prvim decenijama okupacije
................ 117
4.
Politički razvitak Muslimana poslije okupacije
. . 128
PRAVNI POLOŽAJ IUNUTRAŠNJO-POLITIČKI RAZVITAK
ВІН
OD
1878.
DO
1914.
Glava III: Formiranje i politika modernih građanskih
političkih pokreta
1.
Uslovi i karakter stranačkog organiziranja
u Bosni i Hercegovini
....................... 159
2.
Muslimanska narodna organizacija
........... 167
3.
Srpska narodna organizacija
................. 186
4.
Hrvatska narodna zajednica
................. 207
5.
Hrvatska katolička udruga
.................. 214
6.
Muslimanska napredna (samostalna) stranka
.. 218
Glava
IV:
Aneksija i Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine
1.
Aneksija Bosne i Hercegovine
................ 229
2.
Politička kretanja u
ВІН
nakon
proglasa aneksije
........................... 239
3.
Pripreme za donošenje ustava za Bosnu i
Hercegovinu
............................... 255
4.
Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine
.................. 268
Glava
V:
Politički razvitak i ustavni poredak u
ВШ
1910-1914.
1.
Izbori i rad prvog Bosanskog sabora
........... 277
2.
Agrarno pitanje u Saboru
.................... 296
3.
Reorganizacija zemaljske uprave
1912.
godine
.. 311
4.
Osvrt na bosansku politiku u doba
vojnog kursa
.............................. 318
Summary
.......................................... 325
Indeks ličnih imena
.................................. 337
Indeks geografskih naziva
............................ 347
Vili
The legal status
and domestic political
development of
Bosnia-Herzegovina
1878-1914
Summary
With the commencement of the
1878
occupation B-H
became,
de
facto, apart of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, although
right up to the annexation of
1908
the occupied territory legally
remained under the sultan s sovereignty. By reason of the peculiar
international circumstances under which the occupation was
accomplished, internal conditions and relations in the occupied
country, and the extremely complex constitutional structure of the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy,
B
-Н
throughout occupied a special
constitutional position within its framework. The basic international
legislative acts which determined that position were Article
25
of
the Berlin Treaty and the
Novi Pazar
Convention. Article
25
of the
Berlin Treaty generally defined the Austro-Hungarian occupation
mandate as the right to occupy and administer the provinces of
Bosnia and
Hercegovina.
On April
21,1879,
after long negotiations,
the
Novi Pazar
Convention was concluded by which Austria-Hungary,
for reasons of security, was permitted to maintain three garrisons in
Sandžak,
though a declaration in the introduction to the Convention
stated that the fact of occupation should not violate the sultan s
sovereign rights over
B
-Н.
Following this on February
22,1880,
the
parliaments of Austria and Hungary concurrently adopted the Law
325
326
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF BiH
Concerning the Administration of Bosnia and
Hercegovina.
This
law determined that supervision of the provisional administration
of
B
-Н
was in the hand of the joint government, but that the aims and
principles of the administration (especially regarding the building
of railways and other public works, the adoption of customs regu¬
lations, indirect taxes and currency) could not be established without
the agreement of the governments of both branches of the monarchy.
The law particularly laid down that without the unanimous agreement
of the parliaments of Austria and Hungary the relation of
B
-Н
to
the monarchy could not be altered.
These three acts defined the constitutional framework of B-H,
within which Austria-Hungary endeavoured to consolidate its position
in the occupied country as a basis for further imperialist expansion
in the Balkans. Austria-Hungary believed that by consolidating its rule
in
B
-Н
it would strengthen its position on the Adriatic coast, hold
the small Slavic states of the Balkans under its control, and secure for
its capital a region exceptionally important in terms of natural wealth
and general economic potential. Hence, in order to consolidate its
position in
B
-Н,
Austria-Hungary employed all the means at its
disposal: diplomacy, its army and gendarmerie, its bureaucratic
apparatus, and its religious, educational and other cultural institutions.
Despite all efforts, the complexity of the problems which from the
inception of its rule Austria-Hungary faced in
B
-Н,
as well as the
general development of political conditions in the Slav South, made
lasting consolidation in the occupied country impossible. Although in
the course of four decades of government Austria-Hungary played
the role of a powerful arbiter in the public life of
B
-Н,
it did not
succeed in achieving lasting realization of a single one of the goals of
its policy there.
From the commencement of its rule, Austria-Hungary desired
to create the impression that its administration represented a radical
change from Ottoman political and economic practice. However,
because of the constitutional and political circumstances of the
occupation, as well as for administrative and technical reasons, the
break with Ottoman administrative and financial practice, and
especially with the existing legal system, could not be made preci¬
pitately. The only Ottoman laws be abolished immediately were those
which were contrary to general legal principles of civil equality.
Regarding all other regulations, the government advised the population
SUMMARY
327
to abide by its old laws, which gradually would be changed when
actual conditions in the country had been studied. Austria-Hungary
immediately adopted many Ottoman laws, particularly those which
regulated property relations. These regulations gradually were
replaced by new Austro-Hungarian laws. Austria-Hungary manifested
its most vigorous normative activity in financial, customs and tax
affairs, since the elements of such a policy (a common customs zone,
currency, monopoly) were considered the basic instruments for the
gradual incorporation of
B
-Н
into the monarchy.
In the course of Austro-Hungarian rule, one of the central
questions relating to the administration of
B
-Н
was financing. By
the
Novi Pazar
Convention and the Law Concerning the
Administration of
B
-Н,
the principle of self-financing was laid down
for the
B
-Н
administration, which in practice was applied in such a
way that the monarchy secured all the advantages it had expected
from the occupation. The needs of Austro-Hungarian colonial economic
policy in
B
-Н
urgently demanded its inclusion in the monarchy s
customs system. By a decree of December
24,1879,
from January
1,
1880
B
-Н
was incorporated into the general customs zone of the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy . Customs duties brought in considerable
revenue, but the main burden of administration self-financing in B-
H was borne by the Bosnian peasant in the form of direct taxation.
The basic direct tax was the old Ottoman tithe, and the manner in
which it was fixed and collected prevented progress in agriculture
and perpetuated the practice of extensive sultivation. For this reason,
in
1906
the tithe was transformed into a cash tithe , which
represented the intermediate stage between rithe collection and
modern land tax. In the Fiscal policy of the Provincial Government
important parts were played by the state monopoly on salt and tobacco,
land loans, and the resources received from the joint government in
the form of occupation credits and advances for railway construction.
For the successful execution of financial business, and in order to
attract capital from the monarchy, the provincial administration in
B
-Н
endeavoured to develop a suitable banking system. Financial
institutions in the monarchy, apprehensive of the risks, entered
cautiously and slowly into the banking business in
B
-Н.
Dissatisfied
with this, in
1895
the government founded the Privileged Provincial
Bank of
B
-Н,
which gradually attracted private capital from the
monarchy.
328
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
The agrarian question, which lay at the heart of Bosnian and
Hercegovinian social, national and political ferment throughout the
19th
с
and during the first decade of the 20th c, confronted Austro-
Hungarian policy in
B
-Н
with its most trying problem. In order to
safeguard its own interests in
B
-Н,
from the earliest days of the
occupation Austria-Hungary was careful not to disturb essentially
the sensitive national and political structure of the occupied country,
either economically or demographically, when regulating agrarian
relations. It endeavoured to introduce order in agrarian relations as
quickly as possible, and to maintain existing conditions until it found
solutions suitable to itself. Agrarian relations between the landowner
(chifliksahibija) and the lessee (serf) were regulated on the basis of
Ottoman laws, particularly the Decree Concerning Chifliks in Bosnia
(the so-called Safer Decree) of
1859.
Agrarian relations were disor¬
derly and strained to the extreme, and the authorities made consi¬
derable efforts to ameliorate them by seeking a balance between the
interests of the landowners and the serfs. In late
1879
an agrarian
conference was held in Sarajevo at which the majority voted in favour
of compulsory, and the minority in favour of optional, redeeming of
serfs. In
1880,
in Vienna, two conferences were held which dealt with
the agrarian question, following which, for financial and political
reasons, the government decided definitely in favour of optional
ransoming. The government provided financial aid for the voluntary
ransoming of serfs, and endeavoured through various measures to
advance their economic lot, all of which was a far cry from the real
needs of rural
B
-Н.
As late as
1910
more than a hundred thousand
Bosnian and Hercegovinian peasant families labored under various
feudal and ex-feudal burdens.
The development of communications and industry occupied an
important place in Austro-Hungarian policy in
B
-Н.
In the course of
the occupation all the principal towns of administrative districts
were linked by a network of macadam roads. Almost
1,500
km of
narrow-gauge railway was built, and the existing
Banja Luka
-
Dobrljin
wid-gauge railway (about
104
km) was repaired and linked to the
monarchy s railway network. It was Austria-Hungary that first began
to develop an extractive industry in
B
-Н.
Exploration for and
exploitation of mineral wealth, especially coal, was initiated. With
the establishment of the state monopoly on salt, the first modern
salt works in
B
-Н
was built at
Tuzla
(1884).
More intensive
exploita-
SUMMARY
329
tion
of iron ore began in
1886
with the opening of a mine and ironworks
at
Vareš
and the construction of an ironworks at
Zenica.
In the case
of manufacturing industry, the Austro-Hungarian administration
during its early years devoted its main attention to the cultivation and
factory processing of tobacco. Later, with the engagement of state
and private capital, greatest expansion was achieved in the exploitation
and processing of timber, followed by the construction industry, and
a degree of progress also was made in chemical, food, textile and
printing industries.
The total economic and political activity of the occupation admini¬
stration gradually led to certain demographic changes in
B
-Н.
The new
economic and political circumstances caused certain categories of
the population to emigrate, mainly to Turkey, Serbia or America.
Most of the emigrants were from the Muslim population, especially
from the Muslim peasantry, and in order to prevent internal colo¬
nization the government imported immigrants to their land from
diverse part of the monarchy. Urban populations gradually increased
with the arrival from the monarchy of officials, soldiers, intellectuals,
entrepreneurs and industrial workers. By
1914 180,000
to
200.
0(X)
had immigrated from the monarchy and about
150,000
natives had
emigrated. By reason of emigration the proportion of Muslims in the
population of
B
-Н
fell from
38,73%
in
1879
to
32,25%
in
1910.
By
reason of emigration the proportion of Muslims in the population of
B
-Н
fell from
38.73%
in
1879
to
32,25%
in
1910.
By immigration and
natural growth the Catholic population increased in the same period
from
18.08%
to
22.87%,
while the Orthodox population maintained
a stable demographic position (from
42.88%
to
43.49%).
The international circumstances of the occupation, internal
relations, and financial and
socio-structural
problems made the
incorporation of
B
-Н
into the monarchy extremely difficult. Within
the monarchy two distinct approaches to the problem of government
organization in
B
-Н
emerged. On the one hand, it was considered
that any overly radical undertaking in the occupied country would call
into question the
dualistic
structure of the monarchy, and would
cause foreign-policy difficulties besides, for such action might be
interpreted as a violation of the sultan s sovereignty over
B
-Н.
From
this viewpoint, the task of the monarchy was merely to carry out
certain improvements of the occupied country s economic and politi¬
cal structure. Contrary to this was the opinion that the monarchy
330
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
could interpret its occupation mandate freely, and that
B
-Н
should
occupy a position similar to that of Croatia or certain of the Austrian
provinces. Under the existing circumstances the first approach was
the simplest, therefore the Ottoman structure of government
organization was taken over, and later gradually altered.
In late
1881,
after months of debate in Austria-Hungary s highest
policy-making circles, a provisional defense law for
B
-Н
was promul¬
gated which made regular military service compulsory for subjects in
B
-Н.
This law caused considerable unrest among the Serbian and
Muslim populations, and in early
1882
led to a joint uprising in eastern
Hercegovina,
which was put down after two or three months of
fighting. Following this outbreak the administration of
B
-Н
was
entrusted to the energetic
B. Kállay,
who as joint minister of finance
had as his principal task to improve the efficiency of B-H s organs
of government. For this
Kállay
relied upon a strong official apparatus,
the army and the gendarmerie, while at the same time endeavouring
to win over to the policy of Austria-Hungary the ruling strata of the
Bosnian and Hercegovinian bourgeoisie and the religious hierarchy.
Soon after the accomplishment of the occupation, Austria-Hungary
took measures to establish its own control and jurisdiction over the
religious communities in
B
-Н.
The government first attempted to
unite the Orthodox Church in
B
-Н
with the
Karlovac
Patriarchate,
but failed because of resolute resistance on the part of all the Serbian
Orthodox parishes in the country. However, the monarchy eventually
succeeded in establishing control over the church hierarchy by
concluding an agreement with the Istanbul Patriarchate on March
28,
1880,
whereby, in return for an annual compensation, the Austrian
emperor obtained the right to nominate bishops and metropolitans
himself and to propose them to the patriarchate for the discharge of
canonical formalities. Not satisfied with the Franciscans as represen¬
tatives of Catholicism in
B
-Н.
Austria-Hungary at the inception of the
occupation sought to alter the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the occupation
sought to alter the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the occupied country.
On June
8,1881,
after prolonged and persistent diplomatic activity
at the Vatican, Austria-Hungary signed a concordat concerning the
introduction of a secular Catholic hierarchy in
B
-Н.
By this agreement
the Austrian emperor obtained the right to nominate archbishops
and bishops. Although Article
2
of the
Novi Pazar
Convention
guaranteed the Muslim population the right freely to maintain links
SUMMARY
331
with its religious leaders in Istanbul, the Austro-Hungarian gover¬
nment endeavoured to prevent this and to establish a separate
ecclesiastical hierarchy in
B
-Н
under its own control. In October
1882,
with the support of a section of the Muslim bourgeoisie, Austria-
Hungary established a separate Islamic hierarchy in
B
-Н
with an
Ulema-Mejliss (supreme Islamic administrative body) and a Reis-ul-
Ulema (supreme religious leader) at its head, which the Porte tacitly
recognised.
From the time of
Kállay s
arrival as head of the administration
of
B
-Н,
the authorities made more energetic efforts to win over to
their policy the leading classes of the population of all three
confessional and ethnic groups, though in this they achieved no
lasting success. With his national policy of Bosnianhood,
Kállay
endeavoured to halt the development of the existing national
movements and to isolate
B
-Н
from the surrounding South Slav
countries. From the beginning the Bosnian bourgeoisie resisted this
Austrian cultural and political pressure in a variety of ways. The
basic instruments of resistance were the religious and educational
communities
(opštine
-
parishes in the community, not the district,
sense) and other religious, education and socio-religious institutions
(vakufs etc.), which for each oppressed nation performed the function
of a national state . The constant interference of the government in
ecclesiastical affairs and in the work of the religious and educational
communities and other religious and educational institutions, as well
as the open proselytizing tendencies of the official Catholic hierarchy
-
often with the government s support
-
caused increasing discontent,
which from the second half of the 1890s manifested itself in an
organized campaign for religious and educational autonomy. The
Serbian bourgeoisie began this struggle in
1896,
and the Muslims in
1899.
Each group fought its campaign for ten years, abroad as well as
at home, by means of memoranda, delegations, meetings and
demonstrations, employing both the written and the spoken word. The
Serbs gained autonomy in
1905.,
and the Muslims in
1909.
Following
Kállay s
death in
1903, Stephan
Burián
was appointed
the new joint minister of finance. Employing a variety of measures,
he slowly and cautiously moderated
Kállay s
absolutist regime, but
with the same aim of annexing
B
-Н.
In
1906,
for the first time after
almost
30
years of Austro-Hungarian administration, a detailed
Report on the Administration of
B
-Н
was published. The policy of
332
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
Bosnianhood was unequivocally rejected, since in the Report it was
stated that in
B
-Н
concepts of nationality and confession had
merged in the pre-occupation period and the dividing lines between
individual groups within the population were at once confessional
and national. In course of
30
years of administration Austria-Hungary
had achieved certain results in the economic and cultural fields, but
had not succeeded in realizing deeper
socio-structural,
cultural and
political changes. In the middle of the first decade of the 20th
с
almost
90%
of the population was illiterate, and
88%
lived on the
land. As against
200
police stations with
2,500
gendarmes, there were
352
national (state) elementary schools with
568
teachers. In the
entire country there were only
130
doctors,
41
veterinary surgeons
and
35
pharmacies. The state of agrarian relations was the severest
problem. The Austro-Hungarian policy of optional ransoming of serfs
had brought freedom to only about twenty thousand serf families,
while
5.5
times that number still awaited liberation.
Despite this, in the first decade of the 20th
с
the leading strata
of the Bosnian bourgeoisie had become sufficiently strong to carry their
demands and their struggle into the economic field and into other
areas of social activity. Simultaneously, the entry into public life of the
first generation of university educated native subjects led to deeper
political and cultural ferment. In place of the old forms of cultural
activity in the
1902-04
period, through choral societies and public
reading rooms, modern cultural and educational societies were
founded:
Prosvjeta, Gajret
and
Napredak.
Besides the old newspapers
of either literary or amusement and instructional character, a domestic
political press developed. At the beginning of the 20th c, on the basis
of a certain accumulation of capital, the first domestic financial
institutions were founded. Economically weak and insignificant, they
could not enter into competitive battle with capital from the monarchy,
but they increased the self-confidence of the native population. In these
conditions,
Burián s
policy of gradual liberalization of public life
allowed the already relatively formed national movements to constitute
themselves as political parties. In late
1906
the Muslim National
Organization was founded, in
1907
the Serbian National Organization,
and in
1908
the Croatian National Association, along with several
minor parties.
At the same time political and union organization began of the
working class in
B
-Н.
The development of industry had led to the
SUMMARY
333
appearance of a modern working class. In
1907,
in private and state
enterprises, approximately
52,
(XX) workers were employed. The
working class began early to fight for its socio-economic and political
rights. Between
1890
and the beginning of the
1914-18
War,
140
various worker s strikes were registered in
B
-Н.
Systematic efforts
to bring workers into association on a modern class basis began in
1905.
and was linked with the name of the printing worker
Mico
Sokolović.
A result of the increasing politicization of the working class was the
first general public workers meeting, held in Sarajevo on August
27,
1905,
at which the regulations of the General Workers Union (GWU)
were adopted and its provisional administration elected. These
regulations were not approved by the government until September
21, 1906,
whereat the union movement was legalized in
B
-Н.
The
founding of numerous craft unions followed. Out of the union
movement grew the Social Democratic Party of
B
-Н
(SDP
B-H),
founded June
28-29,1909.
even earlier, the first socialist newspaper.
Voice of Freedom
(Glas slobode),
had begun to appear in Sarajevo
(April
1909),
which became the official organ of the newly founded
party. In
1908,
at the demand of the organized workers movement,
the government established a Work Inspection Board, and from
January
1, 1910
workers acquired health insurance. By persistent
campaigning on the part of the WWU and the
SDP,
the same tariff
conditions as obtained for workers in the monarchy were won for
workers in
B
-Н.
Besides the GWU, about twenty small craft and
workers associations were active in
B
-Н,
organized on confessional-
ethnic or local bases, with small memberships. During the Balkan
Wars a small group of
SDP
members from Sarajevo and
Mostar
broke
away from the party and launched a newspaper, The Bell
(Zvono),
the adherents of whose policy were known as bellmen. They
endeavoured to forge closer bonds with the Serbian political groups
in
B
-Н
(especially with
Kočić s
group), with the consequence that
social demands were increasingly and charply subordinated to national
demands. An active collaborator on The Bell was
Danilo Ilić,
organizer
of the
1914
assassination.
From the standpoint of international law, the Austro-Hungarian
administration of
B
-Н
was seen as temporary, but from the outset
Austria-Hungary endeavoured to act as though the occupied country
was already incorporated into the monarchy. In
1882-83
the joint
government for the first time discussed the possible annexation of
334
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
B
-Н.
Annexation depended on the state of international relations,
and even more on agreement between Austria and Hungary concerning
the manner in which
B
-Н
would be incorporated into the
dualistic
structure of the monarchy. The annexation debate was resumed by
the government in the summer of
1896
in connection with the crisis
in Turkey caused by the Armenian and Cretan rebellions. It was then
decided that annexation should be proclaimed at the moment at
which it was judged that the Ottoman Empire was on the point of
disintegration. That moment was deemed to have arrived with the
outbreak of the Young Turks revolution and the introduction of a
constitution in Turkey, July
1908.
It became necessary for the
monarchy finally to proclaim annexation in order to restrain the
influence of the Young Turks revolution in
B
-Н,
which influence was
clearly evident in the joint demand of the Serbian and Muslim national
organizations, September
7,1908,
calling for a constitution for B-H
without alteration of its constitutional status. The monarchy s
government realized that the constitution question in
B
-Н
was real
und
urgent, but it could not consider granting a constitution before
annexation, which was announced on October
5,1908
by an imperial
proclamation to the need to introduce a constitution, the first condition
for which was a clear determination of the constitutional position of
B
-Н.
The unilateral proclamation of annexation provoked, a great
international crisis, which slowly subsided when on February
26,
1909,
in return for certain material compensations and withdrawal
of the
Austro-
Hungarian garrison from the
Novi Pazar sanjak,
Turkey
recognized this act. With annexation the sultan s sovereignty over B-
H formally came to an end, and Hapsburg sovereignty was established.
On the initiative of the authorities and of various pro-regime parties
and groups of all three confessions, many deputations of homage
were dispatched from
B
-Н
to express gratitude to the emperor for
the annexation. Only the Muslim and Serbian national organizations
stubbornly refused to announce recognition of the annexation.
Following recognition of the annexation by all the European states
early in
1909,
these two organizations gradually followed suit.
After long preparations and a constitutional poll on February
20.
1910
the Provincial Statute for
B
-Н
was promulgated. Unlike the
1880
Law concerning the Administration of
B
-Н,
the constitution
brought no changes whatsoever in the position and administration of
the country. Ultimate control remained in the hands of the joint
SUMMARY
335
ministry of finance and its bureaucratic Provincial Government in
Sarajevo. In accordance with the constitution and its concomitant
laws, a Diet with extremely limited legislative rights was introduced
into the political life of the country. The Diet had the right to participate
in the making of laws, i.e. to debate only those questions which by the
Law Concerning the Administration of
B
-Н
were not exclusively in
the competence of the parliaments of Austria and Hungary. Bourgeois
politicians considered that even such a constitution and Diet opened
a new era in the political life of
B
-Н,
and that they offered a basis
for gradual improvement of the constitutional status of the country.
In this spirit, regardless of national and party differences, all the
Diet representatives at first worked and acted jointly in relation to
the Provincial Government. The first conflicts in the Diet occurred
on the occasion of a debate on a postal savings bank draft law, and inter-
party differences and ferment reached their height in the course of
a debate on the law concerning the optional ransoming of serfs and
the land they worked. In the summer and autumn of
1910
a peasant
strike broke out in
Bosanska Krajina
and the River
Sava
district,
which
Kočić s
group took advantage of the exert pressure on the
government to alter the draft law in favour of compulsory ransoming.
On April
4, 1911,
after long and bitter debate and much party
maneuvering, the law on the optional ransoming of serfs was passed.
The law obliged the government to give the serf the means to redeem
himself in the form of a long-term loan if the serf reached voluntary
agreement with the landowner concerning the ransom. Further work
of the Diet was carried on in an atmosphere of inter-party conflict, with
the Provincial Government endeavouring to create a working-
majority composed of representatives of all three confessional-ethnic
groups.
Further evolution in
B
-Н,
the beginnings of which were not ic
üble
following the decline of the influence on national and political life in
the country exerted by the echo of the Balkan Wars, was interrupted
by the Sarajevo assassination and the outbreak of World War I. The
assassination, in which on June
28,1914
G.
Princip
killed the heir to
the Austrian throne Franz Ferdinand, was the work of a group of
young Serbian nationalists and conspirators known as Young Bosnia
(Mlada Bosna).
Immediately after the assassination, in Sarajevo and
in certain towns in the interior of the country, demonstrations against
Serbs erupted, and many shops owned by Serbian merchants were
336
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
pillaged and wrecked. On the same day, amid the general disorder in
Sarajevo, an emergency court was established which was not
terminated until July
26,
two days before the outbreak of war. After
the murder of Ferdinand the current joint minister of finance L.
Bilinski, who was against the war, attempted to make it possible for
the Diet to continue its work by activating certain legislative projects,
and to calm thereby the war hysteria in the province.
The outbreak of war brought the beginning of hard times for the
entire country. Mass expulsion and internment of members of the
Serbian population occurred, as well as court martials, numerous
death sentences and trials for high treason. Because of the general
mobilization of members of all confessions and categories of the
population, and the departure of thousands of young men to the
fronts, the country suffered economic collapse. Tens of thousands of
Bosnians were killed and wounded in the course of the war. After the
fall of Serbia and Montenegro, in October
1915,
direct fighting ceased
in the territory of
B
-Н,
but the consequences of the war, principally
widespread famine, were everywhere felt. In efforts to prevent the
disintegration of Austria-Hungary and to find a solution to the
Yugoslavia question, a variety of constitutional combinations involving
B
-Н
were made in the course of the war. With the collapse of the
monarchy, in late October
1918,
the National Government of B-H
assumed control of the country within the framework of the State
of Slovenians, Croats and Serbs.
|
| adam_txt |
Sadržaj
Napomena uz treće izdanje
.
iii
Predgovor drugom izdanju
. iv
Uvod
. 1
Glava
I:
Državnopravni položaj BiH
nakon okupacije
1878.
1.
Berlinski kongres i okupacija
Bosne i Hercegovine
. 7
2.
Carigradska konvencija
. 16
3.
Državnopravni položaj
ВІН
. 21
4.
Unutrašnji pravni okvir okupacionog režima
. 41
5.
Finansijski sistem i politika
. 49
6.
Agrarni odnosi i propisi
. 59
7.
Upravno-politički režim okupacije
. 71
Glava
II:
Politički odnosi u BiH nakon okupacije
1.
Nacionalna politika okupacione uprave
-
bošnjaštvo
. 83
2.
Razvitak srpske građanske politike do
okončanja borbe za vjersko-prosvjetnu
autonomiju
1905.
godine
. 89
3.
Politički razvitak hrvatskog građanstva
u prvim decenijama okupacije
. 117
4.
Politički razvitak Muslimana poslije okupacije
. . 128
PRAVNI POLOŽAJ IUNUTRAŠNJO-POLITIČKI RAZVITAK
ВІН
OD
1878.
DO
1914.
Glava III: Formiranje i politika modernih građanskih
političkih pokreta
1.
Uslovi i karakter stranačkog organiziranja
u Bosni i Hercegovini
. 159
2.
Muslimanska narodna organizacija
. 167
3.
Srpska narodna organizacija
. 186
4.
Hrvatska narodna zajednica
. 207
5.
Hrvatska katolička udruga
. 214
6.
Muslimanska napredna (samostalna) stranka
. 218
Glava
IV:
Aneksija i Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine
1.
Aneksija Bosne i Hercegovine
. 229
2.
Politička kretanja u
ВІН
nakon
proglasa aneksije
. 239
3.
Pripreme za donošenje ustava za Bosnu i
Hercegovinu
. 255
4.
Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine
. 268
Glava
V:
Politički razvitak i ustavni poredak u
ВШ
1910-1914.
1.
Izbori i rad prvog Bosanskog sabora
. 277
2.
Agrarno pitanje u Saboru
. 296
3.
Reorganizacija zemaljske uprave
1912.
godine
. 311
4.
Osvrt na bosansku politiku u doba
vojnog kursa
. 318
Summary
. 325
Indeks ličnih imena
. 337
Indeks geografskih naziva
. 347
Vili
The legal status
and domestic political
development of
Bosnia-Herzegovina
1878-1914
Summary
With the commencement of the
1878
occupation B-H
became,
de
facto, apart of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, although
right up to the annexation of
1908
the occupied territory legally
remained under the sultan's sovereignty. By reason of the peculiar
international circumstances under which the occupation was
accomplished, internal conditions and relations in the occupied
country, and the extremely complex constitutional structure of the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy,
B
-Н
throughout occupied a special
constitutional position within its framework. The basic international
legislative acts which determined that position were Article
25
of
the Berlin Treaty and the
Novi Pazar
Convention. Article
25
of the
Berlin Treaty generally defined the Austro-Hungarian occupation
mandate as the right to occupy and administer the provinces of
Bosnia and
Hercegovina.
On April
21,1879,
after long negotiations,
the
Novi Pazar
Convention was concluded by which Austria-Hungary,
for reasons of security, was permitted to maintain three garrisons in
Sandžak,
though a declaration in the introduction to the Convention
stated that the fact of occupation should not violate the sultan's
sovereign rights over
B
-Н.
Following this on February
22,1880,
the
parliaments of Austria and Hungary concurrently adopted the Law
325
326
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF BiH
Concerning the Administration of Bosnia and
Hercegovina.
This
law determined that supervision of the provisional administration
of
B
-Н
was in the hand of the joint government, but that the aims and
principles of the administration (especially regarding the building
of railways and other public works, the adoption of customs regu¬
lations, indirect taxes and currency) could not be established without
the agreement of the governments of both branches of the monarchy.
The law particularly laid down that without the unanimous agreement
of the parliaments of Austria and Hungary the relation of
B
-Н
to
the monarchy could not be altered.
These three acts defined the constitutional framework of B-H,
within which Austria-Hungary endeavoured to consolidate its position
in the occupied country as a basis for further imperialist expansion
in the Balkans. Austria-Hungary believed that by consolidating its rule
in
B
-Н
it would strengthen its position on the Adriatic coast, hold
the small Slavic states of the Balkans under its control, and secure for
its capital a region exceptionally important in terms of natural wealth
and general economic potential. Hence, in order to consolidate its
position in
B
-Н,
Austria-Hungary employed all the means at its
disposal: diplomacy, its army and gendarmerie, its bureaucratic
apparatus, and its religious, educational and other cultural institutions.
Despite all efforts, the complexity of the problems which from the
inception of its rule Austria-Hungary faced in
B
-Н,
as well as the
general development of political conditions in the Slav South, made
lasting consolidation in the occupied country impossible. Although in
the course of four decades of government Austria-Hungary played
the role of a powerful arbiter in the public life of
B
-Н,
it did not
succeed in achieving lasting realization of a single one of the goals of
its policy there.
From the commencement of its rule, Austria-Hungary desired
to create the impression that its administration represented a radical
change from Ottoman political and economic practice. However,
because of the constitutional and political circumstances of the
occupation, as well as for administrative and technical reasons, the
break with Ottoman administrative and financial practice, and
especially with the existing legal system, could not be made preci¬
pitately. The only Ottoman laws be abolished immediately were those
which were contrary to general legal principles of civil equality.
Regarding all other regulations, the government advised the population
SUMMARY
327
to abide by its old laws, which gradually would be changed when
actual conditions in the country had been studied. Austria-Hungary
immediately adopted many Ottoman laws, particularly those which
regulated property relations. These regulations gradually were
replaced by new Austro-Hungarian laws. Austria-Hungary manifested
its most vigorous normative activity in financial, customs and tax
affairs, since the elements of such a policy (a common customs zone,
currency, monopoly) were considered the basic instruments for the
gradual incorporation of
B
-Н
into the monarchy.
In the course of Austro-Hungarian rule, one of the central
questions relating to the administration of
B
-Н
was financing. By
the
Novi Pazar
Convention and the Law Concerning the
Administration of
B
-Н,
the principle of self-financing was laid down
for the
B
-Н
administration, which in practice was applied in such a
way that the monarchy secured all the advantages it had expected
from the occupation. The needs of Austro-Hungarian colonial economic
policy in
B
-Н
urgently demanded its inclusion in the monarchy's
customs system. By a decree of December
24,1879,
from January
1,
1880
B
-Н
was incorporated into "the general customs zone of the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy". Customs duties brought in considerable
revenue, but the main burden of administration self-financing in B-
H was borne by the Bosnian peasant in the form of direct taxation.
The basic direct tax was the old Ottoman tithe, and the manner in
which it was fixed and collected prevented progress in agriculture
and perpetuated the practice of extensive sultivation. For this reason,
in
1906
the tithe was transformed into a "cash tithe", which
represented the intermediate stage between rithe collection and
modern land tax. In the Fiscal policy of the Provincial Government
important parts were played by the state monopoly on salt and tobacco,
land loans, and the resources received from the joint government in
the form of occupation credits and advances for railway construction.
For the successful execution of financial business, and in order to
attract capital from the monarchy, the provincial administration in
B
-Н
endeavoured to develop a suitable banking system. Financial
institutions in the monarchy, apprehensive of the risks, entered
cautiously and slowly into the banking business in
B
-Н.
Dissatisfied
with this, in
1895
the government founded the Privileged Provincial
Bank of
B
-Н,
which gradually attracted private capital from the
monarchy.
328
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
The agrarian question, which lay at the heart of Bosnian and
Hercegovinian social, national and political ferment throughout the
19th
с
and during the first decade of the 20th c, confronted Austro-
Hungarian policy in
B
-Н
with its most trying problem. In order to
safeguard its own interests in
B
-Н,
from the earliest days of the
occupation Austria-Hungary was careful not to disturb essentially
the sensitive national and political structure of the occupied country,
either economically or demographically, when regulating agrarian
relations. It endeavoured to introduce order in agrarian relations as
quickly as possible, and to maintain existing conditions until it found
solutions suitable to itself. Agrarian relations between the landowner
(chifliksahibija) and the lessee (serf) were regulated on the basis of
Ottoman laws, particularly the Decree Concerning Chifliks in Bosnia
(the so-called Safer Decree) of
1859.
Agrarian relations were disor¬
derly and strained to the extreme, and the authorities made consi¬
derable efforts to ameliorate them by seeking a balance between the
interests of the landowners and the serfs. In late
1879
an agrarian
conference was held in Sarajevo at which the majority voted in favour
of compulsory, and the minority in favour of optional, redeeming of
serfs. In
1880,
in Vienna, two conferences were held which dealt with
the agrarian question, following which, for financial and political
reasons, the government decided definitely in favour of optional
ransoming. The government provided financial aid for the voluntary
ransoming of serfs, and endeavoured through various measures to
advance their economic lot, all of which was a far cry from the real
needs of rural
B
-Н.
As late as
1910
more than a hundred thousand
Bosnian and Hercegovinian peasant families labored under various
feudal and ex-feudal burdens.
The development of communications and industry occupied an
important place in Austro-Hungarian policy in
B
-Н.
In the course of
the occupation all the principal towns of administrative districts
were linked by a network of macadam roads. Almost
1,500
km of
narrow-gauge railway was built, and the existing
Banja Luka
-
Dobrljin
wid-gauge railway (about
104
km) was repaired and linked to the
monarchy's railway network. It was Austria-Hungary that first began
to develop an extractive industry in
B
-Н.
Exploration for and
exploitation of mineral wealth, especially coal, was initiated. With
the establishment of the state monopoly on salt, the first modern
salt works in
B
-Н
was built at
Tuzla
(1884).
More intensive
exploita-
SUMMARY
329
tion
of iron ore began in
1886
with the opening of a mine and ironworks
at
Vareš
and the construction of an ironworks at
Zenica.
In the case
of manufacturing industry, the Austro-Hungarian administration
during its early years devoted its main attention to the cultivation and
factory processing of tobacco. Later, with the engagement of state
and private capital, greatest expansion was achieved in the exploitation
and processing of timber, followed by the construction industry, and
a degree of progress also was made in chemical, food, textile and
printing industries.
The total economic and political activity of the occupation admini¬
stration gradually led to certain demographic changes in
B
-Н.
The new
economic and political circumstances caused certain categories of
the population to emigrate, mainly to Turkey, Serbia or America.
Most of the emigrants were from the Muslim population, especially
from the Muslim peasantry, and in order to prevent internal colo¬
nization the government imported immigrants to their land from
diverse part of the monarchy. Urban populations gradually increased
with the arrival from the monarchy of officials, soldiers, intellectuals,
entrepreneurs and industrial workers. By
1914 180,000
to
200.
0(X)
had immigrated from the monarchy and about
150,000
natives had
emigrated. By reason of emigration the proportion of Muslims in the
population of
B
-Н
fell from
38,73%
in
1879
to
32,25%
in
1910.
By
reason of emigration the proportion of Muslims in the population of
B
-Н
fell from
38.73%
in
1879
to
32,25%
in
1910.
By immigration and
natural growth the Catholic population increased in the same period
from
18.08%
to
22.87%,
while the Orthodox population maintained
a stable demographic position (from
42.88%
to
43.49%).
The international circumstances of the occupation, internal
relations, and financial and
socio-structural
problems made the
incorporation of
B
-Н
into the monarchy extremely difficult. Within
the monarchy two distinct approaches to the problem of government
organization in
B
-Н
emerged. On the one hand, it was considered
that any overly radical undertaking in the occupied country would call
into question the
dualistic
structure of the monarchy, and would
cause foreign-policy difficulties besides, for such action might be
interpreted as a violation of the sultan's sovereignty over
B
-Н.
From
this viewpoint, the task of the monarchy was merely to carry out
certain improvements of the occupied country's economic and politi¬
cal structure. Contrary to this was the opinion that the monarchy
330
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
could interpret its occupation mandate freely, and that
B
-Н
should
occupy a position similar to that of Croatia or certain of the Austrian
provinces. Under the existing circumstances the first approach was
the simplest, therefore the Ottoman structure of government
organization was taken over, and later gradually altered.
In late
1881,
after months of debate in Austria-Hungary's highest
policy-making circles, a provisional defense law for
B
-Н
was promul¬
gated which made regular military service compulsory for subjects in
B
-Н.
This law caused considerable unrest among the Serbian and
Muslim populations, and in early
1882
led to a joint uprising in eastern
Hercegovina,
which was put down after two or three months of
fighting. Following this outbreak the administration of
B
-Н
was
entrusted to the energetic
B. Kállay,
who as joint minister of finance
had as his principal task to improve the efficiency of B-H's organs
of government. For this
Kállay
relied upon a strong official apparatus,
the army and the gendarmerie, while at the same time endeavouring
to win over to the policy of Austria-Hungary the ruling strata of the
Bosnian and Hercegovinian bourgeoisie and the religious hierarchy.
Soon after the accomplishment of the occupation, Austria-Hungary
took measures to establish its own control and jurisdiction over the
religious communities in
B
-Н.
The government first attempted to
unite the Orthodox Church in
B
-Н
with the
Karlovac
Patriarchate,
but failed because of resolute resistance on the part of all the Serbian
Orthodox parishes in the country. However, the monarchy eventually
succeeded in establishing control over the church hierarchy by
concluding an agreement with the Istanbul Patriarchate on March
28,
1880,
whereby, in return for an annual compensation, the Austrian
emperor obtained the right to nominate bishops and metropolitans
himself and to propose them to the patriarchate for the discharge of
canonical formalities. Not satisfied with the Franciscans as represen¬
tatives of Catholicism in
B
-Н.
Austria-Hungary at the inception of the
occupation sought to alter the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the occupation
sought to alter the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the occupied country.
On June
8,1881,
after prolonged and persistent diplomatic activity
at the Vatican, Austria-Hungary signed a concordat concerning the
introduction of a secular Catholic hierarchy in
B
-Н.
By this agreement
the Austrian emperor obtained the right to nominate archbishops
and bishops. Although Article
2
of the
Novi Pazar
Convention
guaranteed the Muslim population the right freely to maintain links
SUMMARY
331
with its religious leaders in Istanbul, the Austro-Hungarian gover¬
nment endeavoured to prevent this and to establish a separate
ecclesiastical hierarchy in
B
-Н
under its own control. In October
1882,
with the support of a section of the Muslim bourgeoisie, Austria-
Hungary established a separate Islamic hierarchy in
B
-Н
with an
Ulema-Mejliss (supreme Islamic administrative body) and a Reis-ul-
Ulema (supreme religious leader) at its head, which the Porte tacitly
recognised.
From the time of
Kállay's
arrival as head of the administration
of
B
-Н,
the authorities made more energetic efforts to win over to
their policy the leading classes of the population of all three
confessional and ethnic groups, though in this they achieved no
lasting success. With his national policy of Bosnianhood,
Kállay
endeavoured to halt the development of the existing national
movements and to isolate
B
-Н
from the surrounding South Slav
countries. From the beginning the Bosnian bourgeoisie resisted this
Austrian cultural and political pressure in a variety of ways. The
basic instruments of resistance were the religious and educational
communities
(opštine
-
parishes in the community, not the district,
sense) and other religious, education and socio-religious institutions
(vakufs etc.), which for each oppressed nation performed "the function
of a national state". The constant interference of the government in
ecclesiastical affairs and in the work of the religious and educational
communities and other religious and educational institutions, as well
as the open proselytizing tendencies of the official Catholic hierarchy
-
often with the government's support
-
caused increasing discontent,
which from the second half of the 1890s manifested itself in an
organized campaign for religious and educational autonomy. The
Serbian bourgeoisie began this struggle in
1896,
and the Muslims in
1899.
Each group fought its campaign for ten years, abroad as well as
at home, by means of memoranda, delegations, meetings and
demonstrations, employing both the written and the spoken word. The
Serbs gained autonomy in
1905.,
and the Muslims in
1909.
Following
Kállay's
death in
1903, Stephan
Burián
was appointed
the new joint minister of finance. Employing a variety of measures,
he slowly and cautiously moderated
Kállay's
absolutist regime, but
with the same aim of annexing
B
-Н.
In
1906,
for the first time after
almost
30
years of Austro-Hungarian administration, a detailed
Report on the Administration of
B
-Н
was published. The policy of
332
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
Bosnianhood was unequivocally rejected, since in the Report it was
stated that in
B
-Н
"concepts of nationality and confession" had
merged in the pre-occupation period and the dividing lines between
individual groups within the population were at once confessional
and national. In course of
30
years of administration Austria-Hungary
had achieved certain results in the economic and cultural fields, but
had not succeeded in realizing deeper
socio-structural,
cultural and
political changes. In the middle of the first decade of the 20th
с
almost
90%
of the population was illiterate, and
88%
lived on the
land. As against
200
police stations with
2,500
gendarmes, there were
352
national (state) elementary schools with
568
teachers. In the
entire country there were only
130
doctors,
41
veterinary surgeons
and
35
pharmacies. The state of agrarian relations was the severest
problem. The Austro-Hungarian policy of optional ransoming of serfs
had brought freedom to only about twenty thousand serf families,
while
5.5
times that number still awaited liberation.
Despite this, in the first decade of the 20th
с
the leading strata
of the Bosnian bourgeoisie had become sufficiently strong to carry their
demands and their struggle into the economic field and into other
areas of social activity. Simultaneously, the entry into public life of the
first generation of university educated native subjects led to deeper
political and cultural ferment. In place of the old forms of cultural
activity in the
1902-04
period, through choral societies and public
reading rooms, modern cultural and educational societies were
founded:
Prosvjeta, Gajret
and
Napredak.
Besides the old newspapers
of either literary or amusement and instructional character, a domestic
political press developed. At the beginning of the 20th c, on the basis
of a certain accumulation of capital, the first domestic financial
institutions were founded. Economically weak and insignificant, they
could not enter into competitive battle with capital from the monarchy,
but they increased the self-confidence of the native population. In these
conditions,
Burián's
policy of gradual liberalization of public life
allowed the already relatively formed national movements to constitute
themselves as political parties. In late
1906
the Muslim National
Organization was founded, in
1907
the Serbian National Organization,
and in
1908
the Croatian National Association, along with several
minor parties.
At the same time political and union organization began of the
working class in
B
-Н.
The development of industry had led to the
SUMMARY
333
appearance of a modern working class. In
1907,
in private and state
enterprises, approximately
52,
(XX) workers were employed. The
working class began early to fight for its socio-economic and political
rights. Between
1890
and the beginning of the
1914-18
War,
140
various worker's strikes were registered in
B
-Н.
Systematic efforts
to bring workers into association on a modern class basis began in
1905.
and was linked with the name of the printing worker
Mico
Sokolović.
A result of the increasing politicization of the working class was the
first general public workers' meeting, held in Sarajevo on August
27,
1905,
at which the regulations of the General Workers' Union (GWU)
were adopted and its provisional administration elected. These
regulations were not approved by the government until September
21, 1906,
whereat the union movement was legalized in
B
-Н.
The
founding of numerous craft unions followed. Out of the union
movement grew the Social Democratic Party of
B
-Н
(SDP
B-H),
founded June
28-29,1909.
even earlier, the first socialist newspaper.
Voice of Freedom
(Glas slobode),
had begun to appear in Sarajevo
(April
1909),
which became the official organ of the newly founded
party. In
1908,
at the demand of the organized workers' movement,
the government established a Work Inspection Board, and from
January
1, 1910
workers acquired health insurance. By persistent
campaigning on the part of the WWU and the
SDP,
the same tariff
conditions as obtained for workers in the monarchy were won for
workers in
B
-Н.
Besides the GWU, about twenty small craft and
workers' associations were active in
B
-Н,
organized on confessional-
ethnic or local bases, with small memberships. During the Balkan
Wars a small group of
SDP
members from Sarajevo and
Mostar
broke
away from the party and launched a newspaper, The Bell
(Zvono),
the adherents of whose policy were known as bellmen. They
endeavoured to forge closer bonds with the Serbian political groups
in
B
-Н
(especially with
Kočić's
group), with the consequence that
social demands were increasingly and charply subordinated to national
demands. An active collaborator on The Bell was
Danilo Ilić,
organizer
of the
1914
assassination.
From the standpoint of international law, the Austro-Hungarian
administration of
B
-Н
was seen as temporary, but from the outset
Austria-Hungary endeavoured to act as though the occupied country
was already incorporated into the monarchy. In
1882-83
the joint
government for the first time discussed the possible annexation of
334
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
B
-Н.
Annexation depended on the state of international relations,
and even more on agreement between Austria and Hungary concerning
the manner in which
B
-Н
would be incorporated into the
dualistic
structure of the monarchy. The annexation debate was resumed by
the government in the summer of
1896
in connection with the crisis
in Turkey caused by the Armenian and Cretan rebellions. It was then
decided that annexation should be proclaimed at the moment at
which it was judged that the Ottoman Empire was on the point of
disintegration. That moment was deemed to have arrived with the
outbreak of the Young Turks revolution and the introduction of a
constitution in Turkey, July
1908.
It became necessary for the
monarchy finally to proclaim annexation in order to restrain the
influence of the Young Turks revolution in
B
-Н,
which influence was
clearly evident in the joint demand of the Serbian and Muslim national
organizations, September
7,1908,
calling for a constitution for B-H
without alteration of its constitutional status. The monarchy's
government realized that the constitution question in
B
-Н
was real
und
urgent, but it could not consider granting a constitution before
annexation, which was announced on October
5,1908
by an imperial
proclamation to the need to introduce a constitution, the first condition
for which was a clear determination of the constitutional position of
B
-Н.
The unilateral proclamation of annexation provoked, a great
international crisis, which slowly subsided when on February
26,
1909,
in return for certain material compensations and withdrawal
of the
Austro-
Hungarian garrison from the
Novi Pazar sanjak,
Turkey
recognized this act. With annexation the sultan's sovereignty over B-
H formally came to an end, and Hapsburg sovereignty was established.
On the initiative of the authorities and of various pro-regime parties
and groups of all three confessions, many deputations of homage
were dispatched from
B
-Н
to express gratitude to the emperor for
the annexation. Only the Muslim and Serbian national organizations
stubbornly refused to announce recognition of the annexation.
Following recognition of the annexation by all the European states
early in
1909,
these two organizations gradually followed suit.
After long preparations and a constitutional poll on February
20.
1910
the Provincial Statute for
B
-Н
was promulgated. Unlike the
1880
Law concerning the Administration of
B
-Н,
the constitution
brought no changes whatsoever in the position and administration of
the country. Ultimate control remained in the hands of the joint
SUMMARY
335
ministry of finance and its bureaucratic Provincial Government in
Sarajevo. In accordance with the constitution and its concomitant
laws, a Diet with extremely limited legislative rights was introduced
into the political life of the country. The Diet had the right to participate
in the making of laws, i.e. to debate only those questions which by the
Law Concerning the Administration of
B
-Н
were not exclusively in
the competence of the parliaments of Austria and Hungary. Bourgeois
politicians considered that even such a constitution and Diet opened
a "new era" in the political life of
B
-Н,
and that they offered a basis
for gradual improvement of the constitutional status of the country.
In this spirit, regardless of national and party differences, all the
Diet representatives at first worked and acted jointly in relation to
the Provincial Government. The first conflicts in the Diet occurred
on the occasion of a debate on a postal savings bank draft law, and inter-
party differences and ferment reached their height in the course of
a debate on the law concerning the optional ransoming of serfs and
the land they worked. In the summer and autumn of
1910
a peasant
"strike" broke out in
Bosanska Krajina
and the River
Sava
district,
which
Kočić's
group took advantage of the exert pressure on the
government to alter the draft law in favour of compulsory ransoming.
On April
4, 1911,
after long and bitter debate and much party
maneuvering, the law on the optional ransoming of serfs was passed.
The law obliged the government to give the serf the means to redeem
himself in the form of a long-term loan if the serf reached voluntary
agreement with the landowner concerning the ransom. Further work
of the Diet was carried on in an atmosphere of inter-party conflict, with
the Provincial Government endeavouring to create a "working-
majority" composed of representatives of all three confessional-ethnic
groups.
Further evolution in
B
-Н,
the beginnings of which were not ic
üble
following the decline of the influence on national and political life in
the country exerted by the echo of the Balkan Wars, was interrupted
by the Sarajevo assassination and the outbreak of World War I. The
assassination, in which on June
28,1914
G.
Princip
killed the heir to
the Austrian throne Franz Ferdinand, was the work of a group of
young Serbian nationalists and conspirators known as Young Bosnia
(Mlada Bosna).
Immediately after the assassination, in Sarajevo and
in certain towns in the interior of the country, demonstrations against
Serbs erupted, and many shops owned by Serbian merchants were
336
THE LEGAL STATUS AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF
ВІН
pillaged and wrecked. On the same day, amid the general disorder in
Sarajevo, an emergency court was established which was not
terminated until July
26,
two days before the outbreak of war. After
the murder of Ferdinand the current joint minister of finance L.
Bilinski, who was against the war, attempted to make it possible for
the Diet to continue its work by activating certain legislative projects,
and to calm thereby the war hysteria in the province.
The outbreak of war brought the beginning of hard times for the
entire country. Mass expulsion and internment of members of the
Serbian population occurred, as well as court martials, numerous
death sentences and trials for high treason. Because of the general
mobilization of members of all confessions and categories of the
population, and the departure of thousands of young men to the
fronts, the country suffered economic collapse. Tens of thousands of
Bosnians were killed and wounded in the course of the war. After the
fall of Serbia and Montenegro, in October
1915,
direct fighting ceased
in the territory of
B
-Н,
but the consequences of the war, principally
widespread famine, were everywhere felt. In efforts to prevent the
disintegration of Austria-Hungary and to find a solution to the
Yugoslavia question, a variety of constitutional combinations involving
B
-Н
were made in the course of the war. With the collapse of the
monarchy, in late October
1918,
the National Government of B-H
assumed control of the country within the framework of the State
of Slovenians, Croats and Serbs. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Imamović, Mustafa 1941-2017 |
| author_GND | (DE-588)133142558 |
| author_facet | Imamović, Mustafa 1941-2017 |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Imamović, Mustafa 1941-2017 |
| author_variant | m i mi |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023203775 |
| callnumber-first | D - World History |
| callnumber-label | DR1725 |
| callnumber-raw | DR1725 |
| callnumber-search | DR1725 |
| callnumber-sort | DR 41725 |
| callnumber-subject | DR - Balkan Peninsula |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)166887359 (DE-599)BVBBV023203775 |
| edition | 3. izd. |
| era | Geschichte 1878-1914 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1878-1914 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Bosnia and Hercegovina History 1878-1918 Bosnia and Hercegovina Politics and government Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Bosnia and Hercegovina History 1878-1918 Bosnia and Hercegovina Politics and government Bosnien-Herzegowina |
| id | DE-604.BV023203775 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T20:09:02Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:12:59Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789958635502 |
| language | Bosnian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016389959 |
| oclc_num | 166887359 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | VIII, 350 S. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Magistrat |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Editio Memoria iuris |
| series2 | Editio Memoria iuris |
| spelling | Imamović, Mustafa 1941-2017 Verfasser (DE-588)133142558 aut Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. Mustafa Imamović 3. izd. Sarajevo Magistrat 2007 VIII, 350 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Editio Memoria iuris 3 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The legal status and domestic political development of Bosnia-Herzegovina Geschichte 1878-1914 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte Politik Rechtsstellung (DE-588)4134078-4 gnd rswk-swf Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd rswk-swf Bosnia and Hercegovina History 1878-1918 Bosnia and Hercegovina Politics and government Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 gnd rswk-swf Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 g Rechtsstellung (DE-588)4134078-4 s Geschichte 1878-1914 z DE-604 Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 s Editio Memoria iuris 3 (DE-604)BV021780592 3 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016389959&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016389959&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Imamović, Mustafa 1941-2017 Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. Editio Memoria iuris Geschichte Politik Rechtsstellung (DE-588)4134078-4 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4134078-4 (DE-588)4046514-7 (DE-588)4088119-2 |
| title | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. |
| title_auth | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. |
| title_exact_search | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. |
| title_full | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. Mustafa Imamović |
| title_fullStr | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. Mustafa Imamović |
| title_full_unstemmed | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine od 1878. do 1914. Mustafa Imamović |
| title_short | Pravni položaj i unutrašnjo politički razvitak Bosne i Hercegovine |
| title_sort | pravni polozaj i unutrasnjo politicki razvitak bosne i hercegovine od 1878 do 1914 |
| title_sub | od 1878. do 1914. |
| topic | Geschichte Politik Rechtsstellung (DE-588)4134078-4 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Geschichte Politik Rechtsstellung Bosnia and Hercegovina History 1878-1918 Bosnia and Hercegovina Politics and government Bosnien-Herzegowina |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016389959&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016389959&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV021780592 |
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