Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei: studiu de geografie istorică şi socială
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Timişoara
Ed. Univ. de Vest
2007
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Roma in Romanian Banat and South Crişana regions |
| Beschreibung: | 129 S. Ill., graph, Darst., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789731250717 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei |b studiu de geografie istorică şi socială |c Remus Creţan |
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| 300 | |a 129 S. |b Ill., graph, Darst., Kt. | ||
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Roma in Romanian Banat and South Crişana regions | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | CUPRINS
Prefaţă
.......................................................................................... 7
Introducere
..................................................................................... 9
1.
ISTORICUL CERCETĂRII RROMILOR
........................................................ 10
2.
RROMII DIN BANAT ŞI SUDUL CRIŞANEI:
ORIGINE ŞI
MIGRATIE
............................................................... 14
2.1.
Originea rromilor
..................................................................... 14
2.2.
Migraţia rromilor spre Europa
..................................................................... 14
2.3.
Apariţia rromilor pe teritoriul României
....................................... 17
2.4.
Rromii din Transilvania, Crişana şi Banat
................................................. 18
2.4.1.
Primele valuri migratorii şi situaţia rromilor în perioada de robie..
18
2.4.2.
Abolirea sclaviei şi fenomenul celei de-a doua migraţii a rromilor
21
2.4.3.
Rromii sub administraţie românească, până la instalarea
comunismului
.................................................................... 22
2.4.4.
Impactul regimului comunist asupra vieţii rromilor
................... 24
2.4.5.
Rromii în perioada actuală de tranziţie
.................................... 27
3.
DISPARITĂŢI SPAŢIALE ALE RROMILOR ÎN BANAT ŞI
SUDUL CRIŞANEI
(1900-2007)........................................................ 31
3.1.
Perioada
1900-1945.................................................................. 31
3.2.
Perioada
1945-1989.................................................................. 32
3.3.
Perioada post-decembristă
(1990-2007)........................................ 33
4.
IDENTIFICARE, IDENTITATE ŞI DIVERSITATE
............................ 44
4.1.
Probleme de identificare
............................................................ 44
4.2.
Identitate etnică: rromisau ţigani?
................................................ 45
4.3.
Limba romani
(romanes)
.............................................................................. 47
4.4.
Segregarea profesională a rromilor
............................................................. 48
4.5.
Imaginea societăţii rroma: prejudecată, stereotipie sau adevăr?
........... 50
5.
TRADIŢIILE RROMILOR
.............................................................. 55
5.1.
Evenimentele vieţii: naşterea, nunta şi înmormântarea
.................... 55
5.2.
Conducerea comunităţii şi judecata ţigănească
............................... 57
5.3.
Tezaurizarea aurului în familie
.................................................. 59
5.4.
Rromii şi gadje
........................................................................ 59
5.5.
Superstiţia
-
componentă a culturii rromilor
................................. 60
5.6.
Creşterea cabalinelor
................................................................ 61
5.7.
Portul popular
........................................................................ 62
5.8.
Muzica ţigănească
.................................................................... 62
6.
CONCEPTUL DE MARGINALITATE SOCIALĂ ŞI ECONOMICĂ.
TIPURI DE MARGINALITATE
...................................................... 64
6.1.
Ce înţelegem prin marginalitate?
............................................... 64
6.2.
Tipuri de marginalitate
.............................................................. 65
6.2.1.
Marginalitatea contingenţă
.................................................... 65
6.2.2.
Marginalitatea
sistemica
........................................................ 66
6.2.3.
Marginalitatea colaterală
....................................................... 67
6.3.
Marginalitatea şi scările spaţiale de analiză
.................................... 67
7.
AUTOEXCLUDEREA ŞI EXCLUDEREA COMUNITARĂ
.................... 69
7.1.
Autoexcluderea
....................................................................... 69
7.2.
Excluderea comunitară (structurală)
........................................................... 71
8.
INTEGRAREA
SOCIAL-ECONOMICA A RROMILOR
..................... 74
8.1.
De la marginalitate şi (auto)excludere spre integrare socială
................. 74
8.1.1.
Barometrul incluziunii rromilor
........................................................... 74
8.1.2.
Eliminarea conflictelor interetnice şi a infracţionalităţii
................... 75
8.1.3.
Soluţii de integrare în societate. Priorităţi de acţiune
........................ 81
8.2.
Programe naţionale şi europene de integrare
........................................... 83
8.2.1.
Strategii de incluziune
............................................................................ 84
8.2.2.
Evaluarea problemei rromilor:
indicatori de
efecte şi de rezultate
86
8.2.3.
Dinamica finanţării programelor destinate rromilor
(1996-2005)... 88
8.3.
Monitorizarea strategiei de îmbunătăţire a situaţiei marginale a
rromilor. Cazul judeţului Timiş
(2001-2006)............................................. 92
8.3.1.
Structuri administrative
......................................................................... 92
8.3.2.
Participare publică, sănătate şi protecţie socială
................................ 94
8.3.3.
Educaţia şi protecţia copilului
.............................................................. 95
8.3.4.
Iniţiative economice şi construirea de locuinţe
.................................. 96
8.3.5.
Cultură, justiţie şi ordine publică
......................................................... 97
8.3.6.
Comunicare şi implicare civică
............................................................. 98
9.
STUDIU DE CAZ: ANALIZA PROBLEMELOR SOCIALE ŞI
ECONOMICE ALE RROMILOR DIN MĂGURI
................................. 99
9.1.
Aspecte
geodemografice
............................................................. 99
9.2.
Activităţi economice
................................................................ 101
9.3.
Valenţe culturale şi programe de integrare socială
........................, 103
9.4.
Probleme actuale nerezolvate
..................................................... 105
Concluzii
................................................................................................................... 107
Abstract
..................................................................................................................... 108
Bibliografie
.............................................................................................................. 126
ABSTRACT
THE
ROMA IN
ROMANIAN
BANAT
AND SOUTH
CRIŞANA
REGIONS:
A STUDY IN MARGINALITY
Introduction
In comparison to other ethnic minorities the Roma have been slow to integrate and
some elements have retained a traditional instinct for the nomadic in preference top
claims for their own territory (Cretan,
1999).
Tolerated and yet rejected or
persecuted, the Roma culture of survival stands a one of Romania s sub-histories
features a nation with Indian origins living in exile in Europe where a certain
freedom of cultural expression and resistance to assimilation has been bought at the
price of official attitudes fluctuating between ambivalent toleration and oppressive
discrimination in search of more cohesive societies for either multi-national empires
or nation states. Only Roma can really assess the price paid for their freedom to be
different: a separateness that extends even to their name since they do not accept
the names used by others
-
ranging from the Greek term atsinganos or
atsinkanos linked with 14th century India;
Ţigani
or
Zigeuner -
with many
other variants
-
relating to a long
séjour
in Persia; Egyptians reflecting their
former residence in Little
Egypť
-
the bend of Pelopones near Mount Gype from
which the English term gypsy is derived (Humeau
1992,
p.6). Instead these
nomads of he plains
-
adapting to their physical environment through centuries of
movement (Ely,
1964) -
see themselves as Roma.
In this book we attempt conceptualise their marginality which constitutes an
important part of the poverty problem accompanying Romania s transition from
communism to
EU
accession.
Social studies frequently portray the Roma as a disadvantaged group suffering
relatively low living standards (Sibley,
1998,
p.120-1;
Kocsis,
2000,
p.121-5; Cook,
2005,
p.102-4; Humeau,
1992,
p.35-9). The Roma of Romania are no exception
(Dobraca,
1994,
p.67-8;
Achim, 1998,
p.44-9).
In this study we provide a historical context covering the salient features of the
last two centuries which have seen great changes in socioeconomic fortunes and
political subordination.
While discrimination is undeniable, the Roma for their part have maintained
what they see as their identity
-
notwithstanding the perception of such a
separatist stance as tantamount to criminality and rejection of improvement
through regular work and education; aggravated by reluctance to conform to
108
normal
conventions
such
as carrying their identity card or bulletin without which
they cannot legally get work or cast their vote.
In the light of Europe s insistence on appropriate solutions to these problems we
examine the policy initiative of the last
15
years and the Roma response to them
with particular reference to
Banat
since this ethnically-diverse part of western
Romania has a distinguished record for social integration to the point where it
may provide a model for progress in other parts of the country.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY
The Roma appeared in Romania in
1374
although it was only after
1386
that they
reached the Hungarian Kingdom. In
1424,
according to the constitution, the Roma
of Transylvania were led by
a voievod
but in
1588
were not allowed to have a
leader.
Habsburg
documents of
1712
show the Roma as serfs belonging to the
landowners (including many monastic communities) for whom some of them acted
as copper- and goldsmiths. (Cretan,
2002,
p.
461).
Their nomadic activity consisted
of wanderings from place to place within the
Habsburg
Empire
-
each summer
with the permission of those landowners where they stopped, while during winter
they had specific quarters . Control brought some protection, but at the cost of
assimilation since the use of their mother tongue and traditional clothing was
forbidden especially during period of slavery
- (Achim, 1998,
p.88). In
1761
Maria
Theresa imposed the first law to settle and assimilate the Roma, dubbed New
Hungarians . The main stipululation of this law was to impose them to built houses
rennouncing at tents and the Roma children should be taken care by families of
other ethnicity. More radically, in
1773
Maria Theresa ordered that all Roma
children over five years of age be taken from their parents and cared for by the
peasants distant village although many were able to escape. Through this action it
is appreciated that about a quarter of the
Banat
gypsies in the 18th century were
assimilated as Germans
(Achim, 1998,
p.95). Then in
1782,
the next
Habsburg
head
of state Joseph1 II issued an edict of
59
points including the requirements that Roma
children should attend school and church regularly while they continued to be
denied their own language, costume and music; such were negative perceptions of
Roma culture which included a propensity for cannibalism. However little progress
was made because the relatively objective contemporary writings of Francesco
Griselini point to the perpetuation of a nomadic lifestyle (casting doubt on the
accuracy of
Johann
Jakob Ehrler s estimate of some
5,000
gypsies in
Banat
around
1770
(Ehrler,
1982).
The total of
5,272
in the
1774
Habsburg
Conscription worked
out at
1.3%
of a total of
317,928 -
compared with
3%
for Jews,
2.5%
for Bulgarians
( Carasoveni ),
13.0%
for Germans, French and Italians;
24.0%
for Serbs and
59.0%
for Romanians)
-
is almost certainly given a probable lack of interest by the
109
enumerators in an essentially nomadic population that was believed by
comtemporary academics like
Valy
to have originated in India
(Fraser,
1994;
Stewart,
1996)
Emancipation
( slobozenie )
came in
1848
in the
Habsburg
lands
-
a little ahead of
the Principalities in
1856
where Prince Alexander loan Cuza was able to secure
legal freedom for all Roma in Moldova region. Emigration was also an option and
although many were subsequently expelled from the USA for criminality they
could at least return with capital resources set them apart from those who had
stayed at home. Meanwhile in Germany Bismarck was quick to close the frontier
(Crowe,
1996)
and in
1905,
the scale of illegal camping and fishing, along with
damage to the forests, was such as to require expulsion of all those who had arrived
from the
Habsburg
Empire. Meanwhile the Hungarian authorities were also
imposing restrictions. In
1860
many rural Roma in
Banat
preferred to stay around
monasteries or moved and formed
mahalale
(poor residential areas) on the edge
of towns and villages. Even if they were free they do not have enough money to
build new houses in residential areas. On the other hand, Romanian publications
on the Roma community appeared in various academic disciplines including
including history, literature and poetry (Vasile Alecsandri, Gheorghe Asachi,
Cezar
Bolliac
Barbu Constantinescu
and
Mihail Kogalniceanu).
In the inter-war period Roma assimilation (which included greater use of the
Romanian language) by was balanced by moves towards autonomy and national
and local levels especially in the
1930s
through newspapers such as
Glasul
Romilor
in Bucharest and
Timpul
in Craiova; while G.A. Lazurica (a well-known
Roma personality) founded a General Association of the Roma from Romania in
1933
which proposed, amongst other things, a dedicated hospital and university
only for the Roma. However, such organisations were unable to consolidate; while
Roma handicrafts became uncompetitive due to the development of factory
industry. Fascism came to the fore as Hitler cancelled all the civil rights for the
Roma from Germany and began a strong racist policy, reflected later in Romania
under dictatorship in
1940.
Progress went into reverse the following year when
Antonescu (seeking to marginalise undesirable minorities) used a secret Roma
census as the basis for the massive deportation to the captured Soviet territory of
Transnistria during
1942-44.
A total of some
20,000
Roma
(4,000
of them from
Banat)
reached the Bug river area, but with neither work nor means of subsistence
about half of them died. Despite poor organisation the privations of war the stark
realities of ethnic cleansing and genocide cannot be denied. Equality after the war
resulted in discrimination being replaced by neglect since cultural development
was compromised by the lack of education in the Roma mother tongue while the
Roma failed to benefit from the land reform of
1946;
while the Political Office of the
110
Romanian Workers Party did not recognise the Roma minority when it came to
power in
1948
and the General Union of
Roma (Uniunea Generală a Romilor),
former General Association of the Roma from Romania, ceased to exist (though it
had not functioned since
1941).
Despite equality under the law, the Roma were neglected under communism: there
was no specific education in the Roma mother tongue and no benefit from the
1945
land reform; while their organization was not allowed to re-form. They also
suffered from the general confiscation of wealth (through their significant holdings
in gold). Since integration policies in the
1950s
were not fully implemented, there
was no overwhelming pressure to settle. And although measures taken to stimulate
a higher birth rate from
1967
included family benefits which were very helpful for
large Roma families (typically with five or more children), the more determined
efforts made during
1977-83
to accelerate social and cultural development through
education and settlement policies were inadequately resources. However the Roma
were employed predominantly as unskilled workers by giant industrial enterprises
or socialist (state or cooperative) farms; though they were allowed to remain a
distinct community (declaring themselves as Roma for census purposes from
1977)
and to grow relatively rapidly in numbers. In lowland
Banat
they typically
accounted
5-15%
of individual village communities (rather more in the vicinity of
monasteries) and might constitute a large majority in some special cases like
Măguri
near
Lugoj
where most Romanians moved into the town and left the Roma
to take over their houses and gardens. Thus the departing Romanians sold their
property to Roma.
Although the generic term Roma was introduced in western countries in the
1970s,
the communist regime in Romania would not allow this term to be used,
declaring them officially
ţigani
(gypsies) . The change of their official name as
Roma could only take place after the
1989
revolution. In addition they often face
discrimination by community elites and small minorities feel isolated with reduced
solidarity within their communities and family networks.
Of course the Roma now comprise diverse elements, as in
Sângeorgiu de Mureş
where there are four groups differentiated according to residence, dress, language
(Romany, Romanian and Hungarian) and employments.
Their
marginalisation
by the society on which they live and their manner of
obtaining the economic resources necessary for life are characteristics which set
them apart as an anti-social ethnic group (Costachie
1997,
p.112).
Initially the situation became even more difficult due to the loss of employment
and lack of strong claims for land restitution; Indeed the loss of agricultural
employment had an especially negative effect on the living standards, social status
and inter-ethnic relations of Roma in rural areas where two-thirds reside
(Barany
111
2004,
p.259),
while stealing from private farms was not tolerated in same the way as
theft from the old communist cooperative. Exclusion from villages might make for
resumption of an itinerant lifestyle or removal to squatter Settlements close to the
towns.
Lack of awareness of the importance of education: there are many drop-outs from
school in the
5-8
classes
-
because many Roma children, especially in rural areas, are
put to work when they finish four year school (Dobraca
1994,
p.66). Divorce was
not practiced but it remained usual for girls to marry at the age of
10-11
and boys at
12-13.
Usually the Roma could secure only the lowest-paid jobs because they lacked
professional training and many did not carry an identity card
( buletin )
without
which they were barred from legal employment and social benefits
Although some affluent Roma families were buying cars they could not drive (since
illiterate owners could not get licences)
-
as well as expensive kitchen equipment
that the women did not have the education to use
-
the majority lived in severe
poverty: finding fruit in the summer while they die of starvation in the winter
when searching garbage dumps may yield a few dollars through the recovery of
plastic crates, copper wire and scrap iron while pursued by a dozen stray dogs,
circled by black flurries of crows, enveloped in the acrid stench of the refuse and
stung by the winds of a Balkan winter . Their contingency housing often lacks
basic utilities:
70%
of households have no running water and
80%
cannot afford
drugs. In addition small minorities felt isolated and vulnerable to discrimination by
community elites.
Those who emigrated often became involved in highly organized aggressive
begging and criminality in West European cities and there have been many cases of
repatriation. But while some became an obvious embarrassment: undermining
Romania s prospects as potential foreign investors saw in their own countries the
worst possible representation of Romanian society;.others became well-integrated
into Western business, like the Novacovici family with their summer palace in
Buziaş (Timiş
county) supported by a network of flower shops in Sweden.
However the Roma did begin to organize. In
1990
a movement for Roma
emancipation was started under the leadership of the Democratic Union of Roma
(Uniuna
Democrata
a Rromilor)
-
which became the Roma Party
(Partida Romilor)
in
1992 -
and the Roma Society
( Societatea Romilor )
which dissolved in
1992
because of inner quarrels. There were also cultural organisations such as
Aven
amentza (Cultural Foundation of Roma Emancipation), the General Union of
Roma ( Uniunea Generala a Romilor)
and the Roma Women s Organisation
( Organizaţia Femeilor Ţiganei).
Meanwhile traditional leadership was manifested
through the
Cioabă
and
Rădulescu
families in
Sibiu.
Indeed,
Iulian Rădulescu
-
self-
112
styled emperor of all Roma
-
is still looking for compensation for his deportation
to Transnistria in
1942.
However traditional leaders were not considered effective
because authority is rarely recognised beyond their extended families and the
people who are keen to do business with them
(Barany
2004,
p.263).
Household surveys indicated an overall poverty rate of
76.4%
in
1995
and
78.8%
in
1997
compared with national average figures of
25.3%
and
30.8%
respectively, With
low educational achievement (in
1998 44%
of the Roma population had not
completed the basic eight-year schooling programme) barriers were encountered in
the labour market; while most Roma lived in settlements with quasi-legal housing
arrangements. A gender component arose because Roma girls were dropping out
of school early and were often at risk through poor reproductive health; while
Roma boys were disproportionately represented among the juvenile delinquent
population.
A number of violent incidents occurred. Some localised pogroms were reported
immediately after the revolution but ten Roma homes were burnt in
Racşa (Oraşu
Nou
commune,
Satu
Mare
county) in
1994
where those responsible were forced to
rebuild. Tension in
Piatra Neamţ
led the mayor at one stage to advocate a Roma
ghetto under armed guard. The worst ethnic violence occurred in
Hădăreni
(Cheţani
commune in
Mureş
county) in September
1993
when an innocuous
conversation between three young Roma men and a non-Roma woman sparked a
series of arguments and confrontations: a Romanian man was stabbed (and later
died) leading to a pogrom in which three Roma were killed while
13
houses were
burnt and five others ransacked, Police are alleged to have incited further anti-
Roma violence after they arrived. Although several Romanians were jailed for
murder and arson the sentences for murder were considered light
-
and were
subsequently reduced with compensation (in one case) that was greater than what
a widow of one of the murdered Roma had received.
CONCEPTUALISING EXCLUSION AND MARGINALITY
The concept may be applied not only to economic disadvantage (low living
standards in the context of the general level of wellbeing) but also to
environmental, social-cultural and political disadvantages
-
please give examples
as they affect Roma. Where marginality occurs in all these domains then the
condition is one of particular severity among the Roma in parts of Romania.
Disadvantage is arguably greatest in case of a large number of children looked after
by a Roma mother who is divorced or widowed. Hence the gender component to
marginality. Indeed most of the inactive Roma aged under
18
years or over
65
live
in poverty, with poverty rates increasing according to the number of children in the
113
family. Gender inequality arises through access to employment and the wage level
(Mehretu
et al.
2000).
It is interesting to notice the way in which the Roma women
are affected in their domestic activities since food may be carried a long distance or
since their quarters usually do not have shops. In this respect other kinds of
marginality appears: family and gender marginality.
Marginality with its resulting tensions is not only contingent/
:
arising from poor
qualifications such as inadequate skills for effective competition on the labour
market; also lack of skill as well as information about work opportunities in
neighbouring areas. Such inequality can easily be perpetuated under a liassez-
faire market system
-
especially when the disadvantage is spontaneous is this a
key word employed by the theory? through cultural rigidity and the limited scope for
moving to a new place of residence
-
though it could be moderated when the
demand for labour is intense.
Marginality is also systemic in many respects through traditional inter-ethnic
relations (grounded in Roma exclusion) and fundamentally divergent value
systems.
In the past the Roma as a group have been reduced the slavery by the dominant
and a further example arising through the wartime deportations of the early
1940s.
Recent tensions reflect a desire to exclude Roma by ethnic cleansing and to restrict
them to specific areas or ghettoes. In
Deva
and
Piatra Neamţ
Roma have been
required to move into special designated quarters in year
2004
but with no further
results.
Indeed Roma neighbourhoods are typically poorly serviced e.d. as regards access to
shops which may require food to be carried long distances.
Tension can easily mount through the migratory tendencies which mean that large
groups could suddenly descend on a unsuspecting neighbourhood and erect
shelters or building without authorisation (and possibly in violation of the zoning
plan)
In comparison to contingent marginality, systemic marginality uses ethnicity (or
culture, immigrant status, age group) in order to exclude and marginalise: thus
systemic marginality applied to a group and contingent marginality applies to
individuals.
Philo
(2000,
p.751) explains how excluded individuals tend to become unwelcome
visitors within those spaces which come to be regarded as the loci of mainstream
social life such as middle class suburbs and prime public space. Sibley
(1995)
used
psychoanalytical arguments about self to create distance from all those perceived
as alien others transformed into
socio-spatial
configurations grounded in
114
exclusion.
Others
enter
the psyche as objects which unease and discomfort
(1998,
p.119).
As the idea began to assume policy interest Sibley
(1981)
anticipated a new
tradition of research into excluded minorities through the study of Roma and
travelling people in general. Note the
EU
projects from
1995.
Recalling the work of Lawless
et al.
(1997)
on labour markets, Sibley
(1998,
p.1999)
argued that unemployment and associated deprivations, particularly poor housing
and inadequate education can in combination amount to a denial of citizenship .
While national economies may serve adequately to integrate most of the
population, there are some on the margins who are weakly connected to the
economic system and need help
(1998,
p.199).
The idea of an inclusionary society where involvement in the dominant economy,
together with care for elderly and disabled, are the main policy objectives has to be
examined critically
(1998,
p.119). Idea of autonomy: nomadic Roma have often
sought peripheral locations on the edge of cities because in such locations they may
be able to minimise the interference of social control agencies and to maintain their
cultural separation from the defining
gaje (non-Roma)
(1998,
p.120). Thus power
relationships cannot be easily inferred from the facts of location or from
convenators of poverty or involvement in labour markets
(1998,
p.120). There is a
need to adopt other world views through ethnography or participant observation.
Thus in the
1990s
large Roma communities living at the edge of villages in the
Banat
mining zone
( Banat
Montan )
have been comfortable with a daily routine of
begging and petty theft (replicated in some West European cities) and are
seemingly indifferent to the conflict that this engenders within mainstream society.
The authorities fail to integrate these elements just as employers may overlook
Roma individuals seeking promotion in their workplaces because of their low
education.
Further collateral marginality may arise as an intermediary form (Mehretu,
et al.
2000,
p.
91)
e.g. when investors steer clear of Roma areas because of their perceived
social or environmental contamination. For instance, nobody wanted to invest in
the Roma quarter called Godinova in
Bocsa
even if the taxes on lands there are
cheap: firstly because the population is poor and unskilled and secondly because a
lot of garbage rests around. Tension could arise if Roma are believed to harbour
infectious diseases, In the Dambovita quarter of
Timişoara,
Roma are making bricks
on the margins of a local lake and people living in the block around this lake
interdict their children to play with the Roma children because they do not have
medical insurance and family doctors, they are eating unwashed fruits, vegetables
etc. and could be infected because they wash only in the waters of the lake.
International aid for Roma communities could be viewed with hostility by other
ethnic groups living in their neighbourhoods) who consider that the Roma should
115
do more to help themselves. Such examples could have been seen in the towns of
Caransebeş, Lugoj
and
Arad
where the aid were lead in
1990-2
to the poor people
and most of them were Roma.
The concepts of marginalty can be investigated at scales ranging from the
megaspace of the European periphery with the welfare of Roma as an
international issue; to the macrospace of Romania or its regions; the microspace
of a single community (typically the poor
Roma mahalale )
with age and gender as
major factors in the emergence of problems at this scale. A microperiphery is a
Roma street with Roma or even blocks of flats where Roma communities were
accommodated in many towns in the communist period
-
creating tension among
other families living in the same block or in close proximity microperiphery does not
seem to fit with the other three terms you
The
EU
report on Romania in
2000
mentioned limited staffing and budgetary
resources to support the Roma in contrast to faster progress in protecting other
minorities under the
1999
amendments to the education law (providing for the use
of minority languages at all levels of education
-
including the possibility of
separate state universities). There was also concern from the Council of Europe
over the provision of Roma schools on the basis of equal opportunity
PROGRESS OVER ROMA INTEGRATION. ROMANIAN ORGANISATIONS
The Centre of Resources of Ethnocultural Diversity s Catavencu Agency of Press
Monitoring used press and TV advertising to encourage Roma self-identification
for the
2002
census.
The Centre for Roma Social Studies launched Roma News financed by the
EU
Phare
Programme to improve them media presentation of Roma affairs and
challenge the conventional stereotypes which help to perpetuate discrimination.
Other initiatives include the newscast Rromano
Lil
as well as a radio station and
press agency reported in
2000
and they are still successful. Clearly more Roma
journalists are needed. Undoubtedly some public perceptions are exaggerated: the
Ferentari
district of south Bucharest is perceived an area prone to crime although
the rate is no greater than the average interviews revealed that residents had
witnessed relatively few incidents. (Dumitrache
&
Dumbraveanu,
1998,
pp.
61-67).
FOREIGN INITIATIVES
The
EU
launched a programme for the education of the Roma children in what was
called by the Roma leaders as the European Diaspora of the Roma population. With
Phare
support, a centre for ethnocultural diversity encouraged ethnic self-
identification for the
2002
census while another organisation for social study and
116
integration seeks to eliminate cultural stereotypes and all forms of discrimination
partly through the mass-media.
The Soros Foundation uses gold stolen from Roma by Nazis to fund scholarships
for Roma students
(0.500
in
2001) -
in Romania and other transition states. Some
have participated in an intensive management course financed by the World Bank
and the Ford Foundation.
In
2003
George Soros gave $30mln to a Roma Education Fund (which now has a
total of $43mln pledged) and followed this up by financing a World Bank
Conference in Sofia
(2005)
to agree a Decade for Social Inclusion of Roma across
the region.
GOVERNMENT
Role of government has improved under the provisions of the
1999
Accession
Partnership: Roma experts are being hired by ministries, county prefects and local
government. National Office for Roma During
2002
there have been Roma
councillors working with each
Prefectura
and County Council and collaborating
with the police and labour organisations with the aim of enhancing the integration
of Roma people: improving school attendance and labour market integration, while
reducing criminality. The problem remains over identity cards without which the
Roma cannot vote or obtain a job.
In
2001,
the Romanian Government promised improvements through a National
Office for Roma (subordinate to a Human Rights Commission within the Ministry
of Culture) acknowledging problems relating to education, unemployment and
criminality.
During
2002
there have been Roma councillors working within each county council
and prefecture: collaborating with the police and labour organisations with the aim
of enhancing the integration of Roma people: improving school attendance and
labour market
integration.
REPRESENTATION/ORGANISATIONS
There have been successes in local government, though parliamentary seats are
difficult to secure because the modest vote (reflecting lack of confidence in the
electoral system) is been split between as many as five parties.
An overarching Roma Federation emerged in
2001.
New organisations are often
dominated by their leaders due to low membership, but they seek enforcement of
anti-discrimination laws, better education and employment opportunities, more
positive media portrayal (with more dedicated radio and TV) and more effective
welfare policies.
117
SCHOOLS
Sensitivity over limited ethnic autonomy prevents Roma-managed schools with
bilingual education rather than Romanian-managed Roma segregated schools or
Romanian majority schools lacking bilingual facilities. But while some progress is
being made in education, Roma access to the labour market and social housing
remains unsatisfactory in the opinion of the
EU.
Illiterate young (married) women of
Iveşti
(from cauldron maker families) are
going to school under a basic education programme initiated by the German
foundation
Friedrich Ebert
Stiftung.
EMPLOYMENT
The Roma seem to be catching up on the rest of the population with employment
rates rising from
39
to
48%
during
1996-2001
and they earn the same as the
mainstream population after allowing for their generally poorer qualifications.
Indeed if the health and schooling of Roma were to improve to the extent that
employment prospects increase with human capital, they might move out of
poverty without having to deal with discrimination in earnings
(Mete et al.
2003
р.43).
Clearly labour market programmes must reach the unemployed Roma but in
general it may be desirable to target poor communities where Roma are over-
represented in order to avoid further
marginalisation
by singling out the group
explicitly.
HOUSING
The Roma continue to identify themselves prominently through their buildings but
in sharp contrast to crude contingency housing, the more affluent Roma are now
building palaces ( palate )- with towers covered with zinc-coated plate as a sign of
wealth. It is reported that since
1994
over a hundred such palaces have been built
by the Roma coppersmiths of
Iveşti
-
a distinct group appointing their own
bulibasha and many have moved into a so-called golden district after buying land
through companies concerned with gold and copper as well.
Some problem have arisen where the Roma have flouted the planning laws and
gone ahead with the local authority s approval. This is widespread in all places
across Romania where Roma have important communities.
Some continued conflict in
Deva
and
Sibiu
in
2001
with slogans daubed on
buildings proclaiming the Romization of Romania or Death to Gypsies when
government moved to ban Far Right organisations
TENSION
Research shows that some public prejudice is unfounded: although the
Ferentari
district of south Bucharest is perceived an area prone to crime although the rate is
118
actually no greater than the average and interviews shiw that residents had
witnessed relatively few incidents. (Dumitrache
&
Dumbraveanu,
1998,
pp.
61-67).
Still some tension: in
Deva
and
Sibiu
in late
2001
Noua Dreapta
(New Right-Wing)
organisations slogans were blamed for grafitti referring to the Romization of
Romania or Death to Gypsies
-
followed by action to outlaw such groups.
Closure over Hadareni?
2005
saw the conclusion of two legal actions: one by the
Romanian authorities confirming an earlier decision that the Romanians
responsible should to pay compensation and to have their houses seized in the
process (although the houses have not yet been taken) and another by the
European Court of Human Rights (started in
2000)
required the Romanian
government to pay
€500,000
to the Roma victims. Meanwhile the National Agency
for the Roma (replacing the Department of Roma Affairs in
2004)
has been joined
by the
NGO
Partners for Local Development Foundation over community projects
to improve relations (e.g. in health and education in
2005).
SPECIFIC PROBLEMS IN
BANAT
AND
CRIŞANA
Similar problems over the need for greater integration (through the education
system), higher employment and reduced criminality.
Similar tendency over organisation: a Roma newspaper appeared in
Timişoara
in
1990:
Ό
glaso
al
rromengo; ( The Voice of the Roma ) as a supplement of
Baricada
Cases of demolition of illegally-erected Roma palaces in
Timişoara
after a
spontaneous migration to
Strada Constantin Diaconovici
Loga
(with some
diplomatic fall-out in the case of some individuals with double (Romanian-French)
citizenship. This is frequent in all
Banat
municipalities
(Timişoara, Arad, Lugoj)
where many Roma have double citizenship.
However there has been little violence or because of a good inter-ethnic
relationships there were no violent events or the daubing of slogans.
Banat
is favoured for foreign investment by its location in the west; reinforced by
the social harmony maintained through several centuries by a multi-ethnic society.
This should make for better opportunities for the local Roma even though they
secure only the lowest-paid jobs because they lack professional training.
The integration of Roma is a social problem with deep historical roots and one
which shows a consistent pattern of marginality. It may be relevant to ask to what
extent the Roma have tacitly encouraged or acquiesced in their
marginalisation
as a
means of preserving elements in their culture; although it is also evident that the
authorities have been unable to resource policies of social inclusion and have
-
at
times
-
sought radical and inhumane solutions. However now that the European
concept of an inclusive society cannot now accept Roma maginalisation policies
will have to be seen through to a successful conclusion.
119
This paper has pointed to
ä
promising start but the challenge remains to accelerate
the social integration of the Roma while at the same time preserving appropriate
elements of their culture.
Issue of welfare retrenchment: all postcommuist states went through periods of
welfare state retrenchment and programmatic liberalization during the
1990s
[when] faced with economic recessions and new problems of poverty and
unemployment, governments reduced subsidies and entitlements, introduced
means-testing of benefits to direct them toward the new poor, and privatized some
welfare services (Cook
2005,
p.lOl). It is also argued that all welfare states produce
constituencies including groups that enjoyed benefits as recipients under the
comprehensive but low-provisioned welfare systems of communism but evidently
in Romania the representative institutions have not afforded the Roma adequate
influence.
CASE STUDY: GEOGRAPHICAL PROBLEMS CONCERNING THE ROMA
POPULATION FROM
MĂGURI
Based on the opinion test organised by the
Lugoj
City Hall, about the
Roma population from
Măguri,
suburban locality of this municipality, have
taken out a lot of
conclussions
viewing the socio-economical and cultural
actually situation of this minority. The
Măguri
locality was containing in
2002
a
total of
1,678
persons and it is atestated in
1758,
from the Habsburgs domination,
respectively from the Maria
Tereza
reigm. The gipsies slaveries have not the
permission to sit in the nearness space of German
Lugoj.
In the
begining,
here
was a community composed by a few gipsies families, but the raised natality of
them have determinated as in our days that
Măguri
being the most
representative gipsies community from the Western Romania. Till the
1900,
the
village presented a mixed population with Romanians and gipsies, but after
1945,
and especially after
1990
the gipsies have
spred
in the houses in which were
living Romanians. The majourity of them have migrated to
Lugoj
or
Timişoara.
The actually
romanian
Houses from the eastern part of the village are recent
constructions, after
1990
the Romanian population being attracted by the
favourable agriculture land. The Roma population communities from
Lugoj
are
distributed in three districts: Mondial (near Mondial
Lugoj
factory), where works
all the active Roma population from the district, Casztela and Naimontele. From
the streets total of the town, the gipsies are living in their majourity on the
following streets:
Decembrie
13rd
st.,
The Spring Street, The Nightingale Street,
The Hatching Hen Street and D. Bolintineanu Street.
120
a). The actual geodemographical structures
■
The numerical evolution of locality reveal a strong ascenssion especially for
the period by the Second World War. Thus if in the
1900
in
Măguri
were existing
only
335
gipsies, in
1992
here was registered
735
persons. From the data offered
by the City Hall of
Lugoj
in January
2002
(the official data of this rural locality
level of the census from
2002,
weren t publicly at the date of taking the land
material), the gipsies totalize
1,678
persons. We can distinguish that this number
including also a part of the gipsies that were situated in the hearth of the
Lugoj
municipality. This massive raise in comparation with
1992
due to the locality
area extenssion to south and to Mondial factory from
Lugoj.
The ethnic structure of population in
2002
presents a majority of gipsies
(80.7%),
followd by the Romanians
(15%)
and Hungarians
(4,3%).
In
1900
the
village was in its majourity
romanian,
the gipsies registering only
40%
from the
population total. Viewing the spoken language s structure less of half of the
gipsies from
Măguri
(830
persons) spoke the rromani language and the rest
spoke the Hungarian language because of the tradition, they were being situated
at the finally of the 19th century under the Hungarian administrations.
The confessional structure of the population in
2002
reveal a majourity of
Penticostal
creed with a numerical total of
877
persons in comparation with the
755
orthodocs gipsies.
b). The economic integration of the Roma population
The modality integration of the gipsies from the economic point of view
can be regard from the Roma population professional structure analyssis. Thus,
from the traditional jobs in our days we can observe: boiler maker, brickmaker,
fiddler (musicians), ironsmith and horse coper, and from the modern jobs that
this community are practiced we can
menţionate:
salubrity worker, tailor,
shoemaker, bricklayer, welder, Iacksmith, technician. The most practiced job by
the gipsy male active population is the salubrity worker in the municipality of
Lugoj
and the bricklayers, but only
20
persons are employed in this two fields.
The traditional jobs were numerical outruned by the modern jobs involving some
integration of the gipsies in the modern professions that characterised the
actually society, reality viewed in it s positive sense but also in a negative one, by
the Roma population communities leaders from the locality. The jobs as welder,
locksmith and technician are specify for the adult persons that were been
educated in the professional schools from the
comunist regim
period, in present
this segment of population being unemployed workers. The jobs as tailor and
shoemaker are considerate the most recentely, being specify for the Roma
population teenager educated as handicraftsmen in the respectively fields after
1990.
121
The numerical repartition of the gipsies to the traditional jobs reflects:
rromungrens, broomers, brickmakers, fiddlers; in change of it in this locality no
exisfcshoemakers, cocalari, gabori,
lingurari, rudari, spoitori, ursari.
Since
2002
in
Măguri
were existing only
5%
activ
gipsies workers (from the total population of
the locality), the City Hall have repeately convened the representative persons
from the biggest firms from
Lugoj
as Lugomet, Mondial, Salprest,
Schuh-Union,
Filseta etc. The objectiv of these meetings were the gipsies teenagers and adults
engagement in this economic units.
c) The cultural situation and the social integration of the Roma population in
Măguri
Viewing the old feastes or traditional events that are remained in our days
we can
menţionate: Zăposatul
in march and the Gipsies Ball (in octomber). The
most known actually cultural activity financed by the nongovernmental
organisations is the gipsies children Feast. A very
activ role
occurs to the gipsies
Women organisation in unfurling by the
concret
activities for the Roma
population women. From the publications for this ethnicity we can
menţionate:
The Monography of
Măguri
Village in which are detailed the gipsies ocupation
and their own lifestyle especially for the
comunist
period. Through the cultural
activities from the past there are recognized as the Roma population
personalities: the priest Traian
Bălăgeanu
-
the founder of the orthodox church
from
Măguri, Căldăraş Cristian
-
gipsy baron till
1959,
Cârpaci
Adolf
-
gipsy
baron till
1983,
and
Rădulescu Ion
Puschit the chief musicians from the village.
The church where the gipsies pray is the
Penticostal
one called Betesda (nr.
5).
Here where attracted the majourity gipsies from
Măguri
since
1970-1980.
The folk music band from
Măguri
is known as the most numerous and
performant
band from
Banat.
The gipsies pupuils frecquent the following
schools: The secondary school nr.
12
from
Măguri,
respectively The school
number
2
and number
5
from
Lugoj.
Since
1999
in the school from
Măguri
is
teaching in rromani language. The educational situation of the Roma population
children is in the following way:
•
The children join to the
Măguri
kindergarten
- 25;
•
The children join to the gymnasyum from
Măguri
-130;
•
The children join to the schools from
Lugoj
- 3;
•
The children join to the professional schools from
Lugoj
- 20;
•
The children join to the
Lugoj
colleges
- 3;
It is detached the fact that less than half of the teenagers from
Măguri
are
educated. In the village were unfurling till now the following projects: The equal
chances through education
Edu 2000+,
The gipsies children Feast and the
introducing of the
curent
water in the school, The nongovernment organisations
that are sustaining the gipsies from
Măguri
are: The Hope Angels
Fondation
122
from
Lugoj,
Bethany Social Services
Fondation
and Charity Association of the
Catholic-Greek Diocese from
Lugoj.
Many teenagers gipsies frequent the
professional formation based on the
suport
accorded by this
fondations.
The
Parudimos Association from
Timişoara
has initiated the complex preparation for
the Roma population! teenager from the
Timiş
county. This association financed
20
gipsies teenagers who wants to involve in the community problems being
prepared in the following fields: comunication, community development and
legislation. In this way it can be created the county network of the gipsies
teenager that are able to solution the important problems of the Roma population
communities. From the prioritary unsolutioned projects in present ioi the Roma
population community we can mention:
•
The unfurling programs viewing the health education;
•
The gipsies children rights protection;
•
The cultural projects based on the tradition promotion;
•
The projects regarding the school recovery of the gipsies children
wich
have stopped the school activity in the first cycle, or are completely
uneducated;
d) Unsolved problems
The majourity of the gipsies from
Măguri
want to materialise the following
priorities:
•
Affirmative and susteinable measures viewing the increasing of chances
equality;
•
Fighting against the social exclussion and the Roma population
discrimination;
•
The efficiency of the dialogue between the Roma population communities
and the local autorities;
•
The reinforcement of the community leaders role for the community
involving in solving the specify problems;
By the level of the
170
Roma population household from
Măguri
based on the
questionnaire applied to
139
from these, there were identified the following
problems:
•
The absence of a health unit with the necessary endamments and a
permanent doctor;
•
A semnificative
part of the Roma population have no health asiguration
(especially the unemployed persons, and also the gipsies that are not
benefy by the social help, reality that lead to a more raised mortality
instalment in the gipsies community;
•
A precarious material situation because of the law wages, or the
inexistence
of it, the gipsies demanding helping for heating (with fire
123
woods because the village is not connect to the gas pipe), writing
materials, clothes etc;
•
The innexistency of the common transport on route
Măguri-Lugoj
on
Saturday and Sunday;
•
The county road
Lugoj - Măguri
is badly keep up, fact that depends on
the
Timiş
County
Conseil
and no by the
Lugoj
House Hall;
·
The necessity of Cultural hearth arrangement, devoided in present by the
electric installation and other technics endowments including here the
decotation of it;
•
The Roma population no dispose by the agricultural lands in their own for
ensure the daily food, because it was ascertained the lack of the ownership
documents and more of that, the lack of the identity documents for the
Roma population at the Persons
Informatic
Evidence Bureau from the
municipality of
Lugoj;
•
The abssence of a communal library;
•
The extenssion of the network of drinking water;
•
The desire of reception some television programs as
Europa Nova Lugoj;
•
The assembly of the electricity pillars because at the village s margins
have built a lot of houses that are not connected to the
electie
network;
•
The number of the children that join the school us very reduced, in
2002
the adult persons appointing in work permanently
(activ
population)
were very reduced
(25
persons);
From the
activ
implications realised by the
roma
population problems Council
from
Lugoj
we mention: the financial help for the Roma population that are
growing animals for their own
consum
(not for sale); social dwelings based on
points; clothes and food offered as social help from the Local Council from
Lugoj,
distributed by the channels of various
fondation,
fire woods and a lower price for
it; the retrocession of some lands that were abusive confiscated based on the legal
procedure that exists in present.
CONCLUSIONS
The gipsies history is a compex one, manifested by long periods of
opresión.
For many times the human rights of the Roma population were
encroached. We consider that the gipsies problems from
Banat
and
Crişara
are
confronted, implicit from the entire
romanian
geographical space from the point
of view of the
interes
idea for social and economic integration of the gipsies,
ínteres
manifested at the national level but also in the international space. To
avoid the marginality situation of the gipsies we suggest that the considerations
anterior exposed to be removed by programs or nongovernments projects or
local administration programs. Also the development agencies and the
124
Investments
institution
can lead to the social integration of the gipsies, but in the
same time can generate conditions for keeping the cultural traditions of the
gipsies in Romania.
In the geographical repartition of the Roma population from
Banat
and
Crişana
it is remarked the trend of a Roma population increase, especially in
plain areas or in the contact zones with the hill areas, but we can t spoke about
teritorial
concentration, of gipsies.
Still, too little villages have rnajourity of Roma population from these is
detaching the suburban locality
Măguri.
This one is the most representative
locality with majourity of Roma population from the
Banat
and
Crişana
regions.
The Roma population still feel the
efect
of marginal population in actually society
because of the non-fulfillment of a entire series of claims, mentioned by many
persons investigated on the land. We can ascertain that a very reduced number
of the gipsies integrated in the work field in
Lugoj
industry and from the social
demands (fire woods distribution, identity documents, the agriculture land
distribution, the keeping and development of the Roma population tradition),
have realised in present so little things.
125
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| adam_txt |
CUPRINS
Prefaţă
. 7
Introducere
. 9
1.
ISTORICUL CERCETĂRII RROMILOR
. 10
2.
RROMII DIN BANAT ŞI SUDUL CRIŞANEI:
ORIGINE ŞI
MIGRATIE
. 14
2.1.
Originea rromilor
. 14
2.2.
Migraţia rromilor spre Europa
. 14
2.3.
Apariţia rromilor pe teritoriul României
. 17
2.4.
Rromii din Transilvania, Crişana şi Banat
. 18
2.4.1.
Primele valuri migratorii şi situaţia rromilor în perioada de robie.
18
2.4.2.
Abolirea sclaviei şi fenomenul celei de-a doua migraţii a rromilor
21
2.4.3.
Rromii sub administraţie românească, până la instalarea
comunismului
. 22
2.4.4.
Impactul regimului comunist asupra vieţii rromilor
. 24
2.4.5.
Rromii în perioada actuală de tranziţie
. 27
3.
DISPARITĂŢI SPAŢIALE ALE RROMILOR ÎN BANAT ŞI
SUDUL CRIŞANEI
(1900-2007). 31
3.1.
Perioada
1900-1945. 31
3.2.
Perioada
1945-1989. 32
3.3.
Perioada post-decembristă
(1990-2007). 33
4.
IDENTIFICARE, IDENTITATE ŞI DIVERSITATE
. 44
4.1.
Probleme de identificare
. 44
4.2.
Identitate etnică: rromisau ţigani?
. 45
4.3.
Limba romani
(romanes)
. 47
4.4.
Segregarea profesională a rromilor
. 48
4.5.
Imaginea societăţii rroma: prejudecată, stereotipie sau adevăr?
. 50
5.
TRADIŢIILE RROMILOR
. 55
5.1.
Evenimentele vieţii: naşterea, nunta şi înmormântarea
. 55
5.2.
Conducerea comunităţii şi judecata ţigănească
. 57
5.3.
Tezaurizarea aurului în familie
. 59
5.4.
Rromii şi gadje
. 59
5.5.
Superstiţia
-
componentă a culturii rromilor
. 60
5.6.
Creşterea cabalinelor
. 61
5.7.
Portul popular
. 62
5.8.
Muzica ţigănească
. 62
6.
CONCEPTUL DE MARGINALITATE SOCIALĂ ŞI ECONOMICĂ.
TIPURI DE MARGINALITATE
. 64
6.1.
Ce înţelegem prin marginalitate?
. 64
6.2.
Tipuri de marginalitate
. 65
6.2.1.
Marginalitatea contingenţă
. 65
6.2.2.
Marginalitatea
sistemica
. 66
6.2.3.
Marginalitatea colaterală
. 67
6.3.
Marginalitatea şi scările spaţiale de analiză
. 67
7.
AUTOEXCLUDEREA ŞI EXCLUDEREA COMUNITARĂ
. 69
7.1.
Autoexcluderea
. 69
7.2.
Excluderea comunitară (structurală)
. 71
8.
INTEGRAREA
SOCIAL-ECONOMICA A RROMILOR
. 74
8.1.
De la marginalitate şi (auto)excludere spre integrare socială
. 74
8.1.1.
Barometrul incluziunii rromilor
. 74
8.1.2.
Eliminarea conflictelor interetnice şi a infracţionalităţii
. 75
8.1.3.
Soluţii de integrare în societate. Priorităţi de acţiune
. 81
8.2.
Programe naţionale şi europene de integrare
. 83
8.2.1.
Strategii de incluziune
. 84
8.2.2.
Evaluarea problemei rromilor:
indicatori de
efecte şi de rezultate
86
8.2.3.
Dinamica finanţării programelor destinate rromilor
(1996-2005). 88
8.3.
Monitorizarea strategiei de îmbunătăţire a situaţiei marginale a
rromilor. Cazul judeţului Timiş
(2001-2006). 92
8.3.1.
Structuri administrative
. 92
8.3.2.
Participare publică, sănătate şi protecţie socială
. 94
8.3.3.
Educaţia şi protecţia copilului
. 95
8.3.4.
Iniţiative economice şi construirea de locuinţe
. 96
8.3.5.
Cultură, justiţie şi ordine publică
. 97
8.3.6.
Comunicare şi implicare civică
. 98
9.
STUDIU DE CAZ: ANALIZA PROBLEMELOR SOCIALE ŞI
ECONOMICE ALE RROMILOR DIN MĂGURI
. 99
9.1.
Aspecte
geodemografice
. 99
9.2.
Activităţi economice
. 101
9.3.
Valenţe culturale şi programe de integrare socială
., 103
9.4.
Probleme actuale nerezolvate
. 105
Concluzii
. 107
Abstract
. 108
Bibliografie
. 126
ABSTRACT
THE
ROMA IN
ROMANIAN
BANAT
AND SOUTH
CRIŞANA
REGIONS:
A STUDY IN MARGINALITY
Introduction
In comparison to other ethnic minorities the Roma have been slow to integrate and
some elements have retained a traditional instinct for the nomadic in preference top
claims for their own territory (Cretan,
1999).
Tolerated and yet rejected or
persecuted, the Roma 'culture of survival' stands a one of Romania's 'sub-histories'
features a nation with Indian origins living in exile in Europe where a certain
freedom of cultural expression and resistance to assimilation has been bought at the
price of official attitudes fluctuating between ambivalent toleration and oppressive
discrimination in search of more cohesive societies for either multi-national empires
or nation states. Only Roma can really assess the price paid for their 'freedom' to be
different: a separateness that extends even to their name since they do not accept
the names used by others
-
ranging from the Greek term 'atsinganos' or
'atsinkanos' linked with 14th century India;
'Ţigani'
or
'Zigeuner' -
with many
other variants
-
relating to a long
'séjour'
in Persia; 'Egyptians' reflecting their
former residence in Little
Egypť
-
the bend of Pelopones near Mount Gype from
which the English term 'gypsy' is derived (Humeau
1992,
p.6). Instead these
'nomads of he plains'
-
adapting to their physical environment through centuries of
movement (Ely,
1964) -
see themselves as Roma.
In this book we attempt conceptualise their marginality which constitutes an
important part of the 'poverty problem' accompanying Romania's transition from
communism to
EU
accession.
Social studies frequently portray the Roma as a disadvantaged group suffering
relatively low living standards (Sibley,
1998,
p.120-1;
Kocsis,
2000,
p.121-5; Cook,
2005,
p.102-4; Humeau,
1992,
p.35-9). The Roma of Romania are no exception
(Dobraca,
1994,
p.67-8;
Achim, 1998,
p.44-9).
In this study we provide a historical context covering the salient features of the
last two centuries which have seen great changes in socioeconomic fortunes and
political subordination.
While discrimination is undeniable, the Roma for their part have maintained
what they see as their identity
-
notwithstanding the perception of such a
separatist stance as tantamount to criminality and rejection of improvement
through regular work and education; aggravated by reluctance to conform to
108
normal
conventions
such
as carrying their identity card or bulletin without which
they cannot legally get work or cast their vote.
In the light of Europe's insistence on appropriate solutions to these problems we
examine the policy initiative of the last
15
years and the Roma response to them
with particular reference to
Banat
since this ethnically-diverse part of western
Romania has a distinguished record for social'integration to the point where it
may provide a model for progress in other parts of the country.
HISTORICAL SUMMARY
The Roma appeared in Romania in
1374
although it was only after
1386
that they
reached the Hungarian Kingdom. In
1424,
according to the constitution, the Roma
of Transylvania were led by
a 'voievod'
but in
1588
were not allowed to have a
leader.
Habsburg
documents of
1712
show the Roma as serfs belonging to the
landowners (including many monastic communities) for whom some of them acted
as copper- and goldsmiths. (Cretan,
2002,
p.
461).
Their nomadic activity consisted
of wanderings from place to place within the
Habsburg
Empire
-
each summer
with the permission of those landowners where they stopped, while during winter
they had "specific quarters". Control brought some protection, but at the cost of
assimilation since the use of their mother tongue and traditional clothing was
forbidden especially during period of slavery
- (Achim, 1998,
p.88). In
1761
Maria
Theresa imposed the first law to settle and assimilate the Roma, dubbed 'New
Hungarians'. The main stipululation of this law was to impose them to built houses
rennouncing at tents and the Roma children should be taken care by families of
other ethnicity. More radically, in
1773
Maria Theresa ordered that all Roma
children over five years of age be taken from their parents and cared for by the
peasants distant village although many were able to escape. Through this action it
is appreciated that about a quarter of the
Banat
gypsies in the 18th century were
assimilated as Germans
(Achim, 1998,
p.95). Then in
1782,
the next
Habsburg
head
of state Joseph1 II issued an edict of
59
points including the requirements that Roma
children should attend school and church regularly while they continued to be
denied their own language, costume and music; such were negative perceptions of
Roma culture which included a propensity for cannibalism. However little progress
was made because the relatively objective contemporary writings of Francesco
Griselini point to the perpetuation of a nomadic lifestyle (casting doubt on the
accuracy of
Johann
Jakob Ehrler's estimate of 'some
5,000
gypsies' in
Banat
around
1770
(Ehrler,
1982).
The total of
5,272
in the
1774
Habsburg
Conscription worked
out at
1.3%
of a total of
317,928 -
compared with
3%
for Jews,
2.5%
for Bulgarians
('Carasoveni'),
13.0%
for Germans, French and Italians;
24.0%
for Serbs and
59.0%
for Romanians)
-
is almost certainly given a probable lack of interest by the
109
enumerators in an essentially nomadic population that was believed by
comtemporary academics like
Valy
to have originated in India
(Fraser,
1994;
Stewart,
1996)
Emancipation
('slobozenie')
came in
1848
in the
Habsburg
lands
-
a little ahead of
the Principalities in
1856
where Prince Alexander loan Cuza was able to secure
legal freedom for all Roma in Moldova region. Emigration was also an option and
although many were subsequently expelled from the USA for criminality they
could at least return with capital resources set them apart from those who had
stayed at home. Meanwhile in Germany Bismarck was quick to close the frontier
(Crowe,
1996)
and in
1905,
the scale of illegal camping and fishing, along with
damage to the forests, was such as to require expulsion of all those who had arrived
from the
Habsburg
Empire. Meanwhile the Hungarian authorities were also
imposing restrictions. In
1860
many rural Roma in
Banat
preferred to stay around
monasteries or moved and formed
'mahalale'
(poor residential areas) on the edge
of towns and villages. Even if they were free they do not have enough money to
build new houses in residential areas. On the other hand, Romanian publications
on the Roma community appeared in various academic disciplines including
including history, literature and poetry (Vasile Alecsandri, Gheorghe Asachi,
Cezar
Bolliac
Barbu Constantinescu
and
Mihail Kogalniceanu).
In the inter-war period Roma assimilation (which included greater use of the
Romanian language) by was balanced by moves towards autonomy and national
and local levels especially in the
1930s
through newspapers such as
'Glasul
Romilor'
in Bucharest and
'Timpul'
in Craiova; while G.A. Lazurica (a well-known
Roma personality) founded a 'General Association of the Roma from Romania' in
1933
which proposed, amongst other things, a dedicated hospital and university
only for the Roma. However, such organisations were unable to consolidate; while
Roma handicrafts became uncompetitive due to the development of factory
industry. Fascism came to the fore as Hitler cancelled all the civil rights for the
Roma from Germany and began a strong racist policy, reflected later in Romania
under dictatorship in
1940.
Progress went into reverse the following year when
Antonescu (seeking to marginalise undesirable minorities) used a secret Roma
census as the basis for the massive deportation to the captured Soviet territory of
Transnistria during
1942-44.
A total of some
20,000
Roma
(4,000
of them from
Banat)
reached the Bug river area, but with neither work nor means of subsistence
about half of them died. Despite poor organisation the privations of war the stark
realities of ethnic cleansing and genocide cannot be denied. Equality after the war
resulted in discrimination being replaced by neglect since cultural development
was compromised by the lack of education in the Roma mother tongue while the
Roma failed to benefit from the land reform of
1946;
while the Political Office of the
110
Romanian Workers' Party did not recognise the Roma minority when it came to
power in
1948
and the General Union of
Roma (Uniunea Generală a Romilor),
former General Association of the Roma from Romania, ceased to exist (though it
had not functioned since
1941).
Despite equality under the law, the Roma were neglected under communism: there
was no specific education in the Roma mother tongue and no benefit from the
1945
land reform; while their organization was not allowed to re-form. They also
suffered from the general confiscation of wealth (through their significant holdings
in gold). Since integration policies in the
1950s
were not fully implemented, there
was no overwhelming pressure to settle. And although measures taken to stimulate
a higher birth rate from
1967
included family benefits which were very helpful for
large Roma families (typically with five or more children), the more determined
efforts made during
1977-83
to accelerate social and cultural development through
education and settlement policies were inadequately resources. However the Roma
were employed predominantly as unskilled workers by giant industrial enterprises
or socialist (state or cooperative) farms; though they were allowed to remain a
distinct community (declaring themselves as Roma for census purposes from
1977)
and to grow relatively rapidly in numbers. In lowland
Banat
they typically
accounted
5-15%
of individual village communities (rather more in the vicinity of
monasteries) and might constitute a large majority in some special cases like
Măguri
near
Lugoj
where most Romanians moved into the town and left the Roma
to take over their houses and gardens. Thus the departing Romanians sold their
property to Roma.
Although the generic term "Roma" was introduced in western countries in the
1970s,
the communist regime in Romania would not allow this term to be used,
declaring them officially
"ţigani
(gypsies)". The change of their official name as
Roma could only take place after the
1989
revolution. In addition they often face
discrimination by community elites and small minorities feel isolated with reduced
solidarity within their communities and family networks.
Of course the Roma now comprise diverse elements, as in
Sângeorgiu de Mureş
where there are four groups differentiated according to residence, dress, language
(Romany, Romanian and Hungarian) and employments.
'Their
marginalisation
by the society on which they live and their manner of
obtaining the economic resources necessary for life are characteristics which set
them apart as an anti-social ethnic group" (Costachie
1997,
p.112).
Initially the situation became even more difficult due to the loss of employment
and lack of strong claims for land restitution; Indeed "the loss of agricultural
employment had an especially negative effect on the living standards, social status
and inter-ethnic relations of Roma in rural areas" where two-thirds reside
(Barany
111
2004,
p.259),
while stealing from private farms was not tolerated in same the way as
theft from the old communist cooperative. Exclusion from villages might make for
resumption of an itinerant lifestyle or removal to squatter Settlements close to the
towns.
Lack of awareness of the importance of education: there are many drop-outs from
school in the
5-8
classes
-
because many Roma children, especially in rural areas, are
put to work when they finish four year school (Dobraca
1994,
p.66). Divorce was
not practiced but it remained usual for girls to marry at the age of
10-11
and boys at
12-13.
Usually the Roma could secure only the lowest-paid jobs because they lacked
professional training and many did not carry an identity card
('buletin')
without
which they were barred from legal employment and social benefits
Although some affluent Roma families were buying cars they could not drive (since
illiterate owners could not get licences)
-
as well as expensive kitchen equipment
that the women did not have the education to use
-
the majority lived in severe
poverty: 'finding fruit' in the summer while they 'die of starvation' in the winter
when searching garbage dumps may yield a few dollars through the recovery of
plastic crates, copper wire and scrap iron while 'pursued by a dozen stray dogs,
circled by black flurries of crows, enveloped in the acrid stench of the refuse and
stung by the winds of a Balkan winter'. Their 'contingency' housing often lacks
basic utilities:
70%
of households have no running water and
80%
cannot afford
drugs. In addition small minorities felt isolated and vulnerable to discrimination by
community elites.
Those who emigrated often became involved in highly organized 'aggressive'
begging and criminality in West European cities and there have been many cases of
repatriation. But while some became an obvious embarrassment: undermining
Romania's prospects as potential foreign investors saw in their own countries the
worst possible representation of Romanian society;.others became well-integrated
into Western business, like the Novacovici family with their summer palace in
Buziaş (Timiş
county) supported by a network of flower shops in Sweden.
However the Roma did begin to organize. In
1990
a movement for Roma
emancipation was started under the leadership of the Democratic Union of Roma
(Uniuna
Democrata
a Rromilor)
-
which became the Roma Party
(Partida Romilor)
in
1992 -
and the Roma Society
('Societatea Romilor')
which dissolved in
1992
because of inner quarrels. There were also cultural organisations such as
'Aven
amentza' (Cultural Foundation of Roma Emancipation), the General Union of
Roma ('Uniunea Generala a Romilor)
and the Roma Women's Organisation
('Organizaţia Femeilor Ţiganei).
Meanwhile traditional leadership was manifested
through the
Cioabă
and
Rădulescu
families in
Sibiu.
Indeed,
Iulian Rădulescu
-
self-
112
styled 'emperor of all Roma'
-
is still looking for compensation for his deportation
to Transnistria in
1942.
However traditional leaders were not considered effective
because authority is "rarely recognised beyond their extended families and the
people who are keen to do business with them"
(Barany
2004,
p.263).
Household surveys indicated an overall poverty rate of
76.4%
in
1995
and
78.8%
in
1997
compared with national average figures of
25.3%
and
30.8%
respectively, With
low educational achievement (in
1998 44%
of the Roma population had not
completed the basic eight-year schooling programme) barriers were encountered in
the labour market; while most Roma lived in settlements with quasi-legal housing
arrangements. A gender component arose because Roma girls were dropping out
of school early and were often at risk through poor reproductive health; while
Roma boys were disproportionately represented among the juvenile delinquent
population.
A number of violent incidents occurred. Some localised pogroms were reported
immediately after the revolution but ten Roma homes were burnt in
Racşa (Oraşu
Nou
commune,
Satu
Mare
county) in
1994
where those responsible were forced to
rebuild. Tension in
Piatra Neamţ
led the mayor at one stage to advocate a Roma
ghetto under armed guard. The worst ethnic violence occurred in
Hădăreni
(Cheţani
commune in
Mureş
county) in September
1993
when an innocuous
conversation between three young Roma men and a non-Roma woman sparked a
series of arguments and confrontations: a Romanian man was stabbed (and later
died) leading to a pogrom in which three Roma were killed while
13
houses were
burnt and five others ransacked, Police are alleged to have incited further anti-
Roma violence after they arrived. Although several Romanians were jailed for
murder and arson the sentences for murder were considered light
-
and were
subsequently reduced with compensation (in one case) that was greater than what
a widow of one of the murdered Roma had received.
CONCEPTUALISING EXCLUSION AND MARGINALITY
The concept may be applied not only to economic disadvantage (low living
standards in the context of the general level of wellbeing) but also to
environmental, social-cultural and political disadvantages
-
please give examples
as they affect Roma. Where marginality occurs in all these domains then the
condition is one of particular severity among the Roma in parts of Romania.
Disadvantage is arguably greatest in case of a large number of children looked after
by a Roma mother who is divorced or widowed. Hence the gender component to
marginality. Indeed most of the 'inactive' Roma aged under
18
years or over
65
live
in poverty, with poverty rates increasing according to the number of children in the
113
family. Gender inequality arises through access to employment and the wage level
(Mehretu
et al.
2000).
It is interesting to notice the way in which the Roma women
are affected in their domestic activities since food may be carried a long distance or
since their quarters usually do not have shops. In this respect other kinds of
marginality appears: family and gender marginality.
Marginality with its resulting tensions is not only 'contingent/
:
arising from poor
qualifications such as inadequate skills for effective competition on the labour
market; also lack of skill as well as information about work opportunities in
neighbouring areas. Such inequality can easily be perpetuated under a 'liassez-
faire' market system
-
especially when the disadvantage is 'spontaneous' is this a
key word employed by the theory? through cultural rigidity and the limited scope for
moving to a new place of residence
-
though it could be moderated when the
demand for labour is intense.
Marginality is also 'systemic' in many respects through traditional inter-ethnic
relations (grounded in Roma exclusion) and fundamentally divergent value
systems.
In the past the Roma as a group have been reduced the slavery by the dominant
and a further example arising through the wartime deportations of the early
1940s.
Recent tensions reflect a desire to exclude Roma by ethnic cleansing and to restrict
them to specific areas or ghettoes. In
Deva
and
Piatra Neamţ
Roma have been
required to move into special designated quarters in year
2004
but with no further
results.
Indeed Roma neighbourhoods are typically poorly serviced e.d. as regards access to
shops which may require food to be carried long distances.
Tension can easily mount through the migratory tendencies which mean that large
groups could suddenly descend on a unsuspecting neighbourhood and erect
shelters or building without authorisation (and possibly in violation of the zoning
plan)
In comparison to contingent marginality, systemic marginality uses ethnicity (or
culture, immigrant status, age group) in order to exclude and marginalise: thus
systemic marginality applied to a group and contingent marginality applies to
individuals.
Philo
(2000,
p.751) explains how excluded individuals tend to 'become unwelcome
visitors within those spaces which come to be regarded as the loci of 'mainstream'
social life' such as middle class suburbs and prime public space. Sibley
(1995)
used
psychoanalytical arguments about 'self' to create distance from all those perceived
as alien 'others' transformed into
socio-spatial
configurations grounded in
114
exclusion.
Others'
'enter
the psyche as objects which unease and discomfort'
(1998,
p.119).
As the idea began to assume policy interest Sibley
(1981)
anticipated a new
tradition of research into excluded minorities through the study of Roma and
travelling people in general. Note the
EU
projects from
1995.
Recalling the work of Lawless
et al.
(1997)
on labour markets, Sibley
(1998,
p.1999)
argued that 'unemployment and associated deprivations, particularly poor housing
and inadequate education can in combination amount to a denial of citizenship'.
While national economies may 'serve adequately to integrate most of the
population, there are some on the margins who are weakly connected to the
economic system and need help'
(1998,
p.199).
"The idea of an inclusionary society where involvement in the dominant economy,
together with care for elderly and disabled, are the main policy objectives has to be
examined critically'
(1998,
p.119). Idea of autonomy: nomadic Roma 'have often
sought peripheral locations on the edge of cities because in such locations they may
be able to minimise the interference of social control agencies and to maintain their
cultural separation from the defining
gaje' (non-Roma)
(1998,
p.120). Thus 'power
relationships cannot be easily inferred from the facts of location or from
convenators of poverty or involvement in labour markets'
(1998,
p.120). There is a
need to adopt other 'world views' through ethnography or participant observation.
Thus in the
1990s
large Roma communities living at the edge of villages in the
Banat
mining zone
('Banat
Montan')
have been 'comfortable' with a daily routine of
begging and petty theft (replicated in some West European cities) and are
seemingly indifferent to the conflict that this engenders within mainstream society.
The authorities fail to integrate these elements just as employers may overlook
Roma individuals seeking promotion in their workplaces because of their low
education.
Further 'collateral' marginality may arise as an intermediary form (Mehretu,
et al.
2000,
p.
91)
e.g. when investors steer clear of Roma areas because of their perceived
social or environmental contamination. For instance, nobody wanted to invest in
the Roma quarter called Godinova in
Bocsa
even if the taxes on lands there are
cheap: firstly because the population is poor and unskilled and secondly because a
lot of garbage rests around. Tension could arise if Roma are believed to harbour
infectious diseases, In the Dambovita quarter of
Timişoara,
Roma are making bricks
on the margins of a local lake and people living in the block around this lake
interdict their children to play with the Roma children because they do not have
medical insurance and family doctors, they are eating unwashed fruits, vegetables
etc. and could be infected because they wash only in the waters of the lake.
International aid for Roma communities could be viewed with hostility by other
ethnic groups living in their neighbourhoods) who consider that the Roma should
115
do more to help themselves. Such examples could have been seen in the towns of
Caransebeş, Lugoj
and
Arad
where the aid were lead in
1990-2
to the poor people
and most of them were Roma.
The concepts of marginalty can be investigated at scales ranging from the
'megaspace' of the European periphery with the welfare of Roma as an
international issue; to the 'macrospace' of Romania or its regions; the 'microspace'
of a single community (typically the poor
Roma 'mahalale')
with age and gender as
major factors in the emergence of problems at this scale. A microperiphery is a
Roma street with Roma or even blocks of flats where Roma communities were
accommodated in many towns in the communist period
-
creating tension among
other families living in the same block or in close proximity 'microperiphery' does not
seem to fit with the other three terms you
The
EU
report on Romania in
2000
mentioned limited staffing and budgetary
resources to support the Roma in contrast to faster progress in protecting other
minorities under the
1999
amendments to the education law (providing for the use
of minority languages at all levels of education
-
including the possibility of
separate state universities). There was also concern from the Council of Europe
over the provision of Roma schools on the basis of equal opportunity
PROGRESS OVER ROMA INTEGRATION. ROMANIAN ORGANISATIONS
The Centre of Resources of Ethnocultural Diversity's Catavencu Agency of Press
Monitoring used press and TV advertising to encourage Roma self-identification
for the
2002
census.
The Centre for Roma Social Studies launched 'Roma News' financed by the
EU
Phare
Programme to improve them media presentation of Roma affairs and
challenge the conventional stereotypes which help to perpetuate discrimination.
Other initiatives include the newscast 'Rromano
Lil'
as well as a radio station and
press agency reported in
2000
and they are still successful. Clearly more Roma
journalists are needed. Undoubtedly some public perceptions are exaggerated: the
Ferentari
district of south Bucharest is perceived an area prone to crime although
the rate is no greater than the average interviews revealed that residents had
witnessed relatively few incidents. (Dumitrache
&
Dumbraveanu,
1998,
pp.
61-67).
FOREIGN INITIATIVES
The
EU
launched a programme for the education of the Roma children in what was
called by the Roma leaders as the European Diaspora of the Roma population. With
Phare
support, a centre for ethnocultural diversity encouraged ethnic self-
identification for the
2002
census while another organisation for social study and
116
integration seeks to eliminate cultural stereotypes and all forms of discrimination
partly through the mass-media.
The Soros Foundation uses gold stolen from Roma by Nazis to fund scholarships
for Roma students
(0.500
in
2001) -
in Romania and other transition states. Some
have participated in an intensive management course financed by the World Bank
and the Ford Foundation.
In
2003
George Soros gave $30mln to a Roma Education Fund (which now has a
total of $43mln pledged) and followed this up by financing a World Bank
Conference in Sofia
(2005)
to agree a 'Decade for Social Inclusion of Roma' across
the region.
GOVERNMENT
Role of government has improved under the provisions of the
1999
Accession
Partnership: Roma experts are being hired by ministries, county prefects and local
government. National Office for Roma During
2002
there have been Roma
councillors working with each
"Prefectura"
and County Council and collaborating
with the police and labour organisations with the aim of enhancing the integration
of Roma people: improving school attendance and labour market integration, while
reducing criminality. The problem remains over identity cards without which the
Roma cannot vote or obtain a job.
In
2001,
the Romanian Government promised improvements through a 'National
Office for Roma' (subordinate to a Human Rights Commission within the Ministry
of Culture) acknowledging problems relating to education, unemployment and
criminality.
During
2002
there have been Roma councillors working within each county council
and prefecture: collaborating with the police and labour organisations with the aim
of enhancing the integration of Roma people: improving school attendance and
labour market
integration.
REPRESENTATION/ORGANISATIONS
There have been successes in local government, though parliamentary seats are
difficult to secure because the modest vote (reflecting lack of confidence in the
electoral system) is been split between as many as five parties.
An overarching Roma Federation emerged in
2001.
New organisations are often
dominated by their leaders due to low membership, but they seek enforcement of
anti-discrimination laws, better education and employment opportunities, more
positive media portrayal (with more dedicated radio and TV) and more effective
welfare policies.
117
SCHOOLS
Sensitivity over limited ethnic autonomy prevents Roma-managed schools with
bilingual education rather than Romanian-managed Roma segregated schools or
Romanian majority schools lacking bilingual facilities. But while some progress is
being made in education, Roma access to the labour market and social housing
remains unsatisfactory in the opinion of the
EU.
Illiterate young (married) women of
Iveşti
(from cauldron maker families) are
going to school under a basic education programme initiated by the German
foundation
Friedrich Ebert
Stiftung.
EMPLOYMENT
The Roma seem to be catching up on the rest of the population with employment
rates rising from
39
to
48%
during
1996-2001
and they earn the same as the
mainstream population after allowing for their generally poorer qualifications.
Indeed "if the health and schooling of Roma were to improve to the extent that
employment prospects increase with human capital, they might move out of
poverty without having to deal with discrimination in earnings"
(Mete et al.
2003
р.43).
Clearly labour market programmes must reach the unemployed Roma but in
general it may be desirable to target poor communities where Roma are over-
represented in order to avoid further
marginalisation
by singling out the group
explicitly.
HOUSING
The Roma continue to identify themselves prominently through their buildings but
in sharp contrast to crude 'contingency' housing, the more affluent Roma are now
building 'palaces' ('palate')- with towers covered with zinc-coated plate as a sign of
wealth. It is reported that since
1994
over a hundred such 'palaces' have been built
by the Roma coppersmiths of
Iveşti
-
a distinct group appointing their own
'bulibasha' and many have moved into a so-called golden district after buying land
through companies concerned with gold and copper as well.
Some problem have arisen where the Roma have flouted the planning laws and
gone ahead with the local authority's approval. This is widespread in all places
across Romania where Roma have important communities.
Some continued conflict in
Deva
and
Sibiu
in
2001
with slogans daubed on
buildings proclaiming "the Romization of Romania" or "Death to Gypsies" when
government moved to ban Far Right organisations
TENSION
Research shows that some public prejudice is unfounded: although the
Ferentari
district of south Bucharest is perceived an area prone to crime although the rate is
118
actually no greater than the average and interviews shiw that residents had
witnessed relatively few incidents. (Dumitrache
&
Dumbraveanu,
1998,
pp.
61-67).
Still some tension: in
Deva
and
Sibiu
in late
2001
Noua Dreapta"
(New Right-Wing)
organisations slogans were blamed for grafitti referring to 'the Romization of
Romania' or "Death to Gypsies"
-
followed by action to outlaw such groups.
Closure over Hadareni?
2005
saw the conclusion of two legal actions: one by the
Romanian authorities confirming an earlier decision that the Romanians
responsible should to pay compensation and to have their houses seized in the
process (although the houses have not yet been taken) and another by the
European Court of Human Rights (started in
2000)
required the Romanian
government to pay
€500,000
to the Roma victims. Meanwhile the National Agency
for the Roma (replacing the Department of Roma Affairs in
2004)
has been joined
by the
NGO
'Partners for Local Development Foundation' over community projects
to improve relations (e.g. in health and education in
2005).
SPECIFIC PROBLEMS IN
BANAT
AND
CRIŞANA
Similar problems over the need for greater integration (through the education
system), higher employment and reduced criminality.
Similar tendency over organisation: a Roma newspaper appeared in
Timişoara
in
1990:
Ό
glaso
al
rromengo; ('The Voice of the Roma') as a supplement of
'Baricada'
Cases of demolition of illegally-erected Roma 'palaces' in
Timişoara
after a
spontaneous migration to
Strada Constantin Diaconovici
Loga
(with some
diplomatic fall-out in the case of some individuals with double (Romanian-French)
citizenship. This is frequent in all
Banat
municipalities
(Timişoara, Arad, Lugoj)
where many Roma have double citizenship.
However there has been little violence or because of a good inter-ethnic
relationships there were no violent events or the daubing of slogans.
Banat
is favoured for foreign investment by its location in the west; reinforced by
the social harmony maintained through several centuries by a multi-ethnic society.
This should make for better opportunities for the local Roma even though they
secure only the lowest-paid jobs because they lack professional training.
The integration of Roma is a social problem with deep historical roots and one
which shows a consistent pattern of marginality. It may be relevant to ask to what
extent the Roma have tacitly encouraged or acquiesced in their
marginalisation
as a
means of preserving elements in their culture; although it is also evident that the
authorities have been unable to resource policies of social inclusion and have
-
at
times
-
sought radical and inhumane solutions. However now that the European
concept of an inclusive society cannot now accept Roma maginalisation policies
will have to be seen through to a successful conclusion.
119
This paper has pointed to
ä
promising start but the challenge remains to accelerate
the social integration of the Roma while at the same time preserving appropriate
elements of their culture.
Issue of welfare retrenchment: 'all postcommuist states went through periods of
welfare state retrenchment and programmatic liberalization during the
1990s
[when] faced with economic recessions and new problems of poverty and
unemployment, governments reduced subsidies and entitlements, introduced
means-testing of benefits to direct them toward the new poor, and privatized some
welfare services' (Cook
2005,
p.lOl). It is also argued that all welfare states produce
constituencies including groups that enjoyed benefits as recipients under the
comprehensive but low-provisioned welfare systems of communism but evidently
in Romania the representative institutions have not afforded the Roma adequate
influence.
CASE STUDY: GEOGRAPHICAL PROBLEMS CONCERNING THE ROMA
POPULATION FROM
MĂGURI
Based on the opinion test organised by the
Lugoj
City Hall, about the
Roma population from
Măguri,
suburban locality of this municipality, have
taken out a lot of
conclussions
viewing the socio-economical and cultural
actually situation of this minority. The
Măguri
locality was containing in
2002
a
total of
1,678
persons and it is atestated in
1758,
from the Habsburgs domination,
respectively from the Maria
Tereza
reigm. The gipsies slaveries have not the
permission to sit in the nearness space of German
Lugoj.
In the
begining,
here
was a community composed by a few gipsies families, but the raised natality of
them have determinated as in our days that
Măguri
being the most
representative gipsies community from the Western Romania. Till the
1900,
the
village presented a mixed population with Romanians and gipsies, but after
1945,
and especially after
1990
the gipsies have
spred
in the houses in which were
living Romanians. The majourity of them have migrated to
Lugoj
or
Timişoara.
The actually
romanian
Houses from the eastern part of the village are recent
constructions, after
1990
the Romanian population being attracted by the
favourable agriculture land. The Roma population communities from
Lugoj
are
distributed in three districts: Mondial (near Mondial
Lugoj
factory), where works
all the active Roma population from the district, Casztela and Naimontele. From
the streets total of the town, the gipsies are living in their majourity on the
following streets:
Decembrie
13rd
st.,
The Spring Street, The Nightingale Street,
The Hatching Hen Street and D. Bolintineanu Street.
120
a). The actual geodemographical structures
■
The numerical evolution of locality reveal a strong ascenssion especially for
the period by the Second World War. Thus if in the
1900
in
Măguri
were existing
only
335
gipsies, in
1992
here was registered
735
persons. From the data offered
by the City Hall of
Lugoj
in January
2002
(the official data of this rural locality
level of the census from
2002,
weren't publicly at the date of taking the land
material), the gipsies totalize
1,678
persons. We can distinguish that this number
including also a part of the gipsies that were situated in the hearth of the
Lugoj
municipality. This massive raise in comparation with
1992
due to the locality
area extenssion to south and to Mondial factory from
Lugoj.
The ethnic structure of population in
2002
presents a majority of gipsies
(80.7%),
followd by the Romanians
(15%)
and Hungarians
(4,3%).
In
1900
the
village was in its majourity
romanian,
the gipsies registering only
40%
from the
population total. Viewing the spoken language's structure less of half of the
gipsies from
Măguri
(830
persons) spoke the rromani language and the rest
spoke the Hungarian language because of the tradition, they were being situated
at the finally of the 19th century under the Hungarian administrations.
The confessional structure of the population in
2002
reveal a majourity of
Penticostal
creed with a numerical total of
877
persons in comparation with the
755
orthodocs gipsies.
b). The economic integration of the Roma population
The modality integration of the gipsies from the economic point of view
can be regard from the Roma population professional structure analyssis. Thus,
from the traditional jobs in our days we can observe: boiler maker, brickmaker,
fiddler (musicians), ironsmith and horse coper, and from the modern jobs that
this community are practiced we can
menţionate:
salubrity worker, tailor,
shoemaker, bricklayer, welder, Iacksmith, technician. The most practiced job by
the gipsy male active population is the salubrity worker in the municipality of
Lugoj
and the bricklayers, but only
20
persons are employed in this two fields.
The traditional jobs were numerical outruned by the modern jobs involving some
integration of the gipsies in the modern professions that characterised the
actually society, reality viewed in it's positive sense but also in a negative one, by
the Roma population communities leaders from the locality. The jobs as welder,
locksmith and technician are specify for the adult persons that were been
educated in the professional schools from the
comunist regim
period, in present
this segment of population being unemployed workers. The jobs as tailor and
shoemaker are considerate the most recentely, being specify for the Roma
population teenager educated as handicraftsmen in the respectively fields after
1990.
121
The numerical repartition of the gipsies to the traditional jobs reflects:
rromungrens, broomers, brickmakers, fiddlers; in change of it in this locality no
exisfcshoemakers, cocalari, gabori,
lingurari, rudari, spoitori, ursari.
Since
2002
in
Măguri
were existing only
5%
activ
gipsies workers (from the total population of
the locality), the City Hall have repeately convened the representative persons
from the biggest firms from
Lugoj
as Lugomet, Mondial, Salprest,
Schuh-Union,
Filseta etc. The objectiv of these meetings were the gipsies teenagers and adults
engagement in this economic units.
c) The cultural situation and the social integration of the Roma population in
Măguri
Viewing the old feastes or traditional events that are remained in our days
we can
menţionate: Zăposatul
in march and the Gipsies Ball (in octomber). The
most known actually cultural activity financed by the nongovernmental
organisations is the gipsies children Feast. A very
activ role
occurs to the gipsies
Women organisation in unfurling by the
concret
activities for the Roma
population women. From the publications for this ethnicity we can
menţionate:
The Monography of
Măguri
Village in which are detailed the gipsies ocupation
and their own lifestyle especially for the
comunist
period. Through the cultural
activities from the past there are recognized as the Roma population
personalities: the priest Traian
Bălăgeanu
-
the founder of the orthodox church
from
Măguri, Căldăraş Cristian
-
gipsy baron till
1959,
Cârpaci
Adolf
-
gipsy
baron till
1983,
and
Rădulescu Ion
Puschit the chief musicians from the village.
The church where the gipsies pray is the
Penticostal
one called Betesda (nr.
5).
Here where attracted the majourity gipsies from
Măguri
since
1970-1980.
The folk music band from
Măguri
is known as the most numerous and
performant
band from
Banat.
The gipsies pupuils frecquent the following
schools: The secondary school nr.
12
from
Măguri,
respectively The school
number
2
and number
5
from
Lugoj.
Since
1999
in the school from
Măguri
is
teaching in rromani language. The educational situation of the Roma population
children is in the following way:
•
The children join to the
Măguri
kindergarten
- 25;
•
The children join to the gymnasyum from
Măguri
-130;
•
The children join to the schools from
Lugoj
- 3;
•
The children join to the professional schools from
Lugoj
- 20;
•
The children join to the
Lugoj
colleges
- 3;
It is detached the fact that less than half of the teenagers from
Măguri
are
educated. In the village were unfurling till now the following projects: The equal
chances through education
Edu 2000+,
The gipsies children Feast and the
introducing of the
curent
water in the school, The nongovernment organisations
that are sustaining the gipsies from
Măguri
are: The Hope Angels
Fondation
122
from
Lugoj,
Bethany Social Services
Fondation
and Charity Association of the
Catholic-Greek Diocese from
Lugoj.
Many teenagers gipsies frequent the
professional formation based on the
suport
accorded by this
fondations.
The
Parudimos Association from
Timişoara
has initiated the complex preparation for
the Roma population! teenager from the
Timiş
county. This association financed
20
gipsies teenagers who wants to involve in the community problems being
prepared in the following fields: comunication, community development and
legislation. In this way it can be created the county network of the gipsies
teenager that are able to solution the important problems of the Roma population
communities. From the prioritary unsolutioned projects in present ioi the Roma
population community we can mention:
•
The unfurling programs viewing the health education;
•
The gipsies children rights protection;
•
The cultural projects based on the tradition promotion;
•
The projects regarding the school recovery of the gipsies children
wich
have stopped the school activity in the first cycle, or are completely
uneducated;
d) Unsolved problems
The majourity of the gipsies from
Măguri
want to materialise the following
priorities:
•
Affirmative and susteinable measures viewing the increasing of chances
equality;
•
Fighting against the social exclussion and the Roma population
discrimination;
•
The efficiency of the dialogue between the Roma population communities
and the local autorities;
•
The reinforcement of the community leaders role for the community
involving in solving the specify problems;
By the level of the
170
Roma population household from
Măguri
based on the
questionnaire applied to
139
from these, there were identified the following
problems:
•
The absence of a health unit with the necessary endamments and a
permanent doctor;
•
A semnificative
part of the Roma population have no health asiguration
(especially the' unemployed persons, and also the gipsies that are not
benefy by the social help, reality that lead to a more raised mortality
instalment in the gipsies community;
•
A precarious material situation because of the law wages, or the
inexistence
of it, the gipsies demanding helping for heating (with fire
123
woods because the village is not connect to the gas pipe), writing
materials, clothes etc;
•
The innexistency of the common transport on route
Măguri-Lugoj
on
Saturday and Sunday;
•
The county road
Lugoj - Măguri
is badly keep up, fact that depends on
the
Timiş
County
Conseil
and no by the
Lugoj
House Hall;
' ·
The necessity of Cultural hearth arrangement, devoided in present by the
electric installation and other technics endowments including here the
decotation of it;
•
The Roma population no dispose by the agricultural lands in their own for
ensure the daily food, because it was ascertained the lack of the ownership
documents and more of that, the lack of the identity documents for the
Roma population at the Persons
Informatic
Evidence Bureau from the
municipality of
Lugoj;
'
•
The abssence of a communal library;
•
The extenssion of the network of drinking water;
•
The desire of reception some television programs as
Europa Nova Lugoj;
•
The assembly of the electricity pillars because at the village's margins
have built a lot of houses that are not connected to the
electie
network;
•
The number of the children that join the school us very reduced, in
2002
the adult persons appointing in work permanently
(activ
population)
were very reduced
(25
persons);
From the
activ
implications realised by the
roma
population problems Council
from
Lugoj
we mention: the financial help for the Roma population that are
growing animals for their own
consum
(not for sale); social dwelings based on
points; clothes and food offered as social help from the Local Council from
Lugoj,
distributed by the channels of various
fondation,
fire woods and a lower price for
it; the retrocession of some lands that were abusive confiscated based on the legal
procedure that exists in present.
CONCLUSIONS
The gipsies history is a compex one, manifested by long periods of
opresión.
For many times the human rights of the Roma population were
encroached. We consider that the gipsies problems from
Banat
and
Crişara
are
confronted, implicit from the entire
romanian
geographical space from the point
of view of the
interes
idea for social and economic integration of the gipsies,
ínteres
manifested at the national level but also in the international space. To
avoid the marginality situation of the gipsies we suggest that the considerations
anterior exposed to be removed by programs or nongovernments projects or
local administration programs. Also the development agencies and the
124
Investments
institution
can lead to the social integration of the gipsies, but in the
same time can generate conditions for keeping the cultural traditions of the
gipsies in Romania.
In the geographical repartition of the Roma population from
Banat
and
Crişana
it is remarked the trend of a Roma population increase, especially in
plain areas or in the contact zones with the hill areas, but we can't spoke about
teritorial
concentration, of gipsies.
Still, too little villages have rnajourity of Roma population from these is
detaching the suburban locality
Măguri.
This one is the most representative
locality with majourity of Roma population from the
Banat
and
Crişana
regions.
The Roma population still feel the
efect
of marginal population in actually society
because of the non-fulfillment of a entire series of claims, mentioned by many
persons investigated on the land. We can ascertain that a very reduced number
of the gipsies integrated in the work field in
Lugoj
industry and from the social
demands (fire woods distribution, identity documents, the agriculture land
distribution, the keeping and development of the Roma population tradition),
have realised in present so little things.
125 |
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| author | Crețan, Remus 20/21. Jh |
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| author_sort | Crețan, Remus 20/21. Jh |
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| bvnumber | BV023180560 |
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| geographic | Crişana (DE-588)4217625-6 gnd Banat Ost (DE-588)7563814-9 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Crişana Banat Ost |
| id | DE-604.BV023180560 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T20:01:16Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:12:27Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789731250717 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016367095 |
| oclc_num | 237224063 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 129 S. Ill., graph, Darst., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Ed. Univ. de Vest |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Crețan, Remus 20/21. Jh. Verfasser (DE-588)140338276 aut Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială Remus Creţan Timişoara Ed. Univ. de Vest 2007 129 S. Ill., graph, Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Roma in Romanian Banat and South Crişana regions Roma Volk (DE-588)4050473-6 gnd rswk-swf Crişana (DE-588)4217625-6 gnd rswk-swf Banat Ost (DE-588)7563814-9 gnd rswk-swf Banat Ost (DE-588)7563814-9 g Roma Volk (DE-588)4050473-6 s DE-604 Crişana (DE-588)4217625-6 g Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016367095&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016367095&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Crețan, Remus 20/21. Jh Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială Roma Volk (DE-588)4050473-6 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4050473-6 (DE-588)4217625-6 (DE-588)7563814-9 |
| title | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială |
| title_auth | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială |
| title_exact_search | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială |
| title_full | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială Remus Creţan |
| title_fullStr | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială Remus Creţan |
| title_full_unstemmed | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei studiu de geografie istorică şi socială Remus Creţan |
| title_short | Marginalitate socială şi spaţială: conceptualizare şi tipologie în cazul rromilor din Banat şi sudul Crişanei |
| title_sort | marginalitate sociala si spatiala conceptualizare si tipologie in cazul rromilor din banat si sudul crisanei studiu de geografie istorica si sociala |
| title_sub | studiu de geografie istorică şi socială |
| topic | Roma Volk (DE-588)4050473-6 gnd |
| topic_facet | Roma Volk Crişana Banat Ost |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016367095&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016367095&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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