Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Warszawa
Wydawnictwo Neriton [u.a.]
2007
|
| Ausgabe: | Wyd. 1. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 319 s. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788375430073 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804137393344741376 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis
tresei
Wstęp
................................................................................................... 7
L
Arthur
Bliss
Lane
-
pierwszy ambasador
Stanów Zjednoczonych w powojennej Polsce
1.
Ambasador bez ambasady
-
w obliczu Jahy i Poczdamu
............... 19
2.
W hotelu „Polonia
...................................................................... 45
3.
Ambasada amerykańska wobec wyborów do sejmu
19
stycznia
1947
roku
..................................................................................... 79
4.
Koniec misji
Arthura Bliss Lane a
w Warszawie
-
rezygnacja czy
dymisja?
....................................................................................... 111
5.
„Przemoc i oszustwo
-
polskie wybory
1947
roku w amerykań¬
skiej polityce
................................................................................. 140
И.
John R.
Davis -
pierwszy ambasador
Stanów Zjednoczonych w wolnej Polsce
6.
Ambasada bez ambasadora
-
w obliczu napięć między Waszyng¬
tonem a Warszawą
........................................................................ 167
7.
Obraz kampanii wyborczej i wyników wyborów
4
i
18
czerwca
1989
roku w raportach ambasady USA w Warszawie
................... 189
8.
Plan pomocy Polsce administracji
George a Busha
....................... 213
Spis treści
9.
Ambasada
USA wobec wyboru Wojciecha
Jaruzelskiego
na prezy¬
denta
............................................................................................. 237
10.
„Największy krok w kierunku wolności i demokracji, jaki kiedy¬
kolwiek widziano w bloku sowieckim
-
polskie wybory w ame¬
rykańskiej polityce
....................................................................... 259
Zakończenie
......................................................................................... 282
Wykaz ważniejszych skrótów
................................................................ 289
Bibliografia
........................................................................................... 292
Summary
.............................................................................................. 307
Indeks osób
.......................................................................................... 310
Summary
This book explores the U.S. reaction to parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland
in
1947
and
1989.
The choice of the two watershed elections is justified by the feet that only
on chose two occasions
-
in
1947
and
1989 -
in the postwar history of communist Poland was
there any illusion of a free election at all. In both cases it was not an entirely free expression of
popular will. In
1947
the Yalta and Potsdam Agreements provided for „free and unfettered
elections, whereas in
1989
the so-called „contracted
Sejm was
to be chosen on the basis of par¬
tially free balloting. „Free and unfettered turned out to be marked by fraud, intimidation and
terror; „limited balloting resulted in an overwhelming and total defeat for the communists,
thus becoming the first postwar elections in which the will of the people determined Poland s
future.
One cannot underestimate the differences in Poland s condition between
1947
and
198?.
However, both in
1947
and
1989
the economy was in ruins, a dangerous and powerful neigh¬
bor was threatening to exert its control, and the civic demeanor of the population was scarcely
discernable
in
1947
after searing years of war or in
1989
after the freeze of the Martial Law. Yet
after roughly forty-five years of subjugation, by
1989
the society was no longer afraid to speak
its mind. As had happened after World War II, the world had a chance to observe Polish at¬
tempts to establish democracy in Poland by means of ballot.
Both in
1947
and
1989
the American media and politicians from the highest echelons of
power devoted significant attention to the electoral developments in Poland. This very attention
seems worth acknowledging, given the eventful period in which the elections took place. Poland
was an important democracy s „test case in East-Central Europe, and as such was observed with
much interest and caution. Nevertheless, it did not correspond with U.S. government s direct
encouragement for further advancement toward democracy and freedom. However, as the Polish
elections were the focal point of the process of developing and dismantling of the East-West
confrontation in Europe, they were on both occasions carefully observed and reported to Wash¬
ington, American reporters and observers in Poland were of
rwo
kinds: the diplomatic mission
and the press, the former being carefully researched here.
A comparison between the diplomatic tenures of Arthur Bliss Lane and John R. Davis, Jr.,
in Warsaw surprisingly reveals many similarities in both their approaches
го
Polish election issues
308 ____________________________________
Summary
and in their pro-Polish
-
meaning pro-democratic
-
attitude. Both having being career appoint¬
ees one generation apart (Davis joined the foreign service in
1955;
Lane died in
1956),
both
were well educated and had previous international experience, including the Warsaw post.
As provided in the Potsdam Agreement, Lane came to Poland to see the „free and unfet¬
tered elections take place. In Lane s approach, other issues such as economic cooperation were
subordinate to the elections. Representing U.S. interests in Poland for Lane meant adhering to
the only written American policy directives and commitments with regards to Poland, the an¬
nouncements of the Big Three meetings. Maintaining the U.S. international prestige was inter¬
dependent with the former. The provisions of Yalta and Potsdam provided not only for the am¬
bassadors of the Allied Powers to keep their governments informed about the situation in Poland,
but also for the representatives of the Allied press full freedom to report to the world upon de¬
velopments in Poland before and during the elections.
Information gathering was one of Lane s priorities in preparing for the impending elec¬
tions. For two years Lane kept the elections on the top of his agenda, assembling information
of Communist atrocities and intimidation of the Polish people. Throughout his stay in Poland
from August
1, 1945,
until February
23,1947,
Lane traveled himself and sent Embassy person¬
nel into the field on many occasions. On June 30lh,
1946,
he undertook a major effort to ob¬
serve voting at the time of the referendum in Poland, which he correctly identified as prepara¬
tions for parliamentary voting, and considered to have been obvious fraud.
On January 19lh
1947,
sixteen teams of observers were present in various parts of Poland.
Thirty-four American and British diplomats, assisted by journalists, gathered evidence which
was later shared between the two ambassadors who prepared separate but very similar reports.
The reports were full of examples of coerced and mass voting along with numerous cases of other
electoral law violations. Official U.S. post-electoral reaction came on January 28th BEFORE the
diplomatic pouch with Lane s complete report left Warsaw the following day. However, Lane
was consulted before the statement was made public. It is quite likely that Lane indeed believed
in American public opinion s power. He believed he had proof that, when it reached American
readers and listeners, it would change Polish government activities. The parliamentary elections
might have proven to be the steppingstone that could alter rhe entire American foreign policy
including the use of military force. Lane obviously believed that the rime was right to begin
a new policy, the scale of which would be greater than just Poland. He was to play a role in its
formulation, or at least so he hoped. He was convinced that Stalin was a new Hitler and had to
be stopped.
In
1989
the chance for a free and independent Poland re-emerged. After „Polish heydays
following Solidarity s birth, in the spring of
1989
the American policy openly moved to support
the reforms and again the elections were observed and reported to Washington with Warsaw
ambassador s personal involvement.
Due to the events in the Peoples Republic of China dominating the world s attention at
the time of the first round of voting in Poland, developments that followed the balloting were
observed with growing concern. As the U.S. presidents visit to Poland was nearing, the situa¬
tion became increasingly complicated. Quite contrary to the American public, the U.S. admin¬
istration, both in
1947
and
1989,
wanted to see „the Polish problem disappear from its agen¬
da and have the situation in the region stabilized. The first scare was the Soviet reaction to
Communists being deprived of power in Poland. The second was the possible social unrest in
Poland.
According to an interview with Davis, the early American plan for Poland in the context
Summary
309
of June elections was that the Party would maintain control over the parliament for a year or
two, during which it had to take all the difficult steps toward economic reform. Solidarity would
control the Senate and have enough representatives in the
Sejm
to prevent any blocking of re¬
form measures. As a result, the Parry would have to rake all the difficult steps, then in a year or
two there would be completely free elections as agreed, at which time Solidarity would take over.
Solidarity s „too big a victory made the State Department very nervous.
Unlike Lane s activities, which added to the worsening Polish-American relations in
1989,
Ambassador Davis tenure (he was appointed
chargé
d affaires in
1983,
became ambassador in
1988,
remained through
1990)
contributed to safeguarding and encouraging the democratic
opposition s cooperation with government representatives. Despite having remained in close so¬
cial relations with leading figures of the Polish democratic opposition (the lunches, dinners,
film-watching sittings on Idzikowskiego Street were informal occasion to keep contacts with the
opposition), Davis believed chat
Jaruzelski was
the best choice for Poland s transitional period,
as he guaranteed communist permission for a peaceful and gradual transition to take place.
To summarize, it is possible to suggest a thesis that despite the political change in both
late
1940s
and late
19805,
the attitude of either Democrats or Republicans toward Poland, and
likely the region of East-Central Europe, was similar in the sense of keeping the region peaceful
and stable without angering the Soviets who were anxious about the consequences should the
situation become volatile. The Poles aspired to more freedom than U.S. saw available for them.
Luckily, international geopolitics of
1989
allowed for Poland s rate to be decided by Polish
deeds.
The so called „little countries were the balance of power in East-Centra! .Europe in the
twentieth century. Why were the architects of U.S. policy afraid to throw their full support be¬
hind Poland s democratic forces? The answer is reasonable and rather obvious. The viewpoint of
the United States was a global one, and Poland was not a vital location unless serious American
interests were involved. America would most likely not have fought for Poland militarily during
the Cold War. The American-Polish relations on a governmental level were interpreted in terms
of American-Soviet relations, with „gospelling democracy in Poland being primarily only
a small part in a larger power play. The stability of the region and at least a working relation¬
ship, if not good terms with Soviet Union were more important than the popular sympathy for
Poles and their aspirations. It should not be surprising that Poland could not hope to become
anything more than one of oozens o£ similar minor allies throughout the world. On the other
hand, the American diplomats, and a number of journalists who visited Poland over the Cold
War years, illustrate that Poland had many friends in the U.S. whoj although not of Polish ori¬
gin, contributed to drawing American attention to Polish matters and building up its image
among the American public.
|
| adam_txt |
Spis
tresei
Wstęp
. 7
L
Arthur
Bliss
Lane
-
pierwszy ambasador
Stanów Zjednoczonych w powojennej Polsce
1.
Ambasador bez ambasady
-
w obliczu Jahy i Poczdamu
. 19
2.
W hotelu „Polonia"
. 45
3.
Ambasada amerykańska wobec wyborów do sejmu
19
stycznia
1947
roku
. 79
4.
Koniec misji
Arthura Bliss Lane'a
w Warszawie
-
rezygnacja czy
dymisja?
. 111
5.
„Przemoc i oszustwo"
-
polskie wybory
1947
roku w amerykań¬
skiej polityce
. 140
И.
John R.
Davis -
pierwszy ambasador
Stanów Zjednoczonych w wolnej Polsce
6.
Ambasada bez ambasadora
-
w obliczu napięć między Waszyng¬
tonem a Warszawą
. 167
7.
Obraz kampanii wyborczej i wyników wyborów
4
i
18
czerwca
1989
roku w raportach ambasady USA w Warszawie
. 189
8.
Plan pomocy Polsce administracji
George'a Busha
. 213
Spis treści
9.
Ambasada
USA wobec wyboru Wojciecha
Jaruzelskiego
na prezy¬
denta
. 237
10.
„Największy krok w kierunku wolności i demokracji, jaki kiedy¬
kolwiek widziano w bloku sowieckim"
-
polskie wybory w ame¬
rykańskiej polityce
. 259
Zakończenie
. 282
Wykaz ważniejszych skrótów
. 289
Bibliografia
. 292
Summary
. 307
Indeks osób
. 310
Summary
This book explores the U.S. reaction to parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland
in
1947
and
1989.
The choice of the two watershed elections is justified by the feet that only
on chose two occasions
-
in
1947
and
1989 -
in the postwar history of communist Poland was
there any illusion of a free election at all. In both cases it was not an entirely free expression of
popular will. In
1947
the Yalta and Potsdam Agreements provided for „free and unfettered"
elections, whereas in
1989
the so-called „contracted
Sejm" was
to be chosen on the basis of par¬
tially free balloting. „Free and unfettered" turned out to be marked by fraud, intimidation and
terror; „limited balloting" resulted in an overwhelming and total defeat for the communists,
thus becoming the first postwar elections in which the will of the people determined Poland's
future.
One cannot underestimate the differences in Poland's condition between
1947
and
198?.
However, both in
1947
and
1989
the economy was in ruins, a dangerous and powerful neigh¬
bor was threatening to exert its control, and the civic demeanor of the population was scarcely
discernable
in
1947
after searing years of war or in
1989
after the freeze of the Martial Law. Yet
after roughly forty-five years of subjugation, by
1989
the society was no longer afraid to speak
its mind. As had happened after World War II, the world had a chance to observe Polish at¬
tempts to establish democracy in Poland by means of ballot.
Both in
1947
and
1989
the American media and politicians from the highest echelons of
power devoted significant attention to the electoral developments in Poland. This very attention
seems worth acknowledging, given the eventful period in which the elections took place. Poland
was an important democracy's „test case" in East-Central Europe, and as such was observed with
much interest and caution. Nevertheless, it did not correspond with U.S. government's direct
encouragement for further advancement toward democracy and freedom. However, as the Polish
elections were the focal point of the process of developing and dismantling of the East-West
confrontation in Europe, they were on both occasions carefully observed and reported to Wash¬
ington, American reporters and observers in Poland were of
rwo
kinds: the diplomatic mission
and the press, the former being carefully researched here.
A comparison between the diplomatic tenures of Arthur Bliss Lane and John R. Davis, Jr.,
in Warsaw surprisingly reveals many similarities in both their approaches
го
Polish election issues
308 _
Summary
and in their pro-Polish
-
meaning pro-democratic
-
attitude. Both having being career appoint¬
ees one generation apart (Davis joined the foreign service in
1955;
Lane died in
1956),
both
were well educated and had previous international experience, including the Warsaw post.
As provided in the Potsdam Agreement, Lane came to Poland to see the „free and unfet¬
tered" elections take place. In Lane's approach, other issues such as economic cooperation were
subordinate to the elections. Representing U.S. interests in Poland for Lane meant adhering to
the only written American policy directives and commitments with regards to Poland, the an¬
nouncements of the Big Three meetings. Maintaining the U.S. international prestige was inter¬
dependent with the former. The provisions of Yalta and Potsdam provided not only for the am¬
bassadors of the Allied Powers to keep their governments informed about the situation in Poland,
but also for the representatives of the Allied press' full freedom to report to the world upon de¬
velopments in Poland before and during the elections.
Information gathering was one of Lane's priorities in preparing for the impending elec¬
tions. For two years Lane kept the elections on the top of his agenda, assembling information
of Communist atrocities and intimidation of the Polish people. Throughout his stay in Poland
from August
1, 1945,
until February
23,1947,
Lane traveled himself and sent Embassy person¬
nel into the field on many occasions. On June 30lh,
1946,
he undertook a major effort to ob¬
serve voting at the time of the referendum in Poland, which he correctly identified as prepara¬
tions for parliamentary voting, and considered to have been obvious fraud.
On January 19lh
1947,
sixteen teams of observers were present in various parts of Poland.
Thirty-four American and British diplomats, assisted by journalists, gathered evidence which
was later shared between the two ambassadors who prepared separate but very similar reports.
The reports were full of examples of coerced and mass voting along with numerous cases of other
electoral law violations. Official U.S. post-electoral reaction came on January 28th BEFORE the
diplomatic pouch with Lane's complete report left Warsaw the following day. However, Lane
was consulted before the statement was made public. It is quite likely that Lane indeed believed
in American public opinion's power. He believed he had proof that, when it reached American
readers and listeners, it would change Polish government activities. The parliamentary elections
might have proven to be the steppingstone that could alter rhe entire American foreign policy
including the use of military force. Lane obviously believed that the rime was right to begin
a new policy, the scale of which would be greater than just Poland. He was to play a role in its
formulation, or at least so he hoped. He was convinced that Stalin was a new Hitler and had to
be stopped.
In
1989
the chance for a free and independent Poland re-emerged. After „Polish heydays"
following Solidarity's birth, in the spring of
1989
the American policy openly moved to support
the reforms and again the elections were observed and reported to Washington with Warsaw
ambassador's personal involvement.
Due to the events in the Peoples Republic of China dominating the world's attention at
the time of the first round of voting in Poland, developments that followed the balloting were
observed with growing concern. As the U.S. presidents visit to Poland was nearing, the situa¬
tion became increasingly complicated. Quite contrary to the American public, the U.S. admin¬
istration, both in
1947
and
1989,
wanted to see „the Polish problem" disappear from its agen¬
da and have the situation in the region stabilized. The first scare was the Soviet reaction to
Communists being deprived of power in Poland. The second was the possible social unrest in
Poland.
According to an interview with Davis, the early American plan for Poland in the context
Summary
309
of June elections was that the Party would maintain control over the parliament for a year or
two, during which it had to take all the difficult steps toward economic reform. Solidarity would
control the Senate and have enough representatives in the
Sejm
to prevent any blocking of re¬
form measures. As a result, the Parry would have to rake all the difficult steps, then in a year or
two there would be completely free elections as agreed, at which time Solidarity would take over.
Solidarity's „too big" a victory made the State Department very nervous.
Unlike Lane's activities, which added to the worsening Polish-American relations in
1989,
Ambassador Davis' tenure (he was appointed
chargé
d'affaires in
1983,
became ambassador in
1988,
remained through
1990)
contributed to safeguarding and encouraging the democratic
opposition's cooperation with government representatives. Despite having remained in close so¬
cial relations with leading figures of the Polish democratic opposition (the lunches, dinners,
film-watching sittings on Idzikowskiego Street were informal occasion to keep contacts with the
opposition), Davis believed chat
Jaruzelski was
the best choice for Poland's transitional period,
as he guaranteed communist permission for a peaceful and gradual transition to take place.
To summarize, it is possible to suggest a thesis that despite the political change in both
late
1940s
and late
19805,
the attitude of either Democrats or Republicans toward Poland, and
likely the region of East-Central Europe, was similar in the sense of keeping the region peaceful
and stable without angering the Soviets who were anxious about the consequences should the
situation become volatile. The Poles aspired to more freedom than U.S. saw available for them.
Luckily, international geopolitics of
1989
allowed for Poland's rate to be decided by Polish
deeds.
The so called „little countries" were the balance of power in East-Centra! .Europe in the
twentieth century. Why were the architects of U.S. policy afraid to throw their full support be¬
hind Poland's democratic forces? The answer is reasonable and rather obvious. The viewpoint of
the United States was a global one, and Poland was not a vital location unless serious American
interests were involved. America would most likely not have fought for Poland militarily during
the Cold War. The American-Polish relations on a governmental level were interpreted in terms
of American-Soviet relations, with „gospelling democracy" in Poland being primarily only
a small part in a larger power play. The stability of the region and at least a working relation¬
ship, if not good terms with Soviet Union were more important than the popular sympathy for
Poles and their aspirations. It should not be surprising that Poland could not hope to become
anything more than one of oozens o£ similar minor allies throughout the world. On the other
hand, the American diplomats, and a number of journalists who visited Poland over the Cold
War years, illustrate that Poland had many friends in the U.S. whoj although not of Polish ori¬
gin, contributed to drawing American attention to Polish matters and building up its image
among the American public. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1127341197 |
| author_facet | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- |
| author_variant | a m am |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023123261 |
| contents | Bibliogr. s. 293-306. Indeks |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)177151187 (DE-599)BVBBV023123261 |
| edition | Wyd. 1. |
| era | Geschichte 1947 gnd Geschichte 1989 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1947 Geschichte 1989 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Polska / stosunki zagraniczne / Stany Zjednoczone / 1945- jhpk Stany Zjednoczone / stosunki zagraniczne / Polska / 1945- jhpk Polska - stosunki zagraniczne - Stany Zjednoczone - 1945- jhpk Stany Zjednoczone - stosunki zagraniczne - Polska - 1945- jhpk Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd USA (DE-588)4078704-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Polska / stosunki zagraniczne / Stany Zjednoczone / 1945- Stany Zjednoczone / stosunki zagraniczne / Polska / 1945- Polska - stosunki zagraniczne - Stany Zjednoczone - 1945- Stany Zjednoczone - stosunki zagraniczne - Polska - 1945- Polen USA |
| id | DE-604.BV023123261 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T19:52:23Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:11:35Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788375430073 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016325706 |
| oclc_num | 177151187 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 319 s. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Wydawnictwo Neriton [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- Verfasser (DE-588)1127341197 aut Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz Wyd. 1. Warszawa Wydawnictwo Neriton [u.a.] 2007 319 s. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Bibliogr. s. 293-306. Indeks Polska / Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) / wybory (1947) jhpk Polska / Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej / wybory (1989) jhpk Polska - Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej - wybory (1989) jhpk Polska - Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) - wybory (1947) jhpk Geschichte 1947 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1989 gnd rswk-swf Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 gnd rswk-swf Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd rswk-swf Bericht (DE-588)4128022-2 gnd rswk-swf Polska / stosunki zagraniczne / Stany Zjednoczone / 1945- jhpk Stany Zjednoczone / stosunki zagraniczne / Polska / 1945- jhpk Polska - stosunki zagraniczne - Stany Zjednoczone - 1945- jhpk Stany Zjednoczone - stosunki zagraniczne - Polska - 1945- jhpk Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf USA (DE-588)4078704-7 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 s USA (DE-588)4078704-7 g Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 s Bericht (DE-588)4128022-2 s Geschichte 1947 z DE-604 Geschichte 1989 z Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016325706&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016325706&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Mazurkiewicz, Anna 1957- Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Bibliogr. s. 293-306. Indeks Polska / Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) / wybory (1947) jhpk Polska / Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej / wybory (1989) jhpk Polska - Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej - wybory (1989) jhpk Polska - Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) - wybory (1947) jhpk Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 gnd Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd Bericht (DE-588)4128022-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4012401-0 (DE-588)4064286-0 (DE-588)4128022-2 (DE-588)4046496-9 (DE-588)4078704-7 |
| title | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_auth | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_exact_search | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_full | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz |
| title_fullStr | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz |
| title_full_unstemmed | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 Anna Mazurkiewicz |
| title_short | Dyplomacja Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wyborów w Polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| title_sort | dyplomacja stanow zjednoczonych wobec wyborow w polsce w latach 1947 i 1989 |
| topic | Polska / Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) / wybory (1947) jhpk Polska / Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej / wybory (1989) jhpk Polska - Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej - wybory (1989) jhpk Polska - Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) - wybory (1947) jhpk Diplomat (DE-588)4012401-0 gnd Wahl (DE-588)4064286-0 gnd Bericht (DE-588)4128022-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Polska / Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) / wybory (1947) Polska / Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej / wybory (1989) Polska - Sejm Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej - wybory (1989) Polska - Sejm Ustawodawczy (1947-1952) - wybory (1947) Diplomat Wahl Bericht Polska / stosunki zagraniczne / Stany Zjednoczone / 1945- Stany Zjednoczone / stosunki zagraniczne / Polska / 1945- Polska - stosunki zagraniczne - Stany Zjednoczone - 1945- Stany Zjednoczone - stosunki zagraniczne - Polska - 1945- Polen USA |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016325706&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016325706&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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