Trafik na ženi: pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Bulgarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Sofija
Izdat. Kăšta LIK
2007
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. izd. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Trafficking in women |
| Beschreibung: | 359 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789546077554 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
ВЪВЕДЕНИЕ
.,.9
Глава
1.
МИГРАЦИЯ НА ХОРА
.21
Коренни причини
.22
Принудителна и доброволна миграция
.27
феминизация на
бедността
.28
феминизация на
международната миграция
.30
Миграция и здраве
.32
Глава
2.
ТРАфИК НА ЖЕНИ
.42
Човешки права и политически решения
.42
Приблизителни размери
.46
Причини за трафика на жени
.47
Организация на трафика
.51
Трафик и контрабанда
.64
Глава
3.
ТРАфИК И ПРОСТИТУЦИЯ
.68
Власт, секс и пари
.69
Исторически перспективи
.71
Дебати през
XXI
век
.73
Проституцията като сексуално насилие
.79
феминистки отговори и решения
.86
Легализация на проституцията?
.90
Христо
ПОПОВ ТРАфИКНАЖЕНИ
Глава
4.
СЕКСУАЛНА ЕКСПЛОАТАЦИЯ
И ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ
.103
Обещания и действителност
.104
форми на контрол
.107
Бягство и задържане
.108
Завръщане
и реинтеграция
.110
Здравни аспекти на трафика
.112
Глава
5.
ТРАфИК НА ЖЕНИ
И ПСИХИЧНО ЗДРАВЕ
.124
Съображения и фактори
.125
Психично здраве
.128
Психиатрична помощ
.131
Глава
6.
ТРАфИКАНТИ И ЕКСПЛОАТАТОРИ
.151
Трафиканти и организирана престъпност
.152
Примерни системи на експлоатация
и типология на експлоататорите
.155
Замесените печалби
.157
Безнаказани действия
.158
Невидимият въпрос за търсенето
.162
Триъгълникът на трафика
.166
Глава
7.
БЪЛГАРСКАТА ДЕЙСТВИТЕЛНОСТ
.170
Брой на идентифицираните чуждестранни
и български жертви на трафик
.171
Профили на българските жертви на трафик
с цел
сексуална експлоатация
.174
Оказване помощ на жертвите на трафик
в България
.201
Обобщени данни и изводи
.220
7
Глава
8.
СПЕЦИФИЧНИ ВЪПРОСИ
.238
Персонал и здраве
.229
Партньорски организации и външни доставчици
.251
Управление на системите за здравна информация
.255
Глава
9.
ПРЕВЕНЦИЯ И
ПРОТИВОДЕЙСТВИЯ
.263
Начини за контролиране на проституцията
.263
Страни на крайната дестинация и борба
с
трафика
. 269
Депортиране в страните на произход
.276
Глава
10.
В ТЪРСЕНЕ НА РАЗРЕШЕНИЯ
.282
Пълно осъзнаване на проблема
.283
Оценка на стратегиите за борба
с
трафика
.286
Пропуски в знанията и нови изследвания
.295
Свързване на местните
с
глобалните познания.
.302
Политика и здравето на жените в трафик
.303
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ
.315
SUMMARY
.331
БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ
.343
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
Causes, consequences and opposition
Hristo Popov
Summary
Human trafficking, particularly trafficking in women for
sexual exploitation, is a far-reaching, well-established and highly
profitable global industry. It is an organized crime business
founded on violence and blackmail that operates not only with
considerable impunity, but with very little citizen awareness of
its existence. Though, its size and scope, and its system of debt
bondage and sexual enslavement are unbelievable if not horri¬
fying. While researchers agree that trafficking in women for
sexual exploitation is harmful, they sometimes disagree about
the framing and parameters of trafficking. Is trafficking in women,
for example, always a violation of women's human rights, or is
it even an act inherently harmful to women? What about cases
in which women choose to migrate for prostitution and don't
see themselves as victims of traffickers?
Some activists argue that trafficking in women and prosti¬
tution are both harmful to women and violations of their hu¬
man rights, and that the distinction between involuntary and
voluntary trafficking is an artificial one. They lament the fact
that prostitution is sometimes treated as a woman's (human)
right or a legitimate job choice, and that some groups working
to curb „involuntary" trafficking resist efforts to name prostitu¬
tion itself as a violation of human rights. Others seek to show
that prostitution can be a valid choice, that only a minority of
331
332
Hristo
POPOV TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
women who prostitute themselves in a foreign country are vic¬
tims of trafficking, and that, despite many contradictions and
great suffering, many do succeed in working out a plan in keep¬
ing with their own ambitions in life. Obviously, the debates on
trafficking and prostitution take place on different levels. When
the two issues are not rolled into one
-
which is still very often
the case
-
the links between them are unlikely to be satisfacto¬
rily analyzed.
Although the above arguments remain divisive among femi-
nist/womanist groups, most official international constructions
view both trafficking and prostitution as harmful. While there
is variation of emphases, official definitions of human traffick¬
ing are beginning to merge, with most recognizing trafficking
as a crime even when the victim is not taken by force, or against
her will. Adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in
2000,
the
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime's Proto¬
col defines trafficking inclusively, as
the recruitment, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by
means of threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of
abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a
position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments
or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over
another person, for the purposes of exploitation. Exploitation shall
include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of oth¬
ers or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or ser¬
vices, slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.
Similarly, the U.N. Convention for the Suppression of
the Trafficking in Persons and the Exploitation of the Pros¬
titution of Others states in Article
1
that those states or na¬
tions agreeing to abide by this convention are to „punish any
person who, to gratify the passion of another", „procures,
entices or leads away, for purposes of prostitution, another
person, even with the consent of that person", or „exploits
the prostitution of another person, even with the consent of
that person".
SUMMARY
333
Concerns remain, however, about hegemonic rule making
in the U.N., along with the expectation that one definition or
standard will be applied across the board. Nowhere is this point
made more sharply than in the „debate" over cultural relativism
versus universal human rights. The arguments around cultural
relativism both raise legitimate concerns and threaten the fight
against trafficking and enslaved prostitution. The cultural rela¬
tivist argument holds that traditional cultural practices and norms
of some countries are being constructed by outsiders as acts of
violence against women or violating women's human rights are
often dominated by affluent Western powers that degrade and
dismiss the cultures of others has merit. And, all too often, the
ethnocentrism of powerful nations and global entities has been
revealed in their failure to understand the varying needs of
women in different cultures and with different social statuses.
The complaint that international conferences on women „tend
to globalize" the trafficking issue and thus fail to recognize the
diversity of women's situations in relation to the trafficking
phenomenon also warrants consideration.
The fundamental question is: are there human rights about
which all can agree, are there certain values that „transcend
culture"? If the answer to that question is in the affirmative
then slavery could be offered as one example. To the extent,
then, that women are trafficked into enslaved prostitution, would
(or should) all agree that their human rights have been vio¬
lated? Another suggestion is that absolute human right is the
„impartial promotion of the interests of everyone alike", an
equality-and-justice right that is probably acceptable to most in
principle. To actually uphold it, however, would be a formi¬
dable task that would require the obliteration of ethnocentrism,
racism, classism, and sexism, all of which are relevant to traf¬
ficking in women for sexual exploitation. It seems obvious that
discrimination against women and women's subordination
around the world must be addressed in any effort to curb traf¬
ficking. But is even this shared belief? There are many heavy
questions and not likely to be agreed upon anytime soon.
Nev-
334
Hristo
POPOV TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
ertheless, each is important in thinking about cultural and po¬
litical feasibility of strategies for combating trafficking in women
and enslaved prostitution. What are, then, the immediate needs
and the long-term changes?
Trafficking in women for sexual exploitation is a complex,
global problem that presents both immediate needs and under¬
lying change-resistant causes. Among the former are various kinds
of support and help for victims of trafficking, better law en¬
forcement, and greater cooperation from legitimate groups
-
both public and private. Greater citizen awareness of traffick¬
ing and prostitution is both an immediate need and a long-term
goal. That is, broader awareness and education campaigns
should be undertaken immediately, with the goal eventually
persuading the public to take a strong stand against trafficking.
More basic, long-term structural and normative change efforts
should focus on global and national inequities in income, em¬
ployment, and other social resources; globalization policies; and
patriarchal structures that facilitate the exploitation of and dis¬
crimination against women.
Trafficking victims often arrive in a country without legiti¬
mate identification papers, unable to speak the language, and
forced into an illegal trade. Should they escape and seek help,
they may be arrested and placed in jail, deported, or both. More¬
over, they often lack protection from retribution by their traf¬
fickers should they agree to testify against them. These problems
can be relatively easily remedied through local legal services. At
the least, states can give legal recognition to trafficked women as
victims of crime, regardless of the legality of the work into which
they have been trafficked; implement stays of deportation; and
provide victim (and other witness) protection services.
Victims' rights can often be protected under existing legal
statuses or policies that target migrant workers. Victims can also
be given financial and technical assistance in getting new iden¬
tification papers, assistance with immigration and repatriation
processes, and access to hotlines for immediate help and infor¬
mation about victims' rights and options. In fact, a number of
SUMMARY
335
these remedies are currently being applied in some European
countries including Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Hun¬
gary, Italy, Lithuania, the Netherlands and Spain. A number of
government bodies,
NGOs
and other groups have formed alli¬
ances to provide myriad services to victims of trafficking, includ¬
ing not only legal assistance but medical, psychological, and
job training services, and referrals for special needs. Among
the countries in which the most successful undertakings in the
provision of multiple services to trafficking victims are typically
cooperative ones are Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria,
the Czech Republic, Estonia and Switzerland.
National laws on prostitution and trafficking represent a re¬
liable remedy. However, laws on prostitution vary between and
within regions and countries' trafficking roles. In most nations,
at least one prostitution-related behavior
-
prostitution itself,
soliciting, or keeping a brothel
-
is legal and thus leaves a door
open. Yet virtually all nations also have something in their pe¬
nal code that prohibits some prostitution-related or trafficking-
related activity. Moreover, as of
2002, 14
nations have legis¬
lated a special act that protects women and children from traf¬
ficking and other commercial sexual exploitation. The
11
sex-
trafficking countries with such an act are regionally mixed; in
alphabetical order, they are Australia, Bangladesh, Bulgaria,
Cypress, India, Ireland, Malaysia, Russia, Sri Lanka, Thailand,
and the United States.
In spite of the many international conventions and proto¬
cols, the national laws criminalizing one or another prostitu¬
tion-related or trafficking-related activity, special legislative acts
that outlaw trafficking in persons, new international, regional,
and local investigative units, and numerous police raids and
investigations, the trafficking industry just continues to pick up
steam, getting bigger and more profitable every year. The need
for services for trafficking victims, as described earlier, is ur¬
gent and critical; and the provision of those services is impor¬
tant work that needs to be encouraged and supported with pub¬
lic and private resources. In addition, more attention and sup-
336
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
port needs to be given to the improvement of antitrafficking
law enforcement and prosecution. However, the undoing of the
trafficking industry itself will require long-term societal changes
and a willingness to commit to them.
Policy-makers and international donors routinely divide
trafficking interventions into three categories: prevention, pro¬
tection, ana prosecution. Prevention and prosecution commonly
involve law enforcement, and focus on deterrence of illegal
immigration. Prevention efforts may include improving border
control and detection measures, and public awareness campaigns
warning women about trafficking. These are primarily aimed at
stopping irregular migration. Actions related to prosecution in¬
volve strengthening legislation related to trafficking, and increas¬
ing the arrest and prosecution of international traffickers. Pro¬
tection is meant to include measures aimed at assisting the vic¬
tims of trafficking. It is under this heading where the health and
care of victims is generally addressed.
What are the health consequences of trafficking? The vari¬
ous forms of violence experienced in captivity, on top of par¬
ticular personal backgrounds, result very often in psychological
trauma for the survivors of trafficking. It results in severe symp¬
toms of complex posttraumatic stress disorder even months af¬
ter the experience. More specific phenomena include symptoms
of split personality which is often accompanied by complete
amnesia regarding previous life; traumatic bonding
-
for ex¬
ample identification with the violator; adoption of „prostitute"
self-image; fear of and inability to establish trusting relation¬
ships, etc. These serve to make escape from a violent situation
very difficult. At a later stage some of these conditions evoke
extreme feelings of guilt, shame, and self-aggression.
After release, occurring acute symptoms
oí
posttraumatic
stress disorder often include nightmares, flashbacks, self-destruc¬
tive and aggressive impulsive actions, fears and phobias. There
are often psychotic breakdowns and somatizations that cause
physical illness. The lack of understanding and appropriate treat¬
ment of the trauma can have a dramatic effect on personality,
SUMMARY
337
causing problems with assertiveness, initiative, and planning.
As any independent action had been severely punished by traf¬
fickers, survivors often look passive or helpless. Their drive to
keep extremely private and to hide their intentions had been a
survival strategy in captivity but it is often misunderstood as
being manipulative and deceitful afterwards.
Clearly, the damage to individual lives cannot be solved
solely by tighter border controls, criminal trials, or posters. Those
who work towards greater support for trafficked women must
aim for more than stronger laws, policies, and human rights
provisions on paper. They must recognize that each individual
woman has survived an experience of extreme violence and life-
changing intimidation that requires the utmost individual atten¬
tion and care. Service organizations carrying the human toll of
this crime need recognition, funding, support, and gratitude.
Violence against women rarely results in finite consequences
that can be addressed with a prescriptive or band-aid approach.
Trafficking harms women in insidious ways that create „messy'
health problems. The physical and mental health consequences
are not a side effect of trafficking, but a central theme. The aim
of laws, funding, and resources should be to address the human
consequences of trafficking and to assist women in recovering
as much of their well-being as possible. This can, and must, be
done as a complement to principal immigration policies of des¬
tination countries.
Perhaps one of the most complicated issues is tackling traf¬
ficking in women for sexual exploitation through social change.
And one of the ways in which to start activating social change is
public awareness and education about trafficking and prostitu¬
tion. While
NGOs
and other organizations share their findings,
frequently this communication is only among the groups already
working against trafficking. In collaboration with state govern¬
ments, such groups could disseminate information much more
broadly. Educating law enforcement officials is an essential part
of such an undertaking. But the general public also needs to be
convinced that trafficking in women is a major social problem
338_
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
affecting virtually all countries in the world. More people need
to know about debt-bonded prostitution and enslaved condi¬
tions under which so many trafficked women and girls live and
work; about the diseases, including HIV/AIDS, that they con¬
tract from customers; about the organization of trafficking and
prostitution
-
how traffickers operate, who the parties to traf¬
ficking are, how high their profits and how low their risks are,
who the customers are, and how much sex tourism has grown.
A public awareness campaign started in
2000
and ongoing
in Bulgaria provides one model. This campaign, organized by
the IOM mission in Sofia with full cooperation from the gov¬
ernment and antitrafficking groups, focuses on human traffick¬
ing and sexual exploitation. The campaign theme is reflected in
the headline words on promotional materials
-
„Open your eyes"
-
accompanied by a pair of wide, scared, begging eyes. The ma¬
terials include answers to key questions like Does human traf¬
ficking mean only sexual exploitation? Are job offers used of¬
ten as a recruitment method? Do only prostitutes end up in
trafficking rings? Should trafficked people avoid the police?
What is the solution? etc.
Good media coverage is essential to any effective public
campaign. Like the general public, the mainstream media need
to be convinced that trafficking is a widespread and serious
problem before they can be expected to give it the coverage it
needs. Moreover, the kind of media coverage given to traffick¬
ing in women for sexual exploitation, including featured pic¬
tures, is important. As some researchers note, sometimes me¬
dia pictures on trafficking „compromise the dignity" of the vic¬
tim and „leave the exploiter untouched". Media exposure to
the industry, the traffickers, and the customers are important
parts of the public's education.
There exists another issue which deserves to be raised and
discussed
-
that of the potential private-sector allies. Many indi¬
viduals and organizations use their legitimate status to serve
and advance the trafficking industry. They include, among oth¬
ers, banks and bankers who transfer, launder, or harbor ille¬
gally gained funds or who knowingly loan money for illegal
SUMMARY
339
purposes; business investors who make money by investing in
trafficking-related operations or accept trafficking profits as
investments in their own business; travel and employment agen¬
cies that advertise and arrange for trips and „jobs" abroad; and
providers of a whole array of services that the trafficking indus¬
try relies on (e.g., making counterfeit identity and travel pa¬
pers, renting out properties for brothel businesses, transporting
victims to and from various work sites in taxis or private cars).
While vigorous prosecution of people and groups who commit
trafficking-related crimes is necessary, it is not sufficient. A
number of feminist activists claim that there is no good reason
why business and industry cannot become antitrafficking advo¬
cates, getting the word out to their clients.
Understanding trafficking in women and prostitution re¬
quires ongoing research and data analysis. Again, trafficking is
a complex, global phenomenon, with underground networks
that intentionally hide what they are doing and how they are
doing it. There is no way to combat trafficking effectively un¬
less it is understood. A number of solid research projects have
been carried out and others are already under way. Addition¬
ally, there are any number of research reports put out by
NGOs
and government units that focus on trafficking in women for
sexual exploitation in particular countries and regions as, for
example, Central and Southeastern Europe. Among the many
products provided by
NGOs
are bibliographical and annotated
lists, not only of research reports on trafficking, but also of vari¬
ous resources that are available for victims in different parts of
the world. Finally, there are Web sites that provide general in¬
formation on trafficking, some of which comes from e-mails
sent to the sites by various interested parties.
The role played by
NGOs in
antitrafficking initiatives can¬
not be overstated, and virtually all recommendations for com¬
bating trafficking in women for sexual exploitation emphasize
the importance of individual
NGOs in
any kind of plan. The
most effective and far-reaching
NGOs
are networks or alliances
themselves, are part of a larger network, or have formed im¬
portant alliances with other organizations. Networking to deal
340
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
with a global phenomenon should come as no surprise. Indeed,
the very success of the trafficking industry itself has been predi¬
cated on its ability to develop and operate through flexible, some¬
times overlapping, networks.
One of the most specific and most active of the global
NGOs
working on trafficking is the Coalition Against Trafficking in
Women (CATW), „composed of regional networks and of af¬
filiated individuals and groups", which „serves as an umbrella
that coordinates and takes direction from its regional organiza¬
tions and networks". Other active networks specifically dedi¬
cated to combating trafficking in women and children include
the Coalition to Abolish Slavery and Trafficking, „an alliance
of nonprofit service providers, grassroots advocacy groups ac¬
tivists dedicated to providing human services and human rights
advocacy to victims of modern-day slavery"; the Foundation
Against Trafficking in Women
(STV),
based in the Netherlands
and devoted to the prevention of trafficking in women and sup¬
port of trafficked persons; and La
Strada,
a coalition of
NGOs
from Poland, the Czech Republic, Ukraine, and Bulgaria that
works to prevent trafficking in women from the Central and
Eastern Europe region.
The work of many of these organizations and alliances also
addresses the root causes of trafficking in women and prostitu¬
tion. They recognize, for example, that until there is greater
economic opportunity and justice for developing and poorer
countries, and especially for women from those countries, there
is little hope for truly toppling trafficking and sexual exploita¬
tion. Even more difficult to combat than trafficking itself is the
poverty of countries of origin and the women who live in them
that make both vulnerable
-
the former to the revenues that
trafficking can bring in, and the latter to the promise of income
to survive. The most active countries of origin are either devel¬
oping countries with high levels of poverty and low levels of
human development, or transitional countries with stagnant
economies and high rates of unemployment. In one way or an¬
other, women's economic status in countries of origin is par¬
ticularly poor. While there are fewer job opportunities in these
SUMMARY
341
countries for women than for men, poverty and unemployment
rates are also high for many men as well. Low-level trafficking
jobs are filled by both men and women in countries of origin, in
sex-industrialized hub countries, and in some developing coun¬
tries that have become popular sites for sex tourism. At least,
dismantling trafficking and prostitution will require the provi¬
sion of education and job opportunities for women (and men)
that will allow them to support themselves and their families.
Although helping in some ways, globalization policies have
often added to the economic woes of developing and transitional
countries, leaving them debt-ridden and even more dependant
on affluent countries. Globalization policies also frequently work
against women, passing them by for loans and other resources
that might help them become more economically stable. The
building of globalization-guided market economies needs to be
examined in order to determine what actually does help or harm
countries struggling to sustain themselves and become economi¬
cally viable. Just as important as strengthening economies over¬
all, however, is the distribution of resources within them-whether
having in mind the global economy or that of individual coun¬
tries. „Free market" economic systems do not typically equalize
on their own, so the question is whether there is a will, or whether
will can be mobilized, to achieve a more equitable distribution of
resources across and within nations.
The will of attitudinalpiece is also critical to success in curb¬
ing the demand that fuels the trafficking in women and prosti¬
tution. Without the enormous male demand that seems never
to recede, trafficking and prostitution would of course not be
so profitable. What can be done about this final piece
-
the
patriarchal belief systems? As some feminists suggest, the sub¬
ordination of women „runs so deep that it is still viewed as
inevitable or natural rather than as a politically constructed re¬
ality maintained by patriarchal interests, ideology and institu¬
tions". One can easily look at the ways in which one patriarchal
institution, the military, has all too often encouraged forms of
masculinity that include the degradation of the feminine, hyper-
heterosexuality among men, and the use of women's bodies for
342
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
male recreation and pleasure. However, similar beliefs are em¬
bedded in many institutions, across cultures, and they tend to
be resistant to change.
Public awareness and education campaigns about traffick¬
ing in women for sexual exploitation should include materials
introducing or reinforcing egalitarian belief systems regarding
gender, class, and ethnic relations; such materials could be dif¬
ferently shaped for specific cultures with input from local and
regional groups and organizations. As has been discussed, traf¬
ficking in women can be framed in different ways
-
as a human
rights violation, as a form of discrimination against women, as
an act of violence against women, or as a health related prob¬
lem
-
and the framing for one culture or situation may not be
the best for another. Attitudinal perhaps change through per¬
suasion alone, however, can be slow going. And, sometimes,
attitudinal change occurs only after actions to curb behaviors
have been implemented and enforced.
Stricter monitoring and enforcement of international conven¬
tions and national laws on trafficking, along with more certain
prosecution and punishment for traffickers, can de-normalize
trafficking and perhaps change public attitudes toward it. The
law can also be used to deliver a message of no acceptance for
old ways of thinking about male entitlement, the sexual exploita¬
tion of women, and structured gender relations more generally.
However, without concerted and carefully planned activ¬
ism against it, the trafficking of women into enslaved prostitu¬
tion is likely to continue to expand. Time has moved beyond
the decade of
1990s,
during which many research organizations,
Web sites,
NGOs,
campaigns and projects were initiated and
activated. Research is continually adding to human knowledge
about the sex trafficking industry and the experiences of those
who have been exploited by it. Moreover, there is network power
with which to fuel a global antitrafficking machine. Virtually,
some are already tackling the trafficking in women, but the job
requires greater resolve and activism on the part of govern¬
ments and individuals alike. |
| adam_txt |
СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
ВЪВЕДЕНИЕ
.,.9
Глава
1.
МИГРАЦИЯ НА ХОРА
.21
Коренни причини
.22
Принудителна и доброволна миграция
.27
феминизация на
бедността
.28
феминизация на
международната миграция
.30
Миграция и здраве
.32
Глава
2.
ТРАфИК НА ЖЕНИ
.42
Човешки права и политически решения
.42
Приблизителни размери
.46
Причини за трафика на жени
.47
Организация на трафика
.51
Трафик и контрабанда
.64
Глава
3.
ТРАфИК И ПРОСТИТУЦИЯ
.68
Власт, секс и пари
.69
Исторически перспективи
.71
Дебати през
XXI
век
.73
Проституцията като сексуално насилие
.79
феминистки отговори и решения
.86
Легализация на проституцията?
.90
Христо
ПОПОВ ТРАфИКНАЖЕНИ
Глава
4.
СЕКСУАЛНА ЕКСПЛОАТАЦИЯ
И ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ
.103
Обещания и действителност
.104
форми на контрол
.107
Бягство и задържане
.108
Завръщане
и реинтеграция
.110
Здравни аспекти на трафика
.112
Глава
5.
ТРАфИК НА ЖЕНИ
И ПСИХИЧНО ЗДРАВЕ
.124
Съображения и фактори
.125
Психично здраве
.128
Психиатрична помощ
.131
Глава
6.
ТРАфИКАНТИ И ЕКСПЛОАТАТОРИ
.151
Трафиканти и организирана престъпност
.152
Примерни системи на експлоатация
и типология на експлоататорите
.155
Замесените печалби
.157
Безнаказани действия
.158
Невидимият въпрос за търсенето
.162
Триъгълникът на трафика
.166
Глава
7.
БЪЛГАРСКАТА ДЕЙСТВИТЕЛНОСТ
.170
Брой на идентифицираните чуждестранни
и български жертви на трафик
.171
Профили на българските жертви на трафик
с цел
сексуална експлоатация
.174
Оказване помощ на жертвите на трафик
в България
.201
Обобщени данни и изводи
.220
7
Глава
8.
СПЕЦИФИЧНИ ВЪПРОСИ
.238
Персонал и здраве
.229
Партньорски организации и външни доставчици
.251
Управление на системите за здравна информация
.255
Глава
9.
ПРЕВЕНЦИЯ И
ПРОТИВОДЕЙСТВИЯ
.263
Начини за контролиране на проституцията
.263
Страни на крайната дестинация и борба
с
трафика
. 269
Депортиране в страните на произход
.276
Глава
10.
В ТЪРСЕНЕ НА РАЗРЕШЕНИЯ
.282
Пълно осъзнаване на проблема
.283
Оценка на стратегиите за борба
с
трафика
.286
Пропуски в знанията и нови изследвания
.295
Свързване на местните
с
глобалните познания.
.302
Политика и здравето на жените в трафик
.303
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ
.315
SUMMARY
.331
БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ
.343
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
Causes, consequences and opposition
Hristo Popov
Summary
Human trafficking, particularly trafficking in women for
sexual exploitation, is a far-reaching, well-established and highly
profitable global industry. It is an organized crime business
founded on violence and blackmail that operates not only with
considerable impunity, but with very little citizen awareness of
its existence. Though, its size and scope, and its system of debt
bondage and sexual enslavement are unbelievable if not horri¬
fying. While researchers agree that trafficking in women for
sexual exploitation is harmful, they sometimes disagree about
the framing and parameters of trafficking. Is trafficking in women,
for example, always a violation of women's human rights, or is
it even an act inherently harmful to women? What about cases
in which women choose to migrate for prostitution and don't
see themselves as victims of traffickers?
Some activists argue that trafficking in women and prosti¬
tution are both harmful to women and violations of their hu¬
man rights, and that the distinction between involuntary and
voluntary trafficking is an artificial one. They lament the fact
that prostitution is sometimes treated as a woman's (human)
right or a legitimate job choice, and that some groups working
to curb „involuntary" trafficking resist efforts to name prostitu¬
tion itself as a violation of human rights. Others seek to show
that prostitution can be a valid choice, that only a minority of
331
332
Hristo
POPOV TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
women who prostitute themselves in a foreign country are vic¬
tims of trafficking, and that, despite many contradictions and
great suffering, many do succeed in working out a plan in keep¬
ing with their own ambitions in life. Obviously, the debates on
trafficking and prostitution take place on different levels. When
the two issues are not rolled into one
-
which is still very often
the case
-
the links between them are unlikely to be satisfacto¬
rily analyzed.
Although the above arguments remain divisive among femi-
nist/womanist groups, most official international constructions
view both trafficking and prostitution as harmful. While there
is variation of emphases, official definitions of human traffick¬
ing are beginning to merge, with most recognizing trafficking
as a crime even when the victim is not taken by force, or against
her will. Adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in
2000,
the
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime's Proto¬
col defines trafficking inclusively, as
the recruitment, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by
means of threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of
abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a
position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments
or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over
another person, for the purposes of exploitation. Exploitation shall
include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of oth¬
ers or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or ser¬
vices, slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.
Similarly, the U.N. Convention for the Suppression of
the Trafficking in Persons and the Exploitation of the Pros¬
titution of Others states in Article
1
that those states or na¬
tions agreeing to abide by this convention are to „punish any
person who, to gratify the passion of another", „procures,
entices or leads away, for purposes of prostitution, another
person, even with the consent of that person", or „exploits
the prostitution of another person, even with the consent of
that person".
SUMMARY
333
Concerns remain, however, about hegemonic rule making
in the U.N., along with the expectation that one definition or
standard will be applied across the board. Nowhere is this point
made more sharply than in the „debate" over cultural relativism
versus universal human rights. The arguments around cultural
relativism both raise legitimate concerns and threaten the fight
against trafficking and enslaved prostitution. The cultural rela¬
tivist argument holds that traditional cultural practices and norms
of some countries are being constructed by outsiders as acts of
violence against women or violating women's human rights are
often dominated by affluent Western powers that degrade and
dismiss the cultures of others has merit. And, all too often, the
ethnocentrism of powerful nations and global entities has been
revealed in their failure to understand the varying needs of
women in different cultures and with different social statuses.
The complaint that international conferences on women „tend
to globalize" the trafficking issue and thus fail to recognize the
diversity of women's situations in relation to the trafficking
phenomenon also warrants consideration.
The fundamental question is: are there human rights about
which all can agree, are there certain values that „transcend
culture"? If the answer to that question is in the affirmative
then slavery could be offered as one example. To the extent,
then, that women are trafficked into enslaved prostitution, would
(or should) all agree that their human rights have been vio¬
lated? Another suggestion is that absolute human right is the
„impartial promotion of the interests of everyone alike", an
equality-and-justice right that is probably acceptable to most in
principle. To actually uphold it, however, would be a formi¬
dable task that would require the obliteration of ethnocentrism,
racism, classism, and sexism, all of which are relevant to traf¬
ficking in women for sexual exploitation. It seems obvious that
discrimination against women and women's subordination
around the world must be addressed in any effort to curb traf¬
ficking. But is even this shared belief? There are many heavy
questions and not likely to be agreed upon anytime soon.
Nev-
334
Hristo
POPOV TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
ertheless, each is important in thinking about cultural and po¬
litical feasibility of strategies for combating trafficking in women
and enslaved prostitution. What are, then, the immediate needs
and the long-term changes?
Trafficking in women for sexual exploitation is a complex,
global problem that presents both immediate needs and under¬
lying change-resistant causes. Among the former are various kinds
of support and help for victims of trafficking, better law en¬
forcement, and greater cooperation from legitimate groups
-
both public and private. Greater citizen awareness of traffick¬
ing and prostitution is both an immediate need and a long-term
goal. That is, broader awareness and education campaigns
should be undertaken immediately, with the goal eventually
persuading the public to take a strong stand against trafficking.
More basic, long-term structural and normative change efforts
should focus on global and national inequities in income, em¬
ployment, and other social resources; globalization policies; and
patriarchal structures that facilitate the exploitation of and dis¬
crimination against women.
Trafficking victims often arrive in a country without legiti¬
mate identification papers, unable to speak the language, and
forced into an illegal trade. Should they escape and seek help,
they may be arrested and placed in jail, deported, or both. More¬
over, they often lack protection from retribution by their traf¬
fickers should they agree to testify against them. These problems
can be relatively easily remedied through local legal services. At
the least, states can give legal recognition to trafficked women as
victims of crime, regardless of the legality of the work into which
they have been trafficked; implement stays of deportation; and
provide victim (and other witness) protection services.
Victims' rights can often be protected under existing legal
statuses or policies that target migrant workers. Victims can also
be given financial and technical assistance in getting new iden¬
tification papers, assistance with immigration and repatriation
processes, and access to hotlines for immediate help and infor¬
mation about victims' rights and options. In fact, a number of
SUMMARY
335
these remedies are currently being applied in some European
countries including Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Hun¬
gary, Italy, Lithuania, the Netherlands and Spain. A number of
government bodies,
NGOs
and other groups have formed alli¬
ances to provide myriad services to victims of trafficking, includ¬
ing not only legal assistance but medical, psychological, and
job training services, and referrals for special needs. Among
the countries in which the most successful undertakings in the
provision of multiple services to trafficking victims are typically
cooperative ones are Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria,
the Czech Republic, Estonia and Switzerland.
National laws on prostitution and trafficking represent a re¬
liable remedy. However, laws on prostitution vary between and
within regions and countries' trafficking roles. In most nations,
at least one prostitution-related behavior
-
prostitution itself,
soliciting, or keeping a brothel
-
is legal and thus leaves a door
open. Yet virtually all nations also have something in their pe¬
nal code that prohibits some prostitution-related or trafficking-
related activity. Moreover, as of
2002, 14
nations have legis¬
lated a special act that protects women and children from traf¬
ficking and other commercial sexual exploitation. The
11
sex-
trafficking countries with such an act are regionally mixed; in
alphabetical order, they are Australia, Bangladesh, Bulgaria,
Cypress, India, Ireland, Malaysia, Russia, Sri Lanka, Thailand,
and the United States.
In spite of the many international conventions and proto¬
cols, the national laws criminalizing one or another prostitu¬
tion-related or trafficking-related activity, special legislative acts
that outlaw trafficking in persons, new international, regional,
and local investigative units, and numerous police raids and
investigations, the trafficking industry just continues to pick up
steam, getting bigger and more profitable every year. The need
for services for trafficking victims, as described earlier, is ur¬
gent and critical; and the provision of those services is impor¬
tant work that needs to be encouraged and supported with pub¬
lic and private resources. In addition, more attention and sup-
336
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
port needs to be given to the improvement of antitrafficking
law enforcement and prosecution. However, the undoing of the
trafficking industry itself will require long-term societal changes
and a willingness to commit to them.
Policy-makers and international donors routinely divide
trafficking interventions into three categories: prevention, pro¬
tection, ana prosecution. Prevention and prosecution commonly
involve law enforcement, and focus on deterrence of illegal
immigration. Prevention efforts may include improving border
control and detection measures, and public awareness campaigns
warning women about trafficking. These are primarily aimed at
stopping irregular migration. Actions related to prosecution in¬
volve strengthening legislation related to trafficking, and increas¬
ing the arrest and prosecution of international traffickers. Pro¬
tection is meant to include measures aimed at assisting the vic¬
tims of trafficking. It is under this heading where the health and
care of victims is generally addressed.
What are the health consequences of trafficking? The vari¬
ous forms of violence experienced in captivity, on top of par¬
ticular personal backgrounds, result very often in psychological
trauma for the survivors of trafficking. It results in severe symp¬
toms of complex posttraumatic stress disorder even months af¬
ter the experience. More specific phenomena include symptoms
of split personality which is often accompanied by complete
amnesia regarding previous life; traumatic bonding
-
for ex¬
ample identification with the violator; adoption of „prostitute"
self-image; fear of and inability to establish trusting relation¬
ships, etc. These serve to make escape from a violent situation
very difficult. At a later stage some of these conditions evoke
extreme feelings of guilt, shame, and self-aggression.
After release, occurring acute symptoms
oí
posttraumatic
stress disorder often include nightmares, flashbacks, self-destruc¬
tive and aggressive impulsive actions, fears and phobias. There
are often psychotic breakdowns and somatizations that cause
physical illness. The lack of understanding and appropriate treat¬
ment of the trauma can have a dramatic effect on personality,
SUMMARY
337
causing problems with assertiveness, initiative, and planning.
As any independent action had been severely punished by traf¬
fickers, survivors often look passive or helpless. Their drive to
keep extremely private and to hide their intentions had been a
survival strategy in captivity but it is often misunderstood as
being manipulative and deceitful afterwards.
Clearly, the damage to individual lives cannot be solved
solely by tighter border controls, criminal trials, or posters. Those
who work towards greater support for trafficked women must
aim for more than stronger laws, policies, and human rights
provisions on paper. They must recognize that each individual
woman has survived an experience of extreme violence and life-
changing intimidation that requires the utmost individual atten¬
tion and care. Service organizations carrying the human toll of
this crime need recognition, funding, support, and gratitude.
Violence against women rarely results in finite consequences
that can be addressed with a prescriptive or band-aid approach.
Trafficking harms women in insidious ways that create „messy'
health problems. The physical and mental health consequences
are not a side effect of trafficking, but a central theme. The aim
of laws, funding, and resources should be to address the human
consequences of trafficking and to assist women in recovering
as much of their well-being as possible. This can, and must, be
done as a complement to principal immigration policies of des¬
tination countries.
Perhaps one of the most complicated issues is tackling traf¬
ficking in women for sexual exploitation through social change.
And one of the ways in which to start activating social change is
public awareness and education about trafficking and prostitu¬
tion. While
NGOs
and other organizations share their findings,
frequently this communication is only among the groups already
working against trafficking. In collaboration with state govern¬
ments, such groups could disseminate information much more
broadly. Educating law enforcement officials is an essential part
of such an undertaking. But the general public also needs to be
convinced that trafficking in women is a major social problem
338_
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
affecting virtually all countries in the world. More people need
to know about debt-bonded prostitution and enslaved condi¬
tions under which so many trafficked women and girls live and
work; about the diseases, including HIV/AIDS, that they con¬
tract from customers; about the organization of trafficking and
prostitution
-
how traffickers operate, who the parties to traf¬
ficking are, how high their profits and how low their risks are,
who the customers are, and how much sex tourism has grown.
A public awareness campaign started in
2000
and ongoing
in Bulgaria provides one model. This campaign, organized by
the IOM mission in Sofia with full cooperation from the gov¬
ernment and antitrafficking groups, focuses on human traffick¬
ing and sexual exploitation. The campaign theme is reflected in
the headline words on promotional materials
-
„Open your eyes"
-
accompanied by a pair of wide, scared, begging eyes. The ma¬
terials include answers to key questions like Does human traf¬
ficking mean only sexual exploitation? Are job offers used of¬
ten as a recruitment method? Do only prostitutes end up in
trafficking rings? Should trafficked people avoid the police?
What is the solution? etc.
Good media coverage is essential to any effective public
campaign. Like the general public, the mainstream media need
to be convinced that trafficking is a widespread and serious
problem before they can be expected to give it the coverage it
needs. Moreover, the kind of media coverage given to traffick¬
ing in women for sexual exploitation, including featured pic¬
tures, is important. As some researchers note, sometimes me¬
dia pictures on trafficking „compromise the dignity" of the vic¬
tim and „leave the exploiter untouched". Media exposure to
the industry, the traffickers, and the customers are important
parts of the public's education.
There exists another issue which deserves to be raised and
discussed
-
that of the potential private-sector allies. Many indi¬
viduals and organizations use their legitimate status to serve
and advance the trafficking industry. They include, among oth¬
ers, banks and bankers who transfer, launder, or harbor ille¬
gally gained funds or who knowingly loan money for illegal
SUMMARY
339
purposes; business investors who make money by investing in
trafficking-related operations or accept trafficking profits as
investments in their own business; travel and employment agen¬
cies that advertise and arrange for trips and „jobs" abroad; and
providers of a whole array of services that the trafficking indus¬
try relies on (e.g., making counterfeit identity and travel pa¬
pers, renting out properties for brothel businesses, transporting
victims to and from various work sites in taxis or private cars).
While vigorous prosecution of people and groups who commit
trafficking-related crimes is necessary, it is not sufficient. A
number of feminist activists claim that there is no good reason
why business and industry cannot become antitrafficking advo¬
cates, getting the word out to their clients.
Understanding trafficking in women and prostitution re¬
quires ongoing research and data analysis. Again, trafficking is
a complex, global phenomenon, with underground networks
that intentionally hide what they are doing and how they are
doing it. There is no way to combat trafficking effectively un¬
less it is understood. A number of solid research projects have
been carried out and others are already under way. Addition¬
ally, there are any number of research reports put out by
NGOs
and government units that focus on trafficking in women for
sexual exploitation in particular countries and regions as, for
example, Central and Southeastern Europe. Among the many
products provided by
NGOs
are bibliographical and annotated
lists, not only of research reports on trafficking, but also of vari¬
ous resources that are available for victims in different parts of
the world. Finally, there are Web sites that provide general in¬
formation on trafficking, some of which comes from e-mails
sent to the sites by various interested parties.
The role played by
NGOs in
antitrafficking initiatives can¬
not be overstated, and virtually all recommendations for com¬
bating trafficking in women for sexual exploitation emphasize
the importance of individual
NGOs in
any kind of plan. The
most effective and far-reaching
NGOs
are networks or alliances
themselves, are part of a larger network, or have formed im¬
portant alliances with other organizations. Networking to deal
340
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
with a global phenomenon should come as no surprise. Indeed,
the very success of the trafficking industry itself has been predi¬
cated on its ability to develop and operate through flexible, some¬
times overlapping, networks.
One of the most specific and most active of the global
NGOs
working on trafficking is the Coalition Against Trafficking in
Women (CATW), „composed of regional networks and of af¬
filiated individuals and groups", which „serves as an umbrella
that coordinates and takes direction from its regional organiza¬
tions and networks". Other active networks specifically dedi¬
cated to combating trafficking in women and children include
the Coalition to Abolish Slavery and Trafficking, „an alliance
of nonprofit service providers, grassroots advocacy groups ac¬
tivists dedicated to providing human services and human rights
advocacy to victims of modern-day slavery"; the Foundation
Against Trafficking in Women
(STV),
based in the Netherlands
and devoted to the prevention of trafficking in women and sup¬
port of trafficked persons; and La
Strada,
a coalition of
NGOs
from Poland, the Czech Republic, Ukraine, and Bulgaria that
works to prevent trafficking in women from the Central and
Eastern Europe region.
The work of many of these organizations and alliances also
addresses the root causes of trafficking in women and prostitu¬
tion. They recognize, for example, that until there is greater
economic opportunity and justice for developing and poorer
countries, and especially for women from those countries, there
is little hope for truly toppling trafficking and sexual exploita¬
tion. Even more difficult to combat than trafficking itself is the
poverty of countries of origin and the women who live in them
that make both vulnerable
-
the former to the revenues that
trafficking can bring in, and the latter to the promise of income
to survive. The most active countries of origin are either devel¬
oping countries with high levels of poverty and low levels of
human development, or transitional countries with stagnant
economies and high rates of unemployment. In one way or an¬
other, women's economic status in countries of origin is par¬
ticularly poor. While there are fewer job opportunities in these
SUMMARY
341
countries for women than for men, poverty and unemployment
rates are also high for many men as well. Low-level trafficking
jobs are filled by both men and women in countries of origin, in
sex-industrialized hub countries, and in some developing coun¬
tries that have become popular sites for sex tourism. At least,
dismantling trafficking and prostitution will require the provi¬
sion of education and job opportunities for women (and men)
that will allow them to support themselves and their families.
Although helping in some ways, globalization policies have
often added to the economic woes of developing and transitional
countries, leaving them debt-ridden and even more dependant
on affluent countries. Globalization policies also frequently work
against women, passing them by for loans and other resources
that might help them become more economically stable. The
building of globalization-guided market economies needs to be
examined in order to determine what actually does help or harm
countries struggling to sustain themselves and become economi¬
cally viable. Just as important as strengthening economies over¬
all, however, is the distribution of resources within them-whether
having in mind the global economy or that of individual coun¬
tries. „Free market" economic systems do not typically equalize
on their own, so the question is whether there is a will, or whether
will can be mobilized, to achieve a more equitable distribution of
resources across and within nations.
The will of attitudinalpiece is also critical to success in curb¬
ing the demand that fuels the trafficking in women and prosti¬
tution. Without the enormous male demand that seems never
to recede, trafficking and prostitution would of course not be
so profitable. What can be done about this final piece
-
the
patriarchal belief systems? As some feminists suggest, the sub¬
ordination of women „runs so deep that it is still viewed as
inevitable or natural rather than as a politically constructed re¬
ality maintained by patriarchal interests, ideology and institu¬
tions". One can easily look at the ways in which one patriarchal
institution, the military, has all too often encouraged forms of
masculinity that include the degradation of the feminine, hyper-
heterosexuality among men, and the use of women's bodies for
342
Hristo POPOV
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN
male recreation and pleasure. However, similar beliefs are em¬
bedded in many institutions, across cultures, and they tend to
be resistant to change.
Public awareness and education campaigns about traffick¬
ing in women for sexual exploitation should include materials
introducing or reinforcing egalitarian belief systems regarding
gender, class, and ethnic relations; such materials could be dif¬
ferently shaped for specific cultures with input from local and
regional groups and organizations. As has been discussed, traf¬
ficking in women can be framed in different ways
-
as a human
rights violation, as a form of discrimination against women, as
an act of violence against women, or as a health related prob¬
lem
-
and the framing for one culture or situation may not be
the best for another. Attitudinal perhaps change through per¬
suasion alone, however, can be slow going. And, sometimes,
attitudinal change occurs only after actions to curb behaviors
have been implemented and enforced.
Stricter monitoring and enforcement of international conven¬
tions and national laws on trafficking, along with more certain
prosecution and punishment for traffickers, can de-normalize
trafficking and perhaps change public attitudes toward it. The
law can also be used to deliver a message of no acceptance for
old ways of thinking about male entitlement, the sexual exploita¬
tion of women, and structured gender relations more generally.
However, without concerted and carefully planned activ¬
ism against it, the trafficking of women into enslaved prostitu¬
tion is likely to continue to expand. Time has moved beyond
the decade of
1990s,
during which many research organizations,
Web sites,
NGOs,
campaigns and projects were initiated and
activated. Research is continually adding to human knowledge
about the sex trafficking industry and the experiences of those
who have been exploited by it. Moreover, there is network power
with which to fuel a global antitrafficking machine. Virtually,
some are already tackling the trafficking in women, but the job
requires greater resolve and activism on the part of govern¬
ments and individuals alike. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Popov, Christo T. ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_GND | (DE-588)133928004 |
| author_facet | Popov, Christo T. ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Popov, Christo T. ca. 20./21. Jh |
| author_variant | c t p ct ctp |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV023073614 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)237203030 (DE-599)BVBBV023073614 |
| edition | 1. izd. |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Bulgarien |
| id | DE-604.BV023073614 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T19:34:03Z |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:06:05Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789546077554 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016276736 |
| oclc_num | 237203030 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 359 S. |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Izdat. Kăšta LIK |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Popov, Christo T. ca. 20./21. Jh. Verfasser (DE-588)133928004 aut Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij Christo Popov 1. izd. Sofija Izdat. Kăšta LIK 2007 359 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Trafficking in women Illegaler Grenzverkehr (DE-588)4474001-3 gnd rswk-swf Frauenhandel (DE-588)4114475-2 gnd rswk-swf Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd rswk-swf Frauenhandel (DE-588)4114475-2 s Illegaler Grenzverkehr (DE-588)4474001-3 s DE-604 Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 g Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016276736&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016276736&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Popov, Christo T. ca. 20./21. Jh Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij Illegaler Grenzverkehr (DE-588)4474001-3 gnd Frauenhandel (DE-588)4114475-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4474001-3 (DE-588)4114475-2 (DE-588)4008866-2 |
| title | Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij |
| title_auth | Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij |
| title_exact_search | Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij |
| title_full | Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij Christo Popov |
| title_fullStr | Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij Christo Popov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Trafik na ženi pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij Christo Popov |
| title_short | Trafik na ženi |
| title_sort | trafik na zeni pricini posledstvija i protivodejstvij |
| title_sub | pričini, posledstvija i protivodejstvij |
| topic | Illegaler Grenzverkehr (DE-588)4474001-3 gnd Frauenhandel (DE-588)4114475-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Illegaler Grenzverkehr Frauenhandel Bulgarien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016276736&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016276736&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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