Verfügbarkeit: Ka demokratskom društvu

Ka demokratskom društvu: izborni sistem kvota

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
1. Verfasser:	Mršević, Zorica 1954- (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Veröffentlicht:	Beograd Inst. Društvenih Nauka 2007
Schlagworte:	Kandidatin Wahlrecht Wahlsystem Gender Mainstreaming Quotierung
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Beschreibung:	285 S.
ISBN:	9788670931152

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Datensatz im Suchindex

_version_	1804137271663788032
adam_text	SADRŽAJ OPŠTIDEO ..........................................................................................13 OKVOTAMA ...................................................................................................15 Uvod .............................................................................................................15 Uvođenje kvota .............................................................................................19 Mitovi о kvotama .........................................................................................22 Potreba za zakonskim regulisanjem mera za povećanje učešća žena u političkim procesima donošenja odluka ............................................23 Pogled unazad ...............................................................................................25 Odlučivanje znači moć .................................................................................26 Politička participacija žena i rodna ravnopravnost .......................................28 Formalna i neformalna participacija ........................................................28 Argumenti koji se pozivaju na pravdu .....................................................28 Interesne razlike ......................................................................................29 Emancipacija ...........................................................................................29 Trougao faktora .........................:.............................................................29 Mere za povećanje učešća žena u politici/Zajedničke strategije i umreženost, pritisak i osnaživanje žena .....................................................30 Odbori za izbor žena ...............................................................................31 Predizborne kampanje .............................................................................32 Kvote ............................................................................................................32 Vrste kvota ili kvote kao pozitivna akcija ....................................................33 Ima li dovoljno žena da bi se ispunili zahtevi sistema izbornih kvota ..................................................................................35 Uloga sistema izbornih kvota .......................................................................36 Proces biranja članova parlamenta ...............................................................38 Deskriptivna i supstancijama zastupljenost žena ..........................................41 Institucionahiamuškost ...........................................................................42 Strategije promena ........................................................................................44 Vrste strategija ..............................................................................................45 Strategija pravila.... .......................................................................................48 Učenje pravila ...............................................................................................49 Primena pravila .............................................................................................49 5 Menjanje pravila ...........................................................................................50 Odbori za rodnu ravnopravnost ...............................................................54 Pitanja bez odgovora ....................................................................................60 KVOTE I EVROPSKA UNIJA .........................................................................62 Razvoj koncepta rodne ravnopravnosti ka rodnoj ravnomernosti u procesima odlučivanja .......................................................62 Amsterdamski ugovor .............................................................................63 Ministarska Konferencija u Parizu ..........................................................64 Rezolucije, odluke, saopštenja, izveštaji .................................................64 Rezolucija Saveta о ženama u nauci 2000.........................................64 Odluka Komisije iz 2000...................................................................64 Saopštenje Komisije iz 2000..............................................................65 Rezolucija Evropskog parlamenta о ženama u procesima donošenja odluka ................................................................................65 Izveštaj Komisije iz 2000...................................................................66 Rezolucija i izveštaj Evropskog parlamenta ......................................67 Žene u strukturama EU ............................................................................67 Rodna ravnopravnost kao evropska vrednost ...............................................68 Ambijent EU pre proširenja 2004.................................................................70 Žene u EU .....................................................................................................71 Evropski parlament .......................................................................................72 Pregled učestvovanja žena u parlamentima u zemljama članicama, kandidatima i potencijalnim kandidatima za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji .....74 Izvodi iz ustava nekih evropskih država ......................................................75 Proces pristupanja i politika rodne ravnopravnosti Evropske unije ..............................................................................................77 EVROPSKE ZEMLJE U TRANZICIJI ............................................................79 Situacija u zemljama Balkana, Istočne i Centralne Evrope ...........................................................................79 Period državnog socijalizma .........................................................................80 Situacija u evropskim zemljama u tranziciji .................................................81 Iluzije u pogledu postojanja rodne ravnopravnosti ......................................82 Reakcija žena u tranzicionom periodu ..........................................................83 Politička kultura ...........................................................................................84 Političke partije .............................................................................................86 Unutarpartijska dinamika .............................................................................86 Dinamizam partijske scene ...........................................................................87 Percepcija partijskog života u javnosti .........................................................87 Partijski program, dokumenta í interne regulative .......................................87 6 Žene u političkim partijama ..........................................................................88 Ženski forami ...............................................................................................89 Ženske partije ...............................................................................................89 Žene u parlamentima ...............................................................,....................90 Lokalne skupštine .........................................................................................90 Vlade ............................................................................................................90 Izborni sistemi i njihov uticaj na prisustvo žena u politici ...............................................................................................91 Međunarodna dokumenta .............................................................................92 Međunarodne aktivnosti ...............................................................................93 Žene i UN .....................................................................................................93 Mreža za Centralnu i Istočnu Evropu ...........................................................94 Evropski ženski lobi .....................................................................................96 Šest završnih tačaka ......................................................................................98 PRIMENA KVOTA U REGIONU LATINSKE AMERIKE .............................99 Prepreke i podsticaji .....................................................................................99 UTICAJ MEĐUNARODNIH ORGANIZACIJA NA UVOĐENJE SISTEMA IZBORNIH KVOTA ................................................105 Uvod ...........................................................................................................105 Ujedinjene nacije ........................................................................................107 Konvencija о eliminaciji svih oblika diskriminacije žena - CEDAW ... 107 Pekińska deklaracija i Platforma za akciju ............................................107 Preporuke CEDAW komiteta ................................................................109 Praksa CEDAW komiteta ......................................................................111 Položaj žena u sistemu UN ....................................................................111 Savet Evrope ...............................................................................................112 Interparlamentarna unija .............................................................................117 Socijalistička internacionala .......................................................................119 Socijalistička internacionala žena ...............................................................120 Međunarodna unija socijalističke omladine (IUSY) ..................................124 Uticaj međunarodne zajednice na učešće žena u procesima odlučivanja u postkonfliktnim draštvima ...................................................124 POSEBAN DEO ..................................................................................127 ARAPSKE ŽENE: NEDAVNE PROMENE .........................................................129 ARGENTINA: ZAKON О KVOTAMA ...............................................................129 AVGANISTAN, PRIMER UTICAJA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE ............132 BELGIJA: PRIMER USPEŠNO UVEDENIH KVOTA .......................................133 7 Početak borbe za ozakonjenje izbornih kvota .......................................133 Vodeća uloga vlade ................................................................................134 Kumulativno dejstvo zakonskih i partijskih kvota ................................135 Rezultati piimene sistema kvota u ciframa ...........................................136 Partijska pilarizacija, zahtevi za rodnom ravnopravnošću i anticipacija kvota ................................................................................137 Izborni sistem i sistem kvota .................................................................137 BOLIVIJA .............................................................................................................138 BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA ..................................................................................143 Društvena i politička situacija ...............................................................143 Predratni period .....................................................................................144 Prvi višepartijski izbori .........................................................................145 Poslerami izbori .....................................................................................145 Uvođenje sistema izbornih kvota ..........................................................145 Prvi izbori za zakonski obaveznim kvotama .........................................146 Zakon о rodnoj ravnopravnosti .............................................................147 Uticaj primene sistema kvota i preporuke .............................................147 Lekcije bosanskog primera ....................................................................147 BRAZIL .................................................................................................................148 Politički sistem, pravni i politički kontekst uvođenja i delovanja sistema kvota u Brazilu .........................................................................148 Uvođenje sistema kvota u Brazilu .........................................................152 Žene u političkom životu Brazila ..........................................................155 Izborni rezultati .....................................................................................156 BRITANIJA ...........................................................................................................157 Međunarodnopravni okvir .....................................................................158 Kronologija i uzroci nedavnih promena u zastupljenosti žena u Britaniji ...............................................................................................158 Kvote i političke partije: kako povećati zastupljenosti žena .................159 Ubrzam put povećanja zastupljenosti žena - fast track......................... 161 Škotska ..................................................................................................162 Veis ...................................................................................... ..................162 Škotska i velška iskustva .......................................................................162 Povelja o polnej diskriminaciji ..............................................................163 Faktori porasta zastupljenosti žena ........................................................164 Institucionalna uloga mehanizama za rodnu ravnopravnost .................165 Različita shvatanja problema rodne ravnopravnosti ..............................165 Žene kao (nejedinstvena društvena grupacija ......................................166 Pravednost kao argument ......................................................................167 Zaštita interesa žena kao argument ..............................................,.........168 Demokratičnost kao argument ...............................................................168 Potreba za suštinskim institucionalnim reformama ...............................168 Deliberativna demokratija protiv reprezentativne demokratije .............169 Gender mainstreaming ..........................................................................169 Zaključak ...............................................................................................170 FRANCUSKA, ZEMLJA PARITETA ..................................................................172 Istorijska perspektiva .............................................................................173 Kako je došlo do pariteta .......................................................................174 Osmatračnica .........................................................................................174 Prva (ali neustavna) kvota .....................................................................175 Knjiga i Manifest ...................................................................................175 Izborni paritet ........................................................................................175 Debata ....................................................................................................176 Paritet tek treba da se ostvari na radu i kod kuće ..................................177 Evropski izbori i unutrašnja perspektiva ...............................................178 IRAK, PRIMER UTICAJA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE ..........................178 KOSTARIKA .........................................................................................................179 Uvod ......................................................................................................179 Uvođenje sistema kvota u Kostariki ......................................................180 Žene u političkom životu Kostarike ......................................................185 Iskustva Kostarike .................................................................................188 LITVANIJA: PRIMER NEUSPEŠNOG UVOĐENJA IZBORNIH KVOTA ......190 Promene izbornog sistema .....................................................................191 Ženske inicijative ..................................................................................191 Institucionalni mehanizmi za rodnu ravnopravnost ..............................192 Prepreke za primenu sistema kvota .......................................................192 MAĐARSKA ........................................................................................................194 Istorij ski osvrt ........................................................................................194 Period demokratizacije ..........................................................................195 Unutarpartijske kvote ............................................................................196 Pokret Žutih marama .............................................................................197 Izbori za Evropski parlament ................................................................198 Naučeno iz mađarskog primera .............................................................198 MAKEDONIJA .....................................................................................................199 Unutapartijske kvote .............................................................................200 Uvođenje zakonskih kvota ....................................................................201 Decentralizacija i lokalni izbori ............................................................202 Naučeno iz makedonskog primera ........................................................202 MEKSIKO .............................................................................................................203 NORVEŠKA ..........................................................................................................204 Izbor kandidata u Norveškoj .................................................................204 Norveška, svetski lider u predstavljanju žena .......................................206 Prvi period 1909-1953...........................................................................207 Dragi period 1957-1973........................................................................208 Treći period, 1973 -1981.....................................................................208 Četvrti period, od 1985. do danas .........................................................209 Limiti sistema kvota ..............................................................................211 Zakraj ...................................................................................................212 POLJSKA ..............................................................................................................213 Stavovi poljskih birača prema ženama u politici ...................................214 SLOVENIJA ..........................................................................................................215 Partijske kvote .......................................................................................215 Koalicija za paritet .................................................................................216 Izbori za Evropski parlament ................................................................216 Lokalni izbori ........................................................................................216 Parlamentarni izbori ..............................................................................217 SRBIJA ..................................................................................................................218 Kako su kvote uvedene u lokalne izbore ...............................................218 Kako su uvedene kvote za izbore za Narodnu skupštinu ......................219 Strategija ženskih organzacija, podrška političkih partija i građanskog društva ..............................................................................220 Rasprave koje su se vodile pre primene sistema kvota na lokalnim izborima .............................................................................220 Broj žena pre uvođenja sistema kvotau Srbiji ......................................221 Prinudna primena odredaba о izbornim kvotama ..................................222 Primena sistema kvota u Srbiji ..............................................................222 Rezultati opštinskih izbora 2004......................................................223 Žene Srbije о sistemu kvota ..................................................................225 Period oktobar 2006 - februar 2007......................................................227 ŠVEDSKA .............................................................................................................231 Kako je počelo .......................................................................................231 Razvitak ideje о neophodnosti kvota .....................................................232 Faktori uspešnog povećanja broja žena .................................................232 Unutarpartijske kvote ............................................................................233 Teorija „zaraze .....................................................................................234 Teorija difuzije ......................................................................................235 Dijagnoza problema ..............................................................................236 Da li su žene politički izdiferencirana grupa .........................................237 Tehnike kvota ........................................................................................237 10 Kvote upotrebljene od strane švedskih partija ......................................238 Shvatanja Konzervativne partije о problematici nezastupljenosti žena ... 240 Shvatanja Socijaldemokratske partije о problematici nezastupljenosti žena .............................................................................243 „Varannan damernas ............................................................................ 244 Ziping sistem .........................................................................................245 Zaključak ...............................................................................................246 Feministička partija ...............................................................................247 ZAKLJUČNE NAPOMENE .............................................................249 PROPORCIJA KAO NAČIN DA SE KOMBINUJE JEDNAKOST I RAZLIKA .............................................................................251 Poređenje regiona: evropske zemlje tranzicije i Latinska Amerika .....................................................................................251 Polemika .....................................................................................................252 Uticaj međunarodnih organizacija ..............................................................253 Političke partije kao ključni faktor .............................................................254 Kvalitativne promene .................................................................................254 Ka demokratskom društvu ..........................................................................257 CONTENT .......................................................................................................260 SUMMARY..................................................................................................... 266 1. Comparison between the regions: European countries in transition and Latin America ........................................................................................266 2. Discussion .........................................................................................268 З.Тће influence of international organizations .....;................................268 4. Political parties as a key factor ..........................................................269 5. Qualitative changes ...........................................................................269 6. Towards a democratic society ..........................................................272 SPISAK LITERATURE ..................................................................................277 Bojana Balon je napisala sledeće naslove: 1) Kvote i Evropska unija, str. 62-68 2) Uticaj međunarodnih organizacija na uvođenje kvota izbornog sistema, str. 105-126 3) Avganistan, primer uticaja međunarodne zajednice, str. 132-133 4) Irak, primer uticaja međunarodne zajednice, str. 178-179 5) Slovenija, str 215-218 11 CONTENT PART ONE: GENERAL REVIEW .......................................·.............................13 ON QUOTAS ..........................................................................................................15 Preface ...............................................................................................................15 Introduction of Quotas ......................................................................................19 Myths on Quotas ...............................................................................................22 The Need for Legal Measures for the Increased Participation of Women in Political Decision-Making ...............................................................23 Looking Back ....................................................................................................25 Decision-Making Means Power ........................................................................26 Political Participation of Women and Gender Equality .....................................28 Formal and Informal Participation ...............................................................28 Justice as Arguments ....................................................................................28 Differences in Interests ................................................................................28 Emancipation ...............................................................................................29 Triangle of Factors .......................................................................................29 Measures For the Increase of Women in Politics/Joint Strategieas and Networking, Preassure and Empowerment of Women ...............................30 Committees for Election of Women .............................................................31 Preelection Campaigns .................................................................................32 Quotas ...............................................................................................................32 Types of Quotas or Quotas as an Affirmative Action ........................................33 Are There Enough Women to Meet the Demands of Quota Election System .................................................................................................35 The Role of Quota Election System ..................................................................36 The Process of Election of Members of Parliament ..........................................38 Descriptive and Substantial Aspects of Representation of Women ..................41 Institutional Manhood ..................................................................................42 Strategies of Change ..........................................................................................44 Types of Strategies ............................................................................................45 Strategies of Rules .............................................................................................48 Learning Rules ..................................................................................................49 Implementation of Rules .......................................................................,...........49 Changing of Rules .............................................................................................50 Committees for Gender Equality .................................................................54 Questions Without Answers ..............................................................................60 QUOTAS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ..........................................................62 260 From Gender Equality Towards Gender Parity in Decision-Making Processes ... 62 Amsterdam Treaty ...................................................................................63 Ministerial Coference in Paris ................................................................. 64 Resolutions, Decisions, Communications, Reports .................................64 Resolution of the Council on Women in Science, 2000.....................64 Decision of Commission From 2000......................................................64 Communication from the Commission in 2000......................................65 Resolution of the European Parliament on Women in Decision-making Processes .................................................................................................65 Report from the Commission from 1996................................................66 Resolution and Report from the European Parliament ................................67 Women in Eu Structures ..........................................................................67 Gender Eqality as a Europaen Value .................................................................68 Eu Before 2004 Enlargement ............................................................................70 Women in Eu .....................................................................................................71 European Parliament .........................................................................................72 Overview of Participation of Women in Parliaments of Eu Member States, Candidates and Potential Candidates for Membership in the EU .....................74 Women in National Governments of EU Member States ..................................75 Excerpts From Constitutions of Some EU Countries ........................................77 Process of EU Enlargement and Politics of Gender Equality of the EU ...........79 EUROPEAN COUNTIRES IN TRANSITION ......................................................79 Situation in the Countries of me Balkans, Eastern and Central Europe ............79 The Period of State Socialism ...........................................................................80 Situation in European Countries in Transition ..................................................81 Illusions on Existance of Gender Equality ........................................................82 Reaction of Women in Transitional Period .......................................................83 Political Culture .................................................................................................84 Political Parties ..................................................................................................86 Internal Party Dynamics ....................................................................................86 Dynamism of Party Scene .................................................................................87 Perception of Party Life in Public .....................................................................87 Party Program, Documents and Internai Regulations .......................................87 Women in Political Parties ................................................................................88 Women s Forums ...............................................................................................89 Women s Parties .................................................·........·.....................................89 Women in Parliaments ....................................................................................... 90 Local Assemblies ..............................................................................................90 Governments ..................................................................................................... 90 Election Systems and Their Influence on Presence of Women in Politics ........91 International Documents ........................................·.....................·..........·......... 92 International Activities ..................................·................................................... 93 Women and the United Nations ......................................................................... 93 261 Network of Central and Eastern Europe ............................................................94 European Women s Lobby ................................................................................96 Conclusions in Six Points ..................................................................................98 IMPLEMENTATION OF QUOTAS IN LATIN AMERICA ..................................99 Obstacles and Incentives ..................................................................................99 THE INFLUENCE OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS ON INTRODUCTION OF QUOTA ELECTION SYSTEM ................................105 Introduction .....................................................................................................105 United Nations .................................................................................................107 Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women-CEDAW .......................................................................................107 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action .............................................107 Recommendations of Cedaw Committee ...................................................109 Practice of Cedaw Committee .................................................................... Ill Position of Women Within the UN System ................................................ Ill Council of Europe ...........................................................................................112 Interparliamentary Union ................................................................................117 Socialist International ......................................................................................119 Socialist International of Women ....................................................................120 International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY) ...............................................124 Influence of International Community on the Participation of Women in Decision-making Processes in Post-conflict Societies ................................124 PART TWO: COMPARATIVE REVIEW ........................................................127 ARAB WOMEN: RECENT CHANGES ........................................................129 ARGENTINA: LAW ON QUOTAS ................................................................129 AFGHANISTAN, AN EXAMPLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY INTERFERENCE ..................................................................132 BELGIUM: AN EXAMPLE OF SUCESSFULLY INTRODUCED QUOTAS .... 133 The Beginning of Straggle for Election Quotas .........................................133 Leading Role of the Government ...............................................................134 Cummulative Influence of Legal and Party Quotas ...................................135 Results of Implementation of Quota System in Numbers ..........................136 Pilarisation of Parties, Demands for Gender Equality and Anticipation of Quotas ...............................................................................137 Election and Quota System ..........................................................·..............137 BOLIVIA .........................................................................................................138 BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ...................................................................143 Social and Political Situation .....................................................................143 Prewar Period .............................................................................................144 First Multiparty Elections ..........................................................................145 Elections After War ....................................................................................145 Introduction of Quota Election System ......................................................145 262 First Elections With Legally Binding Quotas ............................................146 Law On Gender Equality ........................................................................... I47 Influence of Implementation of Quota System and Recommendations .......147 Lessons of Bosnian Experience ................................................................. I47 BRAZIL .......................................................................................................... 148 Political System, Legal and Political Context of Introduction of Quota System in Brazil .........................................................................................148 Introduction of Quota System in Brazil .....................................................152 Women in Political Life of Brazil .............................................................155 Election Results .........................................................................................156 GREAT BRITAIN ...................................................................................... . 157 International Legal Framework ..................................................................158 Chronology and Reasons for Recent Changes in Representation of Women in Great Britain .........................................................................158 Quotas and Political Parties: How to Increase the Representation of Women ...................................................................................................159 Quick Increasing of Representation of Women-Fast Track ....................161 Scotland .....................................................................................................162 Wales ..........................................................................................................162 Scottish and Welsh Experiences ................................................................162 The Sex Discrimination Act .......................................................................163 Factors of Increase of Respresentation of Women .....................................164 Institutional Role of Mechanisms for Gender Equality .............................165 Different Understandings of The Problem of Gender Equality .................165 Women as Fragmented Social Grupation ...................................................166 Justice as an Argument ..............................................................................167 Protection of The Interests of Women as an Argument .............................168 Democracy as an Argument .......................................................................168 The Need for Substantial Institutional Reform ..........................................168 Deliberative Democracy Against Representative Democracy ...................169 Gender Mainstreaming...............................................................................169 Conclusion .................................................................................................170 FRANCE, THE COUNTRY OF PARITY .......................................................172 Historical perspective .................................................................................173 How Parity was Achived ............................................................................174 Observatory ................................................................................................175 Fist (but Unconstitutional) Quota .............................................................. I75 The Book and the Manifesto ...................................................................... 177 Election Party .............................................................................................175 Debate ........................................................................................................ 176 Parity is yet to be Accomplished at Work and in the Home .......................178 European Elections and Internal Perspectives ........................................... I78 IRAQ, AN EXAMPLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY INTERFERENCE ............................................................................................ }Z° COSTARICA .................................................................................................. 17У 263 Introduction ................................................................................................179 Introduction of Quota System in Costa Rica .............................................180 Women in Political Life of Costa Rica ......................................................185 Experience of Costa Rica ...........................................................................188 LITHUANIA: AN EXAMPLE OF UNSCESSFUL INTRODUCTION OF ELECTION QUOTAS ...............................................................................190 Change of Election System ........................................................................191 Women s Initiatives ....................................................................................191 Institutional Mechanisms for Gender Equality ..........................................192 Obstacles for Implementation of Quota Sytem ..........................................192 HUNGARY .....................................................................................................194 Historical Perspective ................................................................................194 Period of Democratization .........................................................................195 Internal Party Quotas .................................................................................196 Movement of Yellow Scarfs .......................................................................197 Elections for European Parliament ............................................................198 Hungarian Example, Lessons Learned .......................................................198 MACEDONIA .................................................................................................199 Internal Party Quotas .................................................................................200 Introduction of Legal Quotas .....................................................................201 Decentralisation and Local Elections .........................................................202 Macedonian Example, Lessons Learned ....................................................202 MEXICO .........................................................................................................203 NORWAY ........................................................................................................204 Elections of Candidates in Norway ............................................................204 Norway, World Leader in Representation of Women ................................206 First Period 1909-1953..............................................................................207 Second Period 1957-1973..........................................................................208 Third Period, 1973 - 1981.........................................................................208 Fourth Period, from 1985 Until Today .......................................................209 Limits of Quota Systems ............................................................................211 For The End ...............................................................................................212 POLAND .........................................................................................................213 Attitudes of Polish Voters on Women in Politics .......................................214 SLOVENIA .....................................................................................................215 Party Quotas ...............................................................................................215 Coalition for Parity ....................................................................................216 Elections for the European Parliament .......................................................216 Local Elections ..........................................................................................216 Parliamentary Elections .............................................................................217 SERBIA ...........................................................................................................218 How Quotas were Introduced in the Local Elections ................................218 How Quotas were Introduced for Elections for the National Assembly .... 219 Strategy of Women s Organisations, Support of Political Parties And the Civil Society .................................................................................220 264 Discussions that were Led Before the Implementation of Quota System on the Local Level .....................................................................................220 Number of Women Before Introduction of Quota System in Serbia .........221 Enforced Implementation of Provisions on Election Quotas .....................222 Implementation of Quota System in Serbia ...............................................222 Municiai Election Results (2004).....................................................223 Women in Serbia on Quota System ............................................................225 Period: October 2006 - February 2007.....................................................227 SWEDEN ........................................................................................................231 How it all Began ........................................................................................231 The Development of Idea on The Neccessity of Quotas ............................232 Factors of Successful Increase of the Number of Women .........................232 Internal Party Quotas .................................................................................233 Theory of „Contaigon ..............................................................................234 Difusión Theory .........................................................................................235 Diagnosis of the Problem ...........................................................................236 Are Women Politically Differentiated Group ............................................237 Techniques of Quotas .................................................................................237 Quotas that Swedish Parties Use ................................................................238 Conservative Party Understanding of Underrepresentation of Women .....240 Socialdemocratic Party Understanding of Underrepresentation of Women . 243 „Varannan Damernas ................................................................................ 244 Zipping System ..........................................................................................245 Conclusion .................................................................................................246 Feminist Party ............................................................................................247 CONCLUDING REMARKS .............................................................................249 PROPORTIONA AS A WAY TO COMBINE EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE ......................................................................................................251 Comparison between the Regions: European Countries in Transition and the Latin America ............................................................................................251 Discussion Influence of the International Organisations .................................253 Political Parties as a Key Factor ......................................................................254 Quality Changes ..............................................................................................254 Towards a Democratic Society ........................................................................257 CONTENT ............................................................................................................260 SUMMARY ..........................................................................................................266 1. Comparison between the Regions: European Countries in Transition and Latin America ......................................................................................266 2. Discussion ..............................................................................................268 3. The Influence of International Organizations ........................................268 4. Political Parties as a Key Factor ............................................................269 5. Qualitative Changes ............................................................................... 269 6. Towards a Democratic Society ...............................................................272 LITERATURE ......................................................................................................277 265 SUMMARY In accordance with the legal and analytical tradition, the book Towards a Democratic Society - a System of Election Quotas is divided into a General and a Specific section, and attached to them is the Concluding section, which deals with a way of combining equality with differences. In the initial General section of the book, general issues related to quotas are explored, as well as the quota election system in the European Union. Also, the situation in European countries in transition is analyzed. Especially valuable is a presentation of the situation in the Latin American countries, where quotas are most widely used as an instrument for an institutional democratic reform fol¬ lowing the period of dictatorship and massive human rights violations. The spe¬ cial section is made up of a comparative legal analysis of the issue of introducing and functioning of the quota election system in 20 countries throughout the world, most of them being European ones, but also in the Latin American and Asian countries. In this section, an analysis of the introduction and development of the quota system in Serbia is presented. 1. Comparison between the regions: European countries in transition and Latin America The region where the quota election system is most widely used isn t Euro¬ pe. It s Latin America. Many of the countries with the highest percentage of wo¬ men in the decision-making structures have just recently experienced military conflicts. A strong participatory climate is present in these countries, as well as a belief that the issues of governance and decision-making can never again be an exclusive right of the usurping political elite or a small number of „the untoucha¬ bles . The introduction of the quota election system in Latin America shouldn t be observed only as an outcome of democratic changes, but also as a consequence of high female political mobilization and participation in social movements in the period that preceded social changes, as well as a considerable participation of women in non-governmental organizations and political parties. Due to this, issu¬ es related to the respect of human rights, as well as of gender equality, are con¬ stantly found in the programs of political parties, governments and other political players. In Latin America, a legally regulated election quota system is combined with party quotas for far longer a period of time then in many European countries, especially in those undergoing transition. The fact that election quotas in the La¬ tin American region are now broadly implemented, despite various negative in- 266 fluences, is a result of strong social and political movements throughout the con¬ tinent, which straggled for the restoration of democracy after juntas, authoritarian and coup-plotting regimes by introducing and strengthening various institutional mechanisms of participatory democracy. The idea of excluding some social strata from political decision-making pro¬ cesses is widely declined by majority of the population due to negative experiences in the early decades of the century. Upon reaching a broad social consensus, a con¬ cept of democracy, which is based on equality, is adopted. In this context, the intro¬ duction of quotas is to be considered as a democratic innovation. One should also notice that quota requests appear paradigmatically in the periods of democratic tran¬ sition or in the periods of developing new democratic institutions. In the above cases, quotas were introduced by means of large packages of political reforms, the intention of which was to secure political representation of traditionally unprivileged social groups, as well as to establish national and inter¬ national legitimacy of the new regime. On the other hand, in the Eastern and Central European countries, quotas are considered as a relic of the Soviet regime and as a symbol of forced emanci¬ pation of some kind, a politically motivated tool for manipulation (the so-called keys ). In former socialist countries, politics is still considered as a dirty busi¬ ness in which corruption and crime reign and it, thus, represents something use¬ less and inadequate for women. The political culture of these countries is still dominated by antagonism between the nation , i.e. the society and the state, which is a remnant of the so - called real-socialism, when citizens were identified by means of being divided into us (the citizens) and them (the authority). Citizens of the former socialist countries still don t consider institutions of the political system as a place where social problems are solved. Social problems continue to be solved in a traditional manner through well - functioning systems of individual and collective survival strategies. They may be efficient and functi¬ onal at the individual level, but they don t bring any changes in broader social and economic terms. A lack of understanding of the political equality concept originates from the former socialist proclamation, whereby gender equality was achieved a long time ago in those countries and declarative constitutional provisions were a good eno¬ ugh guarantee for their implementation. Also, it s often stressed that there is no gender-based discrimination in, for instance, the fields of education and imple¬ mentation and gaming of political and civic rights. All of this is underlined, along with the belief that the recently established mechanisms of liberal democracy have been introduced in politics, economy and on the market of these countries, which affects women and men equally, without any discrimination, and provides enough room to all capable individuals, regardless of their sex, for their affirma¬ tion and advancement. 267 2. Discussion The arguments against quotas originate from the domain of the general di¬ vision of social power, whereby men aren t eager to loose their control, power and the privileged positions, which they perceive as something „natural . Some¬ times quotas are still perceived as an instrumentalised force for getting engaged in politics or as discrimination of capable men who are, owing to „unjust legal provisions, replaced with „less capable women. Women, on the other hand, so¬ metime think that quotas are humiliating to them. They should be elected on the basis of merit. Women don t want to be „quota women Or „token women , mea¬ ning women who were chosen on the basis of their sex, so that the existence of gender equality could be proven. It is important that quota isn t perceived as a measure of discrimination against men, but as a compensation for historical social barriers that prevent wo¬ men from taking the positions they deserve. The analysis of quota discourse reve¬ als that those who oppose quotas mostly perceive them in a way that is contrary to the manner in which they are perceived in liberal democracy and the principle of merit („let the best win ). З.ТІіе influence of international organizations The main source of origin of gender election quotas can be found in the activities of international organizations and international recommendations, which were adopted at numerous international meetings and conferences and which ha¬ ve committed member countries to finding the way of increasing the representa¬ tion of women and the availability of political decision-making positions to them. International organizations had a great influence on the introduction of qu¬ ota systems since they brought this topic to the global agenda, provided room for discussion, encouraged analysis and adopted recommendations on how to impro¬ ve the position of women. There are examples of when internal discussions on quotas are a consequence of transitional dissemination ofinformation, through academic work, international conferences, personal contacts and study trips. In¬ ternational conferences provide a necessary room for the exchange of informa¬ tion and definition of standards. Throughout the 1990s, there has been a considerable increase in the repre¬ sentation of women in decision-making positions, and in coming closer to the ideal of a just democratic participation. This is a result of well-planned political strategies, as well as of advocacy, raising capacity and establishment of partner¬ ships. Instruments of the international community, especially of the EU and the Council of Europe, are those that constantly push the equal opportunities agenda 268 forward. Parity can be achieved as soon as the next decade. The key to success is in creating political will to change the relations of power, so that gender equality could be introduced. There is, currently, a consensus in all relevant international organizations that quotas are the most important factor for achieving a defacto increase in the percentage of women in decision-making processes (apart from the adoption of other measures and programs). Due to structural, ideological and cultural factors, a declaratory prohibition of discrimination isn t sufficient for achieving the equ¬ ality of women and men. 4. Political parties as a key factor It is clear that quotas have a considerable positive influence on the number of women in parliaments worldwide. The gate keepers for entering the political scene are the most certain ways for political parties everywhere in the world, since they hold the main key to controlling the nomination process. Sensitivity to gender equality will increase with understanding that the increase of women is becoming politically profitable. This will be possible when it becomes clear that a party is becoming more competitive in responding to challenges of the electora¬ te by including gender issues in its party program and more women in decision- making positions. The implementation of quotas for women candidates, as an internal party rule, has proven to be one of the most important ways for achieving the increase of women in political functions, especially in well-organized parties, where inter¬ nal rales are continuously respected. This is why it is crucial that political plat¬ forms and party statutes contain provisions relating to gender equality, since this is the only way for women to enter political decision-making bodies. Also, this is necessary for a party to be able to influence the parliamentary and political prac¬ tice of a broader surrounding. 5. Qualitative changes Participatory democracy presupposes the necessity of participation of wo- L in nn1itio.a1 пягНея пягііятр.пїя and eovernments. Nevertheless, political le- ving the real essence of representation models. For example, the number 01 wo¬ men in bodies of representation increases as a consequence of the introduction of quotas, but the position of women in society doesn t change at all, or at least in the first otaop nf tViffiv iivn- 1i»mí»ntíitinn (nr mnvbfì TieVfirV quotas, but the position of women m society аоеѕпч cn¡ the first stage of their implementation (or maybe never). 269 Thus, parity democracy or equal representation of women and men in deci¬ sion-making isn t only a matter of numbers. This is only one condition for chan¬ ges, which presupposes an essential change of the social agreement, as well as social structures that have imposed different roles on women and men for cen¬ turies. Female politicians can become symbols of modern times, progress, fair¬ ness, democracy and of concern for the general wellbeing, which are all crucial for reformist movements. Women in public life continue being discreet about their female identity, rather then being ready to stress it, to be proud of it or to make it a source of additional self-respect. This is a reflection of belief among organized women s movements worldwide, the goals of which can be achieved through a process of gradual reforms rather then by leading a „war between the sexes . A change in how female politicians perceive themselves is a key for changing the way the public perceives women and reacts to what they do. When women from different parts of the world fought for the right to vote in the first half of the 20th century, they expected that this would lead to an increase of representation of women in parliaments. Their expectations weren t fulfilled so quickly. Instead, decades of long struggle followed for women that were to be elected to representative bodies at the national and local levels. Elected women can best represent the interests of the female portion of the population. However, the increase of women elected in the bodies of repre¬ sentation, thanks to support of the quota system, still doesn t guarantee an in¬ crease in consciousness on gender issues. The goals of quotas or similar measu¬ res aren t primarily to enhance professional advancement of women from the social and political party elites under the umbrella of gender equality. Nevert¬ heless, this is exactly what has happened so often until now as a result of the quota system. The increase of presence of women in representative bodies is the first and the most visible product of the quota system. Nevertheless, it doesn t mean that gender equality has been achieved in society. This is why measures of po¬ sitive action don t promote only equality, but also enable the female vision of life to become a key part of the process and the culture of governance. Women today, similar to women in the past, who straggled for the right to vote and enter parliaments, are organized, mobilized and motivated and assist in the advancement of women, now from within parliaments. They develop strategi¬ es and work on promoting the questions that are relevant for women and that enable changes in the legislation. The increase of women in decision-making po¬ sitions isn t obviously a goal by itself; the goal is to create a critical mass of women, who can influence the creation of political attitudes, taking into conside¬ ration women s perspectives. Women politicians have also worked on recruiting 270 other women to help develop legislation and institutions that they will benefit from. As the number of them increased, it became easier to be a women politician and their representation in the public changed for the better. Based on the research of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, women in poli¬ tics strive for solutions and not for power or authority. Compared to men, they are more inclined to making consensus, searching for solutions to specific problems, and are less oriented towards gathering political scores. They tend to focus on revitalization of the community, creation of security and on provi¬ ding different opportunities for the citizens. Female experience is, thus, often seen as a necessary political model for a nicer democracy, the one with fewer conflicts. Women parliamentarians throughout the world continuously contribute to the „feminization of the political agenda through discussions and voting in the parliament, and also through work in parliamentary committees. Thanks to this, the door has been opened for parliaments to include gender perspectives in deci¬ sion-making processes and in creating politics. It is essential to differentiate between female issues and female perspecti¬ ves. Women s issues are those that mostly affect women physically (breast can¬ cer, reproductive rights) or socially (gender equality or child protection policy). Women s perspectives are women s perceptions of all political issues. Some rese¬ arch shows that even though mostly the same issues are important to both sexes, female perspectives of political issues differ from those of men. A measure for the success of female influence is that it is visible in laws on female issues. With the growing efficiency of women and an increase in represen¬ tation of women, draft laws will, during regular discussions, take more and more the perspectives of women into consideration. An important indicator of women s influence will be the increased number of women s issues on men s part, as well as their support in parliamentary discussions, as an expression of their support to women s perspectives. Different strategies and mechanisms that women use to influence the parli¬ amentary process are identified, but the most efficient, so far, has been the „stra¬ tegy of learning rules and learning how to use them . In the modern period, wo¬ men learn the rules of the parliamentary game and use this knowledge to promote women s issues and interests by working from within the parliaments all over the world. Thus, they don t only increase their own chances xor success, but also open the way for the new generation of women, which will enter the parliamen¬ tary process. The lasting influence of women politicians is unavoidable, since women are becoming more and more efficient not only in enhancing women s issues and interests, but also in overcoming traditional differences between the „hard and „soft political issues, which imply a division between men s and women s do- 271 mains in political activities. When women s issues are successfully put on the agenda and when they receive program and political support from their male alli¬ es, the interest of the whole political scene is fulfilled. These interests can be implemented in the case of many diverse issues/ political, economic, social and even cultural ones. In the situation of the expansion of women in representative bodies and of their activities, we also have to take into consideration the existence of the so - called women s informal participation. It remains crucial, since the participation in social movements and civil society sets priorities on the political agenda, legi¬ timizes the presentation of women in politics and represents the source of politi¬ cal pressure for the increase of representation of women in political institutions, a place for gathering the necessary experience, as well as potential candidates for formal participation. 6. Towards a democratic society The existence of democracy is conditioned by the existence of a form of governance that includes a set о democratic and inclusive institutional techniques for political decision-making. Inclusion mechanisms, which especially help inte¬ grate traditionally excluded social groups into political decision-making proces¬ ses, are parts of the efficient modern mechanisms for institutional democratiza¬ tion. Their ratio, above all, lies in eradicating the constant causes of social tensions. Decrease in or elimination of these sources, which feed on social injusti¬ ce and inequality, is a top priority and a desired goal of any society. With this a society as such becomes more just, safer, more tolerant and less exposed to social instability and tensions. There is no doubt that men in all societies occupy a great majority of all political functions at all political levels. In short, men dominate the political arena everywhere. They make the rales of the political game and also often introduce the criteria for measuring success within the political game. Furthermore, politi¬ cal life is organized in line with men s norms and values and in many cases in line, with the way of life that suits them. Human society is still structured so that women are kept in political margins. A direct consequence of this is the fact that for women it is more difficult to get recognition as serious candidates for political functions or that it s more diffi¬ cult for them to lead campaigns for promoting issues, which are seen as typical women s issues, if they strive to be recognized as serious. It is, therefore, unacceptable not to ask about the reason for this lack of representation of women, as well as about how this issue was brought about, and not to be worried about the implications. 272 The marginal role of women in politics is a result of the social inequality of sexes, it s closely related to gender, the specific division of labor and the traditio¬ nal division of gender roles. The marginalized groups are, at the same time, expo¬ sed to social isolation and social prejudice, while an important barrier here is the patriarchical political culture that encompasses views on natural roles that wo¬ men can have in a society and in politics. The winning of political functions is closely related to the necessity of ow¬ ning political capital, which doesn t only imply considerable financial capital. Group support is especially important in cases when candidates are leaders of local communities or unions or when they represent specific interest groups. Indi¬ vidual charisma is also an important element of political capital, as well as belon¬ ging to a family, which, by tradition, provides politicians. When the influence and meaning of political capital are under scrutiny, it is noted that women are faced with structural barriers even before they enter the race. In relation to financial capital, they are in a less advantageous position, since they earn less and simply own less. In view of group support as political capital, the lack of women is reflected in the fact that they don t occupy more important positions in strong social movements (with the exception of some non¬ governmental organizations and local associations). Family capital often contri¬ butes to the fact that women at the highest political positions are wives, daughters or sisters of politicians and they are usually elected by center parties or right- wing parties. Parity democracy is based on idea that the essence of humanity lies in its duality, since it is composed of a women s and a men s component and, thus, women and men have to be represented equally whenever decisions that influen¬ ce their lives are made. Equality is greater when different people s positions aren t considered in terms of being higher or lower, but simply in terms of being diffe¬ rent. Parity is a strategy which has a goal, which is to transform the ways in which democracy functions. Interests of women and men aren t the same and sometimes they are even contrary to one another. For example, women and men perceive the meaning of specific political issues differently due to their different perceptions of political reality. It is clear that due to this neither men nor women can be exclusive presen¬ ters of the whole population, nor can they be the only responsible parties for decision-making that considers everyone. In principle, the majority in governments support the idea of gender balance in political life. Today, the introduction of quotas in political life is considered as a legitimate measure for implementing the principle of equal opportunities in a considerably large number of countries, even though negative attitudes are still present in some segments of the public in many of these countries. Even though women possess managerial abilities, they aren t necessarily capable of competing 273 in the election procedures, which traditionally support male candidates, in the context of social environment in which a value system of preferring men to wo¬ men still prevails. The situation was similarly perceived during the initial implementation of quotas in the national elections in Serbia. There was enough political will to ho¬ nor the quotas - they haven t been put under question mark or made an issue by of any of the parties. All debates and counter-arguments were exhausted during the local elections in 2004, and the existing doubts were resolved in practice. 2007 represented a momentum of full political consensus on the necessity to increase the number of women in representative bodies, as well as on the rationality and usefulness of the quota system for achieving this goal. The restructuring of power is a long-term goal, which can t be achieved by simple measures overnight. Female politicians that strive to achieve an equal di¬ vision of political power have to think of the ways of increasing equality along all lines of the magic triangle - regarding a change in social structures, political culture and political institutions. Their chance to succeed with this is better if they are networked, if they use better and innovative strategies, plan long-term and short-term activities, if they learn more from one another s good and bad exam¬ ples, through state and party lines and if they develop programs that are adjusted to specific conditions, which are typical for and different in every country. Quotas are the first step towards a quantitative change of the situation with respect to using the right to public services. They may also influence a deeper and wider change of mentality and stimulate better use of women s potentials in this respect. Quotas can be adopted as a result of the strategic measure of positive action, which are implemented by parties, but they can also be a result of a legi¬ slative strategy that stems from demands for enhancing gender equality. Quotas can be perceived as a ceiling or a top limit when considering, for example, national minorities. However, it isn t the role of quotas when women that aren t a minority are considered. Quotas in women represent only a transitional phase towards parity democracy, the way to break down political inertia of the men s majority and the way to uphold and recognize women s capabilities. Quotas must be mandatory; they should be combined with the enforcement measures. They should be of a dual type, meaning they should include a mandatory percentage and a mandatory distribution on candidacy lists, so that they could produce tangi¬ ble results. They are more efficient and effective when the demanded percentage is higher, when they are implemented closer the end of the election process and when they are more mandatory from a legal viewpoint. The efficiency of the quota election system is reflected in making it possi¬ ble for the most competent women to come to the highest political positions fast and in preventing them from being eliminated due to the inherited cultural preju¬ dice and stereotypes. Quotas became more necessary when it was established that 274 some categories of women were still underrepresented /excluded. These are Black women, migrant women, women from ethnic minorities, women with disabilities and young women. Their exclusion from politics can often mean that they are excluded from social programs, social movements, economy, the media, NGOs, trade unions and the like, since there is no one to represent their interests there, which further complicates their situation and they become more discriminated. We should also bear in mind some of the important effects of quotas. Quo¬ tas aren t only considered as a strategy for empowering women and a way of increasing the importance of women representation, but they are also considered to be a way of achieving parity. Also, quotas are a mechanism for preventing a decrease in the number of women MPs. Their transitional character is important, their contribution to the introduction of democracy is important, too, as well as their symbolical role in encouraging women to stop both overt and covert preju¬ dice. The energy of political momentum of the increased number of women in parliaments is, for the time being, perceived as a moment of capitalization of what has been achieved. It provides a strong possibility for achieving quality on the basis of quantity, and it s also a measure for preserving the achieved quantity, which shouldn t be threatened in the coming period. 275
adam_txt	SADRŽAJ OPŠTIDEO .13 OKVOTAMA .15 Uvod .15 Uvođenje kvota .19 Mitovi о kvotama .22 Potreba za zakonskim regulisanjem mera za povećanje učešća žena u političkim procesima donošenja odluka .23 Pogled unazad .25 Odlučivanje znači moć .26 Politička participacija žena i rodna ravnopravnost .28 Formalna i neformalna participacija .28 Argumenti koji se pozivaju na pravdu .28 Interesne razlike .29 Emancipacija .29 Trougao faktora .:.29 Mere za povećanje učešća žena u politici/Zajedničke strategije i umreženost, pritisak i osnaživanje žena .30 Odbori za izbor žena .31 Predizborne kampanje .32 Kvote .32 Vrste kvota ili kvote kao pozitivna akcija .33 Ima li dovoljno žena da bi se ispunili zahtevi sistema izbornih kvota .35 Uloga sistema izbornih kvota .36 Proces biranja članova parlamenta .38 Deskriptivna i supstancijama zastupljenost žena .41 Institucionahiamuškost .42 Strategije promena .44 Vrste strategija .45 Strategija pravila. .48 Učenje pravila .49 Primena pravila .49 5 Menjanje pravila .50 Odbori za rodnu ravnopravnost .54 Pitanja bez odgovora .60 KVOTE I EVROPSKA UNIJA .62 Razvoj koncepta rodne ravnopravnosti ka rodnoj ravnomernosti u procesima odlučivanja .62 Amsterdamski ugovor .63 Ministarska Konferencija u Parizu .64 Rezolucije, odluke, saopštenja, izveštaji .64 Rezolucija Saveta о ženama u nauci 2000.64 Odluka Komisije iz 2000.64 Saopštenje Komisije iz 2000.65 Rezolucija Evropskog parlamenta о ženama u procesima donošenja odluka .65 Izveštaj Komisije iz 2000.66 Rezolucija i izveštaj Evropskog parlamenta .67 Žene u strukturama EU .67 Rodna ravnopravnost kao evropska vrednost .68 Ambijent EU pre proširenja 2004.70 Žene u EU .71 Evropski parlament .72 Pregled učestvovanja žena u parlamentima u zemljama članicama, kandidatima i potencijalnim kandidatima za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji .74 Izvodi iz ustava nekih evropskih država .75 Proces pristupanja i politika rodne ravnopravnosti Evropske unije .77 EVROPSKE ZEMLJE U TRANZICIJI .79 Situacija u zemljama Balkana, Istočne i Centralne Evrope .79 Period državnog socijalizma .80 Situacija u evropskim zemljama u tranziciji .81 Iluzije u pogledu postojanja rodne ravnopravnosti .82 Reakcija žena u tranzicionom periodu .83 Politička kultura .84 Političke partije .86 Unutarpartijska dinamika .86 Dinamizam partijske scene .87 Percepcija partijskog života u javnosti .87 Partijski program, dokumenta í interne regulative .87 6 Žene u političkim partijama .88 Ženski forami .89 Ženske partije .89 Žene u parlamentima .,.90 Lokalne skupštine .90 Vlade .90 Izborni sistemi i njihov uticaj na prisustvo žena u politici .91 Međunarodna dokumenta .92 Međunarodne aktivnosti .93 Žene i UN .93 Mreža za Centralnu i Istočnu Evropu .94 Evropski ženski lobi .96 Šest završnih tačaka .98 PRIMENA KVOTA U REGIONU LATINSKE AMERIKE .99 Prepreke i podsticaji .99 UTICAJ MEĐUNARODNIH ORGANIZACIJA NA UVOĐENJE SISTEMA IZBORNIH KVOTA .105 Uvod .105 Ujedinjene nacije .107 Konvencija о eliminaciji svih oblika diskriminacije žena - CEDAW . 107 Pekińska deklaracija i Platforma za akciju .107 Preporuke CEDAW komiteta .109 Praksa CEDAW komiteta .111 Položaj žena u sistemu UN .111 Savet Evrope .112 Interparlamentarna unija .117 Socijalistička internacionala .119 Socijalistička internacionala žena .120 Međunarodna unija socijalističke omladine (IUSY) .124 Uticaj međunarodne zajednice na učešće žena u procesima odlučivanja u postkonfliktnim draštvima .124 POSEBAN DEO .127 ARAPSKE ŽENE: NEDAVNE PROMENE .129 ARGENTINA: ZAKON О KVOTAMA .129 AVGANISTAN, PRIMER UTICAJA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE .132 BELGIJA: PRIMER USPEŠNO UVEDENIH KVOTA .133 7 Početak borbe za ozakonjenje izbornih kvota .133 Vodeća uloga vlade .134 Kumulativno dejstvo zakonskih i partijskih kvota .135 Rezultati piimene sistema kvota u ciframa .136 Partijska pilarizacija, zahtevi za rodnom ravnopravnošću i anticipacija kvota .137 Izborni sistem i sistem kvota .137 BOLIVIJA .138 BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA .143 Društvena i politička situacija .143 Predratni period .144 Prvi višepartijski izbori .145 Poslerami izbori .145 Uvođenje sistema izbornih kvota .145 Prvi izbori za zakonski obaveznim kvotama .146 Zakon о rodnoj ravnopravnosti .147 Uticaj primene sistema kvota i preporuke .147 Lekcije bosanskog primera .147 BRAZIL .148 Politički sistem, pravni i politički kontekst uvođenja i delovanja sistema kvota u Brazilu .148 Uvođenje sistema kvota u Brazilu .152 Žene u političkom životu Brazila .155 Izborni rezultati .156 BRITANIJA .157 Međunarodnopravni okvir .158 Kronologija i uzroci nedavnih promena u zastupljenosti žena u Britaniji .158 Kvote i političke partije: kako povećati zastupljenosti žena .159 Ubrzam put povećanja zastupljenosti žena - fast track. 161 Škotska .162 Veis .'.162 Škotska i velška iskustva .162 Povelja o polnej diskriminaciji .163 Faktori porasta zastupljenosti žena .164 Institucionalna uloga mehanizama za rodnu ravnopravnost .165 Različita shvatanja problema rodne ravnopravnosti .165 Žene kao (nejedinstvena društvena grupacija .166 Pravednost kao argument .167 Zaštita interesa žena kao argument .,.168 Demokratičnost kao argument .168 Potreba za suštinskim institucionalnim reformama .168 Deliberativna demokratija protiv reprezentativne demokratije .169 Gender mainstreaming .169 Zaključak .170 FRANCUSKA, ZEMLJA PARITETA .172 Istorijska perspektiva .173 Kako je došlo do pariteta .174 Osmatračnica .174 Prva (ali neustavna) kvota .175 Knjiga i Manifest .175 Izborni paritet .175 Debata .176 Paritet tek treba da se ostvari na radu i kod kuće .177 Evropski izbori i unutrašnja perspektiva .178 IRAK, PRIMER UTICAJA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE .178 KOSTARIKA .179 Uvod .179 Uvođenje sistema kvota u Kostariki .180 Žene u političkom životu Kostarike .185 Iskustva Kostarike .188 LITVANIJA: PRIMER NEUSPEŠNOG UVOĐENJA IZBORNIH KVOTA .190 Promene izbornog sistema .191 Ženske inicijative .191 Institucionalni mehanizmi za rodnu ravnopravnost .192 Prepreke za primenu sistema kvota .192 MAĐARSKA .194 Istorij ski osvrt .194 Period demokratizacije .195 Unutarpartijske kvote .196 Pokret Žutih marama .197 Izbori za Evropski parlament .198 Naučeno iz mađarskog primera .198 MAKEDONIJA .199 Unutapartijske kvote .200 Uvođenje zakonskih kvota .201 Decentralizacija i lokalni izbori .202 Naučeno iz makedonskog primera .202 MEKSIKO .203 NORVEŠKA .204 Izbor kandidata u Norveškoj .204 Norveška, svetski lider u predstavljanju žena .206 Prvi period 1909-1953.207 Dragi period 1957-1973.208 Treći period, 1973 -1981.208 Četvrti period, od 1985. do danas .209 Limiti sistema kvota .211 Zakraj .212 POLJSKA .213 Stavovi poljskih birača prema ženama u politici .214 SLOVENIJA .215 Partijske kvote .215 Koalicija za paritet .216 Izbori za Evropski parlament .216 Lokalni izbori .216 Parlamentarni izbori .217 SRBIJA .218 Kako su kvote uvedene u lokalne izbore .218 Kako su uvedene kvote za izbore za Narodnu skupštinu .219 Strategija ženskih organzacija, podrška političkih partija i građanskog društva .220 Rasprave koje su se vodile pre primene sistema kvota na lokalnim izborima .220 Broj žena pre uvođenja sistema kvotau Srbiji .221 Prinudna primena odredaba о izbornim kvotama .222 Primena sistema kvota u Srbiji .222 Rezultati opštinskih izbora 2004.223 Žene Srbije о sistemu kvota .225 Period oktobar 2006 - februar 2007.227 ŠVEDSKA .231 Kako je počelo .231 Razvitak ideje о neophodnosti kvota .232 Faktori uspešnog povećanja broja žena .232 Unutarpartijske kvote .233 Teorija „zaraze" .234 Teorija difuzije .235 Dijagnoza problema .236 Da li su žene politički izdiferencirana grupa .237 Tehnike kvota .237 10 Kvote upotrebljene od strane švedskih partija .238 Shvatanja Konzervativne partije о problematici nezastupljenosti žena . 240 Shvatanja Socijaldemokratske partije о problematici nezastupljenosti žena .243 „Varannan damernas". 244 Ziping sistem .245 Zaključak .246 Feministička partija .247 ZAKLJUČNE NAPOMENE .249 PROPORCIJA KAO NAČIN DA SE KOMBINUJE JEDNAKOST I RAZLIKA .251 Poređenje regiona: evropske zemlje tranzicije i Latinska Amerika .251 Polemika .252 Uticaj međunarodnih organizacija .253 Političke partije kao ključni faktor .254 Kvalitativne promene .254 Ka demokratskom društvu .257 CONTENT .260 SUMMARY. 266 1. Comparison between the regions: European countries in transition and Latin America .266 2. Discussion .268 З.Тће influence of international organizations .;.268 4. Political parties as a key factor .269 5. Qualitative changes .269 6. Towards a democratic society .272 SPISAK LITERATURE .277 Bojana Balon je napisala sledeće naslove: 1) Kvote i Evropska unija, str. 62-68 2) Uticaj međunarodnih organizacija na uvođenje kvota izbornog sistema, str. 105-126 3) Avganistan, primer uticaja međunarodne zajednice, str. 132-133 4) Irak, primer uticaja međunarodne zajednice, str. 178-179 5) Slovenija, str 215-218 11 CONTENT PART ONE: GENERAL REVIEW .·.13 ON QUOTAS .15 Preface .15 Introduction of Quotas .19 Myths on Quotas .22 The Need for Legal Measures for the Increased Participation of Women in Political Decision-Making .23 Looking Back .25 Decision-Making Means Power .26 Political Participation of Women and Gender Equality .28 Formal and Informal Participation .28 Justice as Arguments .28 Differences in Interests .28 Emancipation .29 Triangle of Factors .29 Measures For the Increase of Women in Politics/Joint Strategieas and Networking, Preassure and Empowerment of Women .30 Committees for Election of Women .31 Preelection Campaigns .32 Quotas .32 Types of Quotas or Quotas as an Affirmative Action .33 Are There Enough Women to Meet the Demands of Quota Election System .35 The Role of Quota Election System .36 The Process of Election of Members of Parliament .38 Descriptive and Substantial Aspects of Representation of Women .41 Institutional Manhood .42 Strategies of Change .44 Types of Strategies .45 Strategies of Rules .48 Learning Rules .49 Implementation of Rules .,.49 Changing of Rules .50 Committees for Gender Equality .54 Questions Without Answers .60 QUOTAS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION .62 260 From Gender Equality Towards Gender Parity in Decision-Making Processes . 62 Amsterdam Treaty .63 Ministerial Coference in Paris . 64 Resolutions, Decisions, Communications, Reports .64 Resolution of the Council on Women in Science, 2000.64 Decision of Commission From 2000.64 Communication from the Commission in 2000.65 Resolution of the European Parliament on Women in Decision-making Processes .65 Report from the Commission from 1996.66 Resolution and Report from the European Parliament .67 Women in Eu Structures .67 Gender Eqality as a Europaen Value .68 Eu Before 2004 Enlargement .70 Women in Eu .71 European Parliament .72 Overview of Participation of Women in Parliaments of Eu Member States, Candidates and Potential Candidates for Membership in the EU .74 Women in National Governments of EU Member States .75 Excerpts From Constitutions of Some EU Countries .77 Process of EU Enlargement and Politics of Gender Equality of the EU .79 EUROPEAN COUNTIRES IN TRANSITION .79 Situation in the Countries of me Balkans, Eastern and Central Europe .79 The Period of State Socialism .80 Situation in European Countries in Transition .81 Illusions on Existance of Gender Equality .82 Reaction of Women in Transitional Period .83 Political Culture .84 Political Parties .86 Internal Party Dynamics .86 Dynamism of Party Scene .87 Perception of Party Life in Public .87 Party Program, Documents and Internai Regulations .87 Women in Political Parties .88 Women's Forums .89 Women's Parties .·.·.89 Women in Parliaments . 90 Local Assemblies .90 Governments . 90 Election Systems and Their Influence on Presence of Women in Politics .91 International Documents .·.·.·. 92 International Activities .·. 93 Women and the United Nations . 93 261 Network of Central and Eastern Europe .94 European Women's Lobby .96 Conclusions in Six Points .98 IMPLEMENTATION OF QUOTAS IN LATIN AMERICA .99 Obstacles and Incentives .99 THE INFLUENCE OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS ON INTRODUCTION OF QUOTA ELECTION SYSTEM .105 Introduction .105 United Nations .107 Convention on Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women-CEDAW .107 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action .107 Recommendations of Cedaw Committee .109 Practice of Cedaw Committee . Ill Position of Women Within the UN System . Ill Council of Europe .112 Interparliamentary Union .117 Socialist International .119 Socialist International of Women .120 International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY) .124 Influence of International Community on the Participation of Women in Decision-making Processes in Post-conflict Societies .124 PART TWO: COMPARATIVE REVIEW .127 ARAB WOMEN: RECENT CHANGES .129 ARGENTINA: LAW ON QUOTAS .129 AFGHANISTAN, AN EXAMPLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY INTERFERENCE .132 BELGIUM: AN EXAMPLE OF SUCESSFULLY INTRODUCED QUOTAS . 133 The Beginning of Straggle for Election Quotas .133 Leading Role of the Government .134 Cummulative Influence of Legal and Party Quotas .135 Results of Implementation of Quota System in Numbers .136 Pilarisation of Parties, Demands for Gender Equality and Anticipation of Quotas .137 Election and Quota System .·.137 BOLIVIA .138 BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA .143 Social and Political Situation .143 Prewar Period .144 First Multiparty Elections .145 Elections After War .145 Introduction of Quota Election System .145 262 First Elections With Legally Binding Quotas .146 Law On Gender Equality . I47 Influence of Implementation of Quota System and Recommendations .147 Lessons of Bosnian Experience . I47 BRAZIL . 148 Political System, Legal and Political Context of Introduction of Quota System in Brazil .148 Introduction of Quota System in Brazil .152 Women in Political Life of Brazil .155 Election Results .156 GREAT BRITAIN ."'". 157 International Legal Framework .158 Chronology and Reasons for Recent Changes in Representation of Women in Great Britain .158 Quotas and Political Parties: How to Increase the Representation of Women .159 Quick Increasing of Representation of Women-Fast Track .161 Scotland .162 Wales .162 Scottish and Welsh Experiences .162 The Sex Discrimination Act .163 Factors of Increase of Respresentation of Women .164 Institutional Role of Mechanisms for Gender Equality .165 Different Understandings of The Problem of Gender Equality .165 Women as Fragmented Social Grupation .166 Justice as an Argument .167 Protection of The Interests of Women as an Argument .168 Democracy as an Argument .168 The Need for Substantial Institutional Reform .168 Deliberative Democracy Against Representative Democracy .169 Gender Mainstreaming.169 Conclusion .170 FRANCE, THE COUNTRY OF PARITY .172 Historical perspective .173 How Parity was Achived .174 Observatory .175 Fist (but Unconstitutional) Quota . I75 The Book and the Manifesto . 177 Election Party .175 Debate . 176 Parity is yet to be Accomplished at Work and in the Home .178 European Elections and Internal Perspectives . I78 IRAQ, AN EXAMPLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY INTERFERENCE . }Z° COSTARICA . 17У 263 Introduction .179 Introduction of Quota System in Costa Rica .180 Women in Political Life of Costa Rica .185 Experience of Costa Rica .188 LITHUANIA: AN EXAMPLE OF UNSCESSFUL INTRODUCTION OF ELECTION QUOTAS .190 Change of Election System .191 Women's Initiatives .191 Institutional Mechanisms for Gender Equality .192 Obstacles for Implementation of Quota Sytem .192 HUNGARY .194 Historical Perspective .194 Period of Democratization .195 Internal Party Quotas .196 Movement of Yellow Scarfs .197 Elections for European Parliament .198 Hungarian Example, Lessons Learned .198 MACEDONIA .199 Internal Party Quotas .200 Introduction of Legal Quotas .201 Decentralisation and Local Elections .202 Macedonian Example, Lessons Learned .202 MEXICO .203 NORWAY .204 Elections of Candidates in Norway .204 Norway, World Leader in Representation of Women .206 First Period 1909-1953.207 Second Period 1957-1973.208 Third Period, 1973 - 1981.208 Fourth Period, from 1985 Until Today .209 Limits of Quota Systems .211 For The End .212 POLAND .213 Attitudes of Polish Voters on Women in Politics .214 SLOVENIA .215 Party Quotas .215 Coalition for Parity .216 Elections for the European Parliament .216 Local Elections .216 Parliamentary Elections .217 SERBIA .218 How Quotas were Introduced in the Local Elections .218 How Quotas were Introduced for Elections for the National Assembly . 219 Strategy of Women's Organisations, Support of Political Parties And the Civil Society .220 264 Discussions that were Led Before the Implementation of Quota System on the Local Level .220 Number of Women Before Introduction of Quota System in Serbia .221 Enforced Implementation of Provisions on Election Quotas .222 Implementation of Quota System in Serbia .222 Municiai Election Results (2004).223 Women in Serbia on Quota System .225 Period: October 2006 - February 2007.227 SWEDEN .231 How it all Began .231 The Development of Idea on The Neccessity of Quotas .232 Factors of Successful Increase of the Number of Women .232 Internal Party Quotas .233 Theory of „Contaigon" .234 Difusión Theory .235 Diagnosis of the Problem .236 Are Women Politically Differentiated Group .237 Techniques of Quotas .237 Quotas that Swedish Parties Use .238 Conservative Party Understanding of Underrepresentation of Women .240 Socialdemocratic Party Understanding of Underrepresentation of Women . 243 „Varannan Damernas". 244 Zipping System .245 Conclusion .246 Feminist Party .247 CONCLUDING REMARKS .249 PROPORTIONA AS A WAY TO COMBINE EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE .251 Comparison between the Regions: European Countries in Transition and the Latin America .251 Discussion Influence of the International Organisations .253 Political Parties as a Key Factor .254 Quality Changes .254 Towards a Democratic Society .257 CONTENT .260 SUMMARY .266 1. Comparison between the Regions: European Countries in Transition and Latin America .266 2. Discussion .268 3. The Influence of International Organizations .268 4. Political Parties as a Key Factor .269 5. Qualitative Changes . 269 6. Towards a Democratic Society .272 LITERATURE .277 265 SUMMARY In accordance with the legal and analytical tradition, the book "Towards a Democratic Society - a System of Election Quotas" is divided into a General and a Specific section, and attached to them is the Concluding section, which deals with a way of combining equality with differences. In the initial General section of the book, general issues related to quotas are explored, as well as the quota election system in the European Union. Also, the situation in European countries in transition is analyzed. Especially valuable is a presentation of the situation in the Latin American countries, where quotas are most widely used as an instrument for an institutional democratic reform fol¬ lowing the period of dictatorship and massive human rights violations. The spe¬ cial section is made up of a comparative legal analysis of the issue of introducing and functioning of the quota election system in 20 countries throughout the world, most of them being European ones, but also in the Latin American and Asian countries. In this section, an analysis of the introduction and development of the quota system'in Serbia is presented. 1. Comparison between the regions: European countries in transition and Latin America The region where the quota election system is most widely used isn't Euro¬ pe. It's Latin America. Many of the countries with the highest percentage of wo¬ men in the decision-making structures have just recently experienced military conflicts. A strong participatory climate is present in these countries, as well as a belief that the issues of governance and decision-making can never again be an exclusive right of the usurping political elite or a small number of „the untoucha¬ bles". The introduction of the quota election system in Latin America shouldn't be observed only as an outcome of democratic changes, but also as a consequence of high female political mobilization and participation in social movements in the period that preceded social changes, as well as a considerable participation of women in non-governmental organizations and political parties. Due to this, issu¬ es related to the respect of human rights, as well as of gender equality, are con¬ stantly found in the programs of political parties, governments and other political players. In Latin America, a legally regulated election quota system is combined with party quotas for far longer a period of time then in many European countries, especially in those undergoing transition. The fact that election quotas in the La¬ tin American region are now broadly implemented, despite various negative in- 266 fluences, is a result of strong social and political movements throughout the con¬ tinent, which straggled for the restoration of democracy after juntas, authoritarian and coup-plotting regimes by introducing and strengthening various institutional mechanisms of participatory democracy. The idea of excluding some social strata from political decision-making pro¬ cesses is widely declined by majority of the population due to negative experiences in the early decades of the century. Upon reaching a broad social consensus, a con¬ cept of democracy, which is based on equality, is adopted. In this context, the intro¬ duction of quotas is to be considered as a democratic innovation. One should also notice that quota requests appear paradigmatically in the periods of democratic tran¬ sition or in the periods of developing new democratic institutions. In the above cases, quotas were introduced by means of large packages of political reforms, the intention of which was to secure political representation of traditionally unprivileged social groups, as well as to establish national and inter¬ national legitimacy of the new regime. On the other hand, in the Eastern and Central European countries, quotas are considered as a relic of the Soviet regime and as a symbol of "forced emanci¬ pation" of some kind, a politically motivated tool for manipulation (the so-called "keys"). In former socialist countries, politics is still considered as a dirty busi¬ ness in which corruption and crime reign and it, thus, represents something use¬ less and inadequate for women. The political culture of these countries is still dominated by antagonism between the "nation", i.e. the society and the state, which is a remnant of the so - called real-socialism, when citizens were identified by means of being divided into "us" (the citizens) and "them" (the authority). Citizens of the former socialist countries still don't consider institutions of the political system as a place where social problems are solved. Social problems continue to be solved in a traditional manner through well - functioning systems of individual and collective survival strategies. They may be efficient and functi¬ onal at the individual level, but they don't bring any changes in broader social and economic terms. A lack of understanding of the political equality concept originates from the former socialist proclamation, whereby gender equality was achieved a long time ago in those countries and declarative constitutional provisions were a good eno¬ ugh guarantee for their implementation. Also, it's often stressed that there is no gender-based discrimination in, for instance, the fields of education and imple¬ mentation and gaming of political and civic rights. All of this is underlined, along with the belief that the recently established mechanisms of liberal democracy have been introduced in politics, economy and on the market of these countries, which affects women and men equally, without any discrimination, and provides enough room to all capable individuals, regardless of their sex, for their affirma¬ tion and advancement. 267 2. Discussion The arguments against quotas originate from the domain of the general di¬ vision of social power, whereby men aren't eager to loose their control, power and the privileged positions, which they perceive as something „natural". Some¬ times quotas are still perceived as an instrumentalised force for getting engaged in politics or as discrimination of capable men who are, owing to „unjust" legal provisions, replaced with „less capable" women. Women, on the other hand, so¬ metime think that quotas are humiliating to them. They should be elected on the basis of merit. Women don't want to be „quota women'Or „token women", mea¬ ning women who were chosen on the basis of their sex, so that the existence of gender equality could be proven. It is important that quota isn't perceived as a measure of discrimination against men, but as a compensation for historical social barriers that prevent wo¬ men from taking the positions they deserve. The analysis of quota discourse reve¬ als that those who oppose quotas mostly perceive them in a way that is contrary to the manner in which they are perceived in liberal democracy and the principle of merit („let the best win"). З.ТІіе influence of international organizations The main source of origin of gender election quotas can be found in the activities of international organizations and international recommendations, which were adopted at numerous international meetings and conferences and which ha¬ ve committed member countries to finding the way of increasing the representa¬ tion of women and the availability of political decision-making positions to them. International organizations had a great influence on the introduction of qu¬ ota systems since they brought this topic to the global agenda, provided room for discussion, encouraged analysis and adopted recommendations on how to impro¬ ve the position of women. There are examples of when internal discussions on quotas are a consequence of transitional dissemination ofinformation, through academic work, international conferences, personal contacts and study trips. In¬ ternational conferences provide a necessary room for the exchange of informa¬ tion and definition of standards. Throughout the 1990s, there has been a considerable increase in the repre¬ sentation of women in decision-making positions, and in coming closer to the ideal of a just democratic participation. This is a result of well-planned political strategies, as well as of advocacy, raising capacity and establishment of partner¬ ships. Instruments of the international community, especially of the EU and the Council of Europe, are those that constantly push the equal opportunities agenda 268 forward. Parity can be achieved as soon as the next decade. The key to success is in creating political will to change the relations of power, so that gender equality could be introduced. There is, currently, a consensus in all relevant international organizations that quotas are the most important factor for achieving a defacto increase in the percentage of women in decision-making processes (apart from the adoption of other measures and programs). Due to structural, ideological and cultural factors, a declaratory prohibition of discrimination isn't sufficient for achieving the equ¬ ality of women and men. 4. Political parties as a key factor It is clear that quotas have a considerable positive influence on the number of women in parliaments worldwide. The "gate keepers" for entering the political scene are the most certain ways for political parties everywhere in the world, since they hold the main key to controlling the nomination process. Sensitivity to gender equality will increase with understanding that the increase of women is becoming politically profitable. This will be possible when it becomes clear that a party is becoming more competitive in responding to challenges of the electora¬ te by including gender issues in its party program and more women in decision- making positions. The implementation of quotas for women candidates, as an internal party rule, has proven to be one of the most important ways for achieving the increase of women in political functions, especially in well-organized parties, where inter¬ nal rales are continuously respected. This is why it is crucial that political plat¬ forms and party statutes contain provisions relating to gender equality, since this is the only way for women to enter political decision-making bodies. Also, this is necessary for a party to be able to influence the parliamentary and political prac¬ tice of a broader surrounding. 5. Qualitative changes Participatory democracy presupposes the necessity of participation of wo- L in nn1itio.a1 пягНея пягііятр.пїя and eovernments. Nevertheless, political le- ving the real essence of representation models. For example, the number 01 wo¬ men in bodies of representation increases as a consequence of the introduction of quotas, but the position of women in society doesn't change at all, or at least in the first otaop nf tViffiv iivn-\1i»mí»ntíitinn (nr mnvbfì TieVfirV quotas, but the position of women m society аоеѕпч cn¡ the first stage of their implementation (or maybe never). 269 Thus, parity democracy or equal representation of women and men in deci¬ sion-making isn't only a matter of numbers. This is only one condition for chan¬ ges, which presupposes an essential change of the social agreement, as well as social structures that have imposed different roles on women and men for cen¬ turies. Female politicians can become symbols of modern times, progress, fair¬ ness, democracy and of concern for the general wellbeing, which are all crucial for reformist movements. Women in public life continue being discreet about their female identity, rather then being ready to stress it, to be proud of it or to make it a source of additional self-respect. This is a reflection of belief among organized women's movements worldwide, the goals of which can be achieved through a process of gradual reforms rather then by leading a „war between the sexes". A change in how female politicians perceive themselves is a key for changing the way the public perceives women and reacts to what they do. When women from different parts of the world fought for the right to vote in the first half of the 20th century, they expected that this would lead to an increase of representation of women in parliaments. Their expectations weren't fulfilled so quickly. Instead, decades of long struggle followed for women that were to be elected to representative bodies at the national and local levels. Elected women can best represent the interests of the female portion of the population. However, the increase of women elected in the bodies of repre¬ sentation, thanks to support of the quota system, still doesn't guarantee an in¬ crease in consciousness on gender issues. The goals of quotas or similar measu¬ res aren't primarily to enhance professional advancement of women from the social and political party elites under the umbrella of gender equality. Nevert¬ heless, this is exactly what has happened so often until now as a result of the quota system. The increase of presence of women in representative bodies is the first and the most visible product of the quota system. Nevertheless, it doesn't mean that gender equality has been achieved in society. This is why measures of po¬ sitive action don't promote only equality, but also enable the female vision of life to become a key part of the process and the culture of governance. Women today, similar to women in the past, who straggled for the right to vote and enter parliaments, are organized, mobilized and motivated and assist in the advancement of women, now from within parliaments. They develop strategi¬ es and work on promoting the questions that are relevant for women and that enable changes in the legislation. The increase of women in decision-making po¬ sitions isn't obviously a goal by itself; the goal is to create a critical mass of women, who can influence the creation of political attitudes, taking into conside¬ ration women's perspectives. Women politicians have also worked on recruiting 270 other women to help develop legislation and institutions that they will benefit from. As the number of them increased, it became easier to be a women politician and their representation in the public changed for the better. Based on the research of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, women in poli¬ tics strive for solutions and not for power or authority. Compared to men, they are more inclined to making consensus, searching for solutions to specific problems, and are less oriented towards gathering political scores. They tend to focus on revitalization of the community, creation of security and on provi¬ ding different opportunities for the citizens. Female experience is, thus, often seen as a necessary political model for a nicer democracy, the one with fewer conflicts. Women parliamentarians throughout the world continuously contribute to the „feminization of the political agenda" through discussions and voting in the parliament, and also through work in parliamentary committees. Thanks to this, the door has been opened for parliaments to include gender perspectives in deci¬ sion-making processes and in creating politics. It is essential to differentiate between female issues and female perspecti¬ ves. Women's issues are those that mostly affect women physically (breast can¬ cer, reproductive rights) or socially (gender equality or child protection policy). Women's perspectives are women's perceptions of all political issues. Some rese¬ arch shows that even though mostly the same issues are important to both sexes, female perspectives of political issues differ from those of men. A measure for the success of female influence is that it is visible in laws on female issues. With the growing efficiency of women and an increase in represen¬ tation of women, draft laws will, during regular discussions, take more and more the perspectives of women into consideration. An important indicator of women's influence will be the increased number of women's issues on men's part, as well as their support in parliamentary discussions, as an expression of their support to women's perspectives. Different strategies and mechanisms that women use to influence the parli¬ amentary process are identified, but the most efficient, so far, has been the „stra¬ tegy of learning rules and learning how to use them". In the modern period, wo¬ men learn the rules of the parliamentary game and use this knowledge to promote women's issues and interests by working from within the parliaments all over the world. Thus, they don't only increase their own chances xor success, but also open the way for the new generation of women, which will enter the parliamen¬ tary process. The lasting influence of women politicians is unavoidable, since women are becoming more and more efficient not only in enhancing women's issues and interests, but also in overcoming traditional differences between the „hard" and „soft" political issues, which imply a division between men's and women's do- 271 mains in political activities. When women's issues are successfully put on the agenda and when they receive program and political support from their male alli¬ es, the interest of the whole political scene is fulfilled. These interests can be implemented in the case of many diverse issues/ political, economic, social and even cultural ones. In the situation of the expansion of women in representative bodies and of their activities, we also have to take into consideration the existence of the so - called women's informal participation. It remains crucial, since the participation in social movements and civil society sets priorities on the political agenda, legi¬ timizes the presentation of women in politics and represents the source of politi¬ cal pressure for the increase of representation of women in political institutions, a place for gathering the necessary experience, as well as potential candidates for formal participation. 6. Towards a democratic society The existence of democracy is conditioned by the existence of a form of governance that includes a set о democratic and inclusive institutional techniques for political decision-making. Inclusion mechanisms, which especially help inte¬ grate traditionally excluded social groups into political decision-making proces¬ ses, are parts of the efficient modern mechanisms for institutional democratiza¬ tion. Their ratio, above all, lies in eradicating the "constant" causes of social tensions. Decrease in or elimination of these sources, which feed on social injusti¬ ce and inequality, is a top priority and a desired goal of any society. With this a society as such becomes more just, safer, more tolerant and less exposed to social instability and tensions. There is no doubt that men in all societies occupy a great majority of all political functions at all political levels. In short, men dominate the political arena everywhere. They make the rales of the political game and also often introduce the criteria for measuring success within the political game. Furthermore, politi¬ cal life is organized in line with men's norms and values and in many cases in line, with the way of life that suits them. Human society is still structured so that women are kept in political margins. A direct consequence of this is the fact that for women it is more difficult to get recognition as serious candidates for political functions or that it's more diffi¬ cult for them to lead campaigns for promoting issues, which are seen as typical women's issues, if they strive to be recognized as serious. It is, therefore, unacceptable not to ask about the reason for this lack of representation of women, as well as about how this issue was brought about, and not to be worried about the implications. 272 The marginal role of women in politics is a result of the social inequality of sexes, it's closely related to gender, the specific division of labor and the traditio¬ nal division of gender roles. The marginalized groups are, at the same time, expo¬ sed to social isolation and social prejudice, while an important barrier here is the patriarchical political culture that encompasses views on "natural" roles that wo¬ men can have in a society and in politics. The winning of political functions is closely related to the necessity of ow¬ ning political capital, which doesn't only imply considerable financial capital. Group support is especially important in cases when candidates are leaders of local communities or unions or when they represent specific interest groups. Indi¬ vidual charisma is also an important element of political capital, as well as belon¬ ging to a family, which, by tradition, provides politicians. When the influence and meaning of political capital are under scrutiny, it is noted that women are faced with structural barriers even before they enter the race. In relation to financial capital, they are in a less advantageous position, since they earn less and simply own less. In view of group support as political capital, the lack of women is reflected in the fact that they don't occupy more important positions in strong social movements (with the exception of some non¬ governmental organizations and local associations). Family capital often contri¬ butes to the fact that women at the highest political positions are wives, daughters or sisters of politicians and they are usually elected by center parties or right- wing parties. Parity democracy is based on idea that the essence of humanity lies in its duality, since it is composed of a women's and a men's component and, thus, women and men have to be represented equally whenever decisions that influen¬ ce their lives are made. Equality is greater when different people's positions aren't considered in terms of being higher or lower, but simply in terms of being diffe¬ rent. Parity is a strategy which has a goal, which is to transform the ways in which democracy functions. Interests of women and men aren't the same and sometimes they are even contrary to one another. For example, women and men perceive the meaning of specific political issues differently due to their different perceptions of political reality. It is clear that due to this neither men nor women can be exclusive presen¬ ters of the whole population, nor can they be the only responsible parties for decision-making that considers everyone. In principle, the majority in governments support the idea of gender balance in political life. Today, the introduction of quotas in political life is considered as a legitimate measure for implementing the principle of equal opportunities in a considerably large number of countries, even though negative attitudes are still present in some segments of the public in many of these countries. Even though women possess managerial abilities, they aren't necessarily capable of competing 273 in the election procedures, which traditionally support male candidates, in the context of social environment in which a value system of preferring men to wo¬ men still prevails. The situation was similarly perceived during the initial implementation of quotas in the national elections in Serbia. There was enough political will to ho¬ nor the quotas - they haven't been put under question mark or made an issue by of any of the parties. All debates and counter-arguments were exhausted during the local elections in 2004, and the existing doubts were resolved in practice. 2007 represented a momentum of full political consensus on the necessity to increase the number of women in representative bodies, as well as on the rationality and usefulness of the quota system for achieving this goal. The restructuring of power is a long-term goal, which can't be achieved by simple measures overnight. Female politicians that strive to achieve an equal di¬ vision of political power have to think of the ways of increasing equality along all lines of the magic triangle - regarding a change in social structures, political culture and political institutions. Their chance to succeed with this is better if they are networked, if they use better and innovative strategies, plan long-term and short-term activities, if they learn more from one another's good and bad exam¬ ples, through state and party lines and if they develop programs that are adjusted to specific conditions, which are typical for and different in every country. Quotas are the first step towards a quantitative change of the situation with respect to using the right to public services. They may also influence a deeper and wider change of mentality and stimulate better use of women's potentials in this respect. Quotas can be adopted as a result of the strategic measure of positive action, which are implemented by parties, but they can also be a result of a legi¬ slative strategy that stems from demands for enhancing gender equality. Quotas can be perceived as a "ceiling" or a top limit when considering, for example, national minorities. However, it isn't the role of quotas when women that aren't a minority are considered. Quotas in women represent only a transitional phase towards parity democracy, the way to break down political inertia of the men's majority and the way to uphold and recognize women's capabilities. Quotas must be mandatory; they should be combined with the enforcement measures. They should be of a dual type, meaning they should include a mandatory percentage and a mandatory distribution on candidacy lists, so that they could produce tangi¬ ble results. They are more efficient and effective when the demanded percentage is higher, when they are implemented closer the end of the election process and when they are more mandatory from a legal viewpoint. The efficiency of the quota election system is reflected in making it possi¬ ble for the most competent women to come to the highest political positions fast and in preventing them from being eliminated due to the inherited cultural preju¬ dice and stereotypes. Quotas became more necessary when it was established that 274 some categories of women were still underrepresented /excluded. These are Black women, migrant women, women from ethnic minorities, women with disabilities and young women. Their exclusion from politics can often mean that they are excluded from social programs, social movements, economy, the media, NGOs, trade unions and the like, since there is no one to represent their interests there, which further complicates their situation and they become more discriminated. We should also bear in mind some of the important effects of quotas. Quo¬ tas aren't only considered as a strategy for empowering women and a way of increasing the importance of women representation, but they are also considered to be a way of achieving parity. Also, quotas are a mechanism for preventing a decrease in the number of women MPs. Their transitional character is important, their contribution to the introduction of democracy is important, too, as well as their symbolical role in encouraging women to stop both overt and covert preju¬ dice. The energy of political momentum of the increased number of women in parliaments is, for the time being, perceived as a moment of capitalization of what has been achieved. It provides a strong possibility for achieving quality on the basis of quantity, and it's also a measure for preserving the achieved quantity, which shouldn't be threatened in the coming period. 275
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spelling	Mršević, Zorica 1954- Verfasser (DE-588)1171251483 aut Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota Zorica Mršević Beograd Inst. Društvenih Nauka 2007 285 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Kandidatin (DE-588)4350845-5 gnd rswk-swf Wahlrecht (DE-588)4064302-5 gnd rswk-swf Wahlsystem (DE-588)4139210-3 gnd rswk-swf Gender Mainstreaming (DE-588)4845903-3 gnd rswk-swf Quotierung (DE-588)4203864-9 gnd rswk-swf Wahlrecht (DE-588)4064302-5 s Quotierung (DE-588)4203864-9 s Kandidatin (DE-588)4350845-5 s DE-604 Wahlsystem (DE-588)4139210-3 s Gender Mainstreaming (DE-588)4845903-3 s Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016246121&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016246121&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Mršević, Zorica 1954- Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota Kandidatin (DE-588)4350845-5 gnd Wahlrecht (DE-588)4064302-5 gnd Wahlsystem (DE-588)4139210-3 gnd Gender Mainstreaming (DE-588)4845903-3 gnd Quotierung (DE-588)4203864-9 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4350845-5 (DE-588)4064302-5 (DE-588)4139210-3 (DE-588)4845903-3 (DE-588)4203864-9
title	Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota
title_auth	Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota
title_exact_search	Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota
title_exact_search_txtP	Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota
title_full	Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota Zorica Mršević
title_fullStr	Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota Zorica Mršević
title_full_unstemmed	Ka demokratskom društvu izborni sistem kvota Zorica Mršević
title_short	Ka demokratskom društvu
title_sort	ka demokratskom drustvu izborni sistem kvota
title_sub	izborni sistem kvota
topic	Kandidatin (DE-588)4350845-5 gnd Wahlrecht (DE-588)4064302-5 gnd Wahlsystem (DE-588)4139210-3 gnd Gender Mainstreaming (DE-588)4845903-3 gnd Quotierung (DE-588)4203864-9 gnd
topic_facet	Kandidatin Wahlrecht Wahlsystem Gender Mainstreaming Quotierung
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016246121&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016246121&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT mrseviczorica kademokratskomdrustvuizbornisistemkvota

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