Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa: ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
---|---|
Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Bulgarian |
Veröffentlicht: |
Sofija
Iztok-Zapad
2007
|
Ausgabe: | 1. izd. |
Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
Beschreibung: | 254 S. Ill., Kt. |
ISBN: | 9789543213719 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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adam_text | SUMMARY
Over the last decade in South-East Europe (SEE) have occurred
crucial political and economic changes. The conflicts which ran con¬
current with the break-up of former Yugoslavia in the
1990s
and the
crisis in
FYR
Macedonia in
2001
were followed by a period of nor¬
malization of the situation in the Western Balkans. The Republic of
Serbia underwent democratic reforms. The presence of international
peacekeeping forces in the region was noticeably reduced.
SEE transformed itself into one of the fast developing parts in
Europe. It became more attractive for foreign investments and for the
implementation of major economic projects. The region established
itself as a transit hub for oil and gas supplies provided by Russia and
the Caspian region for Western Europe and the USA.
The headway accomplished in the transition to democratic so¬
ciety and market economy created favourable conditions for the
EU
and Euro-Atlantic integration of SEE. That was defined as a strategic
goal for all courtiers in the region. Bulgaria and Romania succeeded
in attaining it by becoming members of NATO in
2004
and joining
the
EU
at the beginning of
2007.
The other countries are now fol¬
lowing in their footsteps as the
EU
has already made a political com¬
mitment to welcome them into the Union. Some of them stand real
chance to be invited to become members of NATO in
2008.
There has been a steady tendency in the furthering of the rela¬
tions between the SEE countries, especially in terms of economic co¬
operation. Over the last years the mechanism for regional cooperation
has been revived and expanded. A prominent place in that process has
been assigned to the creation of the Regional Cooperation Council
(RCC) which will duly replace the Stability pact for SEE in
2008.
248
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
RCC
has been incorporated in the South-East European
Cooperation Process (SEECP) which, in the current decade, has
strengthened its role as a forum for regional interaction along with
the participation of all SEE countries. In the first half of
2007
there
was initiated the institutionalization of SEECP.
All those changes have led to the formation of a new image of SEE,
an image where the division and stand-offs have given way to the foster¬
ing of good- neighbourly relations and mutual cooperation. The coun¬
tries have achieved regional stability and have set as their priority the
peaceful settlement of the problems existing in their bilateral relations.
In
2007
SEE is much different compared to what it was in
1990s
when the severe conflicts in the Western Balkans invoked the for¬
gotten perception of the region as the gunpowder keg of Europe.
They also brought back to mind the notion of balkanization used
to characterize the relations of mistrust, division and confrontation
among SEE nations.
Yet, this by no means suggests that SEE has for ever broken with
its historical past. Despite the significant progress, the countries in
the region have only stepped onto the road leading to stability, effi¬
cient multilateral cooperation and integration in democratic Europe.
There still exist numerous unresolved issues concerning the de¬
velopment and the bilateral relations in SEE region. The most promi¬
nent place among them in
2007
is occupied by the pending resolu¬
tion on Kosovo s future status. Its outcome will to a large extent affect
the evolution of other problems and contradictions in SEE which in
turn could jeopardize the current situation in the Western Balkans.
The region is still being considered by the international community
as potentially unstable.
The outside support for the successful conclusion of the demo¬
cratic and market economy reforms appears to be of key importance
for the majority of SEE countries. This is even more so for those
states which are not members of the
EU
and NATO. The.interna¬
tional commitment, including the presence of peacekeeping troops,
to ensure the stability and inviolability of the peace agreements in
Bosnia and Herzegovina and in
FYR
Macedonia proves to be vital for
the two counties.
Summary
249
This, by and large, conditions the high degree of dependence of
SEE on external forces and factors. The issue about Kosovo s status
has shown that the insufficient unity among the neighbouring coun¬
tries prevents them from confidently taking into their own hands the
regional security management. They lack mechanisms for coopera¬
tion which could enable them to tackle and manage possible crises by
using their own capabilities and resources.
On the whole, despite the progress achieved in the current dec¬
ade, SEE has yet to go a long way before becoming a region of full-
fledged stability, prosperity and efficient multilateral cooperation.
The road could be rather bumpy and will probably reveal a number
of obstacles arid controversies which need to be deftly averted if the
region is to be guaranteed a peaceful future.
The one that has definitely stood out lately is the issue concern¬
ing Kosovo s status as it has already reached its final and most criti¬
cal stage. The diverging viewpoints about its settlement manifested
by the international community and the separate SEE countries have
exacerbated the tension in Kosovo and the Western Balkans and it
could now easily grow into a crisis.
SEE finds itself at a crossroads with Kosovo s status now be¬
ing the cornerstone for the resolution of the other existing problems
within and between the involved states. The manner of its handling
will determine whether and to what an extent there will be trig¬
gered fresh nationalistic and break-up aspirations, especially in the
Western Balkans.
Granting independence to Kosovo is a likely prospect, which,
should it be carried through without broad international support and
a resolution by the UN Security Council, could jeopardise the stability
the whole region. Serbia, even if Russia does not give up on its support,
has limited leverage to oppose such an outcome. In return for conced¬
ing independence to Kosovo it will surely receive by the Western world
political, financial and economic compensation, including a commit¬
ment to speed up Serbia s accession to the
EU
and NATO.
It s also possible that Kosovo s independence is realized in a
mode which is less painful for Serbia to swallow, for example, by be¬
ing based on the partition of the territory, or by means of
a résolu-
250 .
Венелин Цачевски
♦
Новата Югоизточна Европа
tion
which, as was the case with Bosnia and Herzegovina, renders
independence to the Serbs within the framework of a federation or
confederation. However, should Serbia oppose such a resolution it
would run the serious risk of being isolated by the Western world
and becoming vulnerable to both Albanian (in southern Serbia) and
Hungarian (in
Vojvodina)
separatism on its own territory.
Nonetheless, the repercussions for the region resulting from
a unilaterally declared independence of Kosovo won t be avoided
and would most probably intensify the Serbian nationalism. What s
worse, they could stoke up the ethnic separatist activities in the
Western Balkans as well.
Such a solution, if adopted, will be open to criticism since it will
represent a change, imposed from the outside, of the country s inter¬
nationally recognised boundaries. It will also contravene the princi¬
ples of international law and the UN s charter.
Tackling the Kosovo s issue in that way means that there will
be applied once again the approach which was used for solving the
conflicts in the Western Balkans at the end of last and the beginning
of present decade. Due to the fact that the countries in the region
proved incapable of settling the disputes on their own, the decisive
role was and is still being played by external factors and by the big
Western countries which are trying to help with diplomatic, political
and even military means.
It may eventually turn out that the above mentioned approach
has provided only a temporary solution to the ethnic conflicts in the
region, and not a lasting and farsighted one. It is especially pertinent
to the reliability of the state composition of Bosnia and Herzegovina
which are soon likely to be joined by Kosovo in this respect.
Kosovo s case happens to be the next challenge and a test of it
own for the sustainability and irreversibility of the stability process
in the region. Unfortunately, the countries in the region are practi¬
cally isolated from having their say on the issue. The crucial reason
for this is the lack of unity among them and the poor potential of the
regional cooperation.
The stability and cooperation in SEE are furthermore depend¬
able on the progress which is to be achieved towards resolving the
Summary
251
other existing problems and disputes in the region
-
fulfilling the
peace agreements and accomplishing political stability in Macedonia
and Bosnia and Herzegovina, settling the dispute between Greece
and Macedonia over the official name of Macedonia, clarifying the
status and rights of the national minorities, etc.
Of prime importance is also the continuation of the reforms, the
establishment of democratic values in the development of the countries,
the avoidance of domestic instability, as well as the prevention of fresh
disputes flaring up between the neighbouring states.
Similarly, another pivotal condition is the successful economic
development of the SEE countries which will be largely conducive to
the enhancement of regional cooperation. Unless any deterioration oc¬
curs in the current affairs of SEE countries, the region will most prob¬
ably keep and even increase the growth rate it has generated over the
last decade, with the influx of foreign investment being on the rise.
In all likelihood, speaking of economic growth, by
2010
SEE will
become one of the fastest developing parts of Europe and as a result
will expand its industrial potential significantly. However, in order to
reach the economic level and the standards of living in the
EU
zone,
the region needs a period of at least
30-40
years, provided that it suc¬
ceeds to double its present growth rate.
SEE will gain a lot from the implementation of the large-scale
infrastructural
projects, especially from the construction of pan
European oil and gas pipelines passing through the region. Projects
of such magnitude will create thousands of new jobs and will further
boost the foreign investments so badly needed for the expansion of
the transport communications and the promotion of the environ¬
mental protection.
The forecast is that by the beginning of next decade SEE will
strengthen its position as an important transit hub of energy sup¬
plies transportation from Russia and the Caspian region to Western
Europe and the US. By assuming such a role the countries in the re¬
gion will secure solid revenues to their budgets which, in the case of
Bulgaria only, could amount to hundreds of millions of euros.
With regard to the regional cooperation a priority goal of the
countries is to expand its dimensions and to improve its efficiency
252
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
within the SEECP framework as well as within the other multilateral
initiatives and forums. The first effects of restructuring under way of
the SEECP mechanisms, which is already under way, and of strength¬
ening of the practical basis of the regional cooperation are expected
no earlier than
2010.
RCC is considered to become a cornerstone organisation in
this respect. Its setting up will contribute to the implementation of
a greater number of initiatives and projects in the spheres where the
common interests and need are most serious: transport infrastruc¬
ture, power engineering, environmental protection, hi-tech innova¬
tions, tourism, R&D, cultural exchange, etc.
The current conditions in SEE do not allow for the speedy and
large-scale development of the regional cooperation. From an eco¬
nomic point of view, the capabilities of the countries to realise huge
regional projects are still limited. What s more, they are not even
ready to build an effective cooperation framework in the field of se¬
curity which could reduce their dependence on the outside world
regarding the stability in the region.
The European and Euro-Atlantic integration of SEE will con¬
tinue to be a strategic line in the overall policy of the countries in the
region as they all associate their future with membership in the
EU
and NATO. The quicker fulfilment of this goal has a direct bearing
on the stability in SEE, the expansion of the mutual relations and the
reliable solution of the regional disputes.
If the SEE countries are to accelerate this process they need to
incorporate the regional cooperation into their national programs
for speedy integration in the
EU
and Euro-Atlantic institutions. They
should act quickly to outline their common positions and coordinate
their relevant policies so that they can defend more convincingly
their regional needs, interests and goals before the
EU
and NATO.
Such an approach by the SEE countries proves in a way cru¬
cial for them since their own potential is not enough to place them
on an equal footing with the, more powerful and developed member
states. Among the majority of them there exist somewhat groundless
expectations that the accession to the
EU
and NATO will ensure a
rapid and almost automatic settlement of the problems and difficul-
Summary
253
ties they are confronted with in their domestic reforms and bilateral
relations.
Therefore, the goal set at the last summit of SEEPC of trans¬
forming the regional cooperation into an authentic voice of all the
nations in the region and a player within and beyond SEE is now
really worth achieving. The lack of unity among the countries on the
Kosovo s issue, however, has made it evidently enough that reaching
this goal will take a lot of effort and probably longer time.
It is expected that by the end of the current decade Croatia will
conclude the negotiations on its
EU
membership which will make
it the forth country in SEE joining the Union. The other Western
Balkan countries stand real chance to make headway towards their
entry into the
EU
For them, as well as for Turkey the
EU
membership
is a bit far away in time and it could occur, should the right conditions
are in place, as early as
2015.
The accomplishment of this goal will hinge not only on their
successful transition to democratic values and market economy but
also on the readiness of the Union to accept new members. From the
present perspective the process looks irreversible and the SEE will
surely be part of the future enlargement of the
EU
and NATO.
It all comes to show that by the end of the current decade SEE
will have witnessed a series of significant changes which will further
transform its image. The countries will muster a greater common po¬
tential to be able to play a more noticeable role in the international
relations as part of a democratic and unified Europe.
This is a realistic prospect. Its realisation will be crucially de¬
pendent on the capability of the countries in the region to keep the
regional stability, to show political will and consistency in carrying
on with the democratic reforms and to promote good-neighbourly
relations on the basis of their common interests and aspirations.
Such a prospect for the region is beneficial for Bulgaria too and
it can and should be instrumental in its successful realization. Yet,
Bulgaria s status as a member of the
EU
and NATO sets higher de¬
mands for its own democratic development and foreign policy.
The role of the country as a prominent facilitator for the sta¬
bility and development of the regional cooperation in SEE could be
254
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
additionally strengthened provided that Bulgaria manages to keep
its domestic stability, step up its economic development and resolve
promptly the problems which now undermine its becoming a strong
democratic state.
The country should do its utmost to boost the standards of liv¬
ing, to streamline the efficiency of the state institutions, to build a
full-fledged civil society, as well as to wage a vigorous combat against
the corruption and organised crime. All this will eventually generate
economic and democratic potential which is of crucial importance
for Bulgaria in its speedy adjustment to the conditions in the
EU
and
in its more adequate participation in the European and Euro-Atlantic
organisations.
СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
ВЪВЕДЕНИЕ
.....................................................................................................9
I.
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ И ИКОНОМИЧЕСКИ
ПРОФИЛ НА ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
...............................................13
1.
ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА ИЛИ БАЛКАНИ?
.......................................13
2.
ОТНОСИТЕЛНА ТЕЖЕСТ
И ДЕФЕРЕНЦИАЦИЯ НА СТРАНИТЕ
В ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
............................................................................16
3.
ПРОМЕНЯЩОТО СЕ МЯСТО
НА ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
........................................................................30
II.
РАЗВИТИЕ НА СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВОТО
МЕЖДУ СТРАНИТЕ В ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
.............................41
1.
НАРАСТВАНЕ НА ВЪНШНАТА
ТЪРГОВИЯ И ЧУЖДЕСТРАННИТЕ ИНВЕСТИЦИИ
.........................41
2.
ФОРМАТ И РЕЗУЛТАТИ
НА РЕГИОНАЛНОТО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
..........................................47
3.
РЕГИОНАЛНОТО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
В ТРАНСПОРТНАТА И ЕНЕРГИЙНАТА ИНФРАСТРУКТУРА
.......56
4.
ИНСТИТУЦИОНАЛИЗИРАНЕ
НА ПРОЦЕСА НА СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО В ЮИЕ
...................................64
5.
РОЛЯТА НА ПАКТА
ЗА СТАБИЛНОСТ ЗА ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
..................................70
6.
ТРАНСФОРМИРАНЕТО
НА ПАКТА ЗА СТАБИЛНОСТ
В РЕГИОНАЛЕН СЪВЕТ ЗА СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
................................76
7.
СЪЗДАВАНЕ НА НОВА
РЕГИОНАЛНА СТРУКТУРА
В ТЪРГОВСКИТЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
....................
...,τ.
....................................79
б
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна
Европа
8.
УЧАСТИЕ НА СТРАНИТЕ
ОТ ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
В ПО-ШИРОКО РЕГИОНАЛНО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
.......................83
III.
ИНТЕГРИРАНЕТО НА СТРАНИТЕ
ОТ РЕГИОНА В ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
...........................................105
1.
РАЗВИТИЕ НА ОТНОШЕНИЯТА
НА СТРАНИТЕ ОТ ЮГОИЗТОЧНА
ЕВРОПА
С
ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
.........................................................105
2.
ИНТЕГРИРАНЕТО НА БЪЛГАРИЯ
И РУМЪНИЯ В ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
.................................................108
3.
ОТНОШЕНИЯТА НА СТРАНИТЕ
ОТ ЗАПАДНИТЕ БАЛКАНИ
С
ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
..................116
4.
ПРОЦЕСЪТ НА ЕВРОИНТЕГРИРАНЕ НА ТУРЦИЯ
.....................134
IV.
ПРОБЛЕМИ В РАЗВИТИЕТО
И ОТНОШЕНИЯТА МЕЖДУ СТРАНИТЕ В ЮИЕ
.........................145
1.
ПРОТИВОРЕЧИЯ НА ЕТНИЧЕСКА ОСНОВА
..............................147
2.
ЕВОЛЮЦИЯ НА КОСОВСКИЯ ПРОБЛЕМ
......................................166
3.
СТРАНИТЕ ОТ РЕГИОНА
И ВЪПРОСЪТ ЗА СТАТУТА НА КОСОВО
...........................................190
4.
НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ
И СЕПАРАТИЗЪМ В ЗАПАДНИТЕ БАЛКАНИ
..................................195
V.
ПЕРСПЕКТИВИТЕ ПРЕД ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
...............209
ПРИЛОЖЕНИЯ
..........................................................................................217
ПО-ВАЖНИ СЪБИТИЯ
В ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА ПРЕЗ
2006-2007
г
.................................226
СЪКРАЩЕНИЯ
...............................................;...........................................231
ИЗПОЛЗВАНИ ИЗТОЧНИЦИ
..............................................................
233
РЕЗЮМЕ
........................................................................................................239
SUMMARY
....................................................................................................247
TABLE
OF
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
.............................................................................................9
I. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC
OVERVIEW OF SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.................................................13
1.
SOUTH-EAST EUROPE OR BALKANS?
..................................................13
2.
RELATIVE SHARE
AND DIFFERENTIATION
OF THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
...................................16
3.
The changing role
OF SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
......................................
;
......................................30
II. DEVELOPMENT OF COOPERATION
AMONG THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
...................41
1.
INCREASE IN FOREIGN TRADE AND INVESTMENT
......................41
2.
FRAMEWORK AND RESULTS
OF THE REGIONAL COOPERATION
..........................................................47
3.
REGIONAL COOPERATION
IN THE TRANSPORT AND ENERGY INFRASTRUCTURE
...................56
4.
INSTITUTIONALIZATION
OF THE SOUTH-EAST EUROPE COOPERATION PROCESS
..............64
5.
THE ROLE OF THE
STABILITY PACT FOR SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.......................................70
6.
THE TRANSFORMATION
OF THE STABILITY PACT INTO
REGIONAL COOPERATION COUNCIL
.....................................................76
7.
CREATION OF A NEW REGIONAL
STRUCTURE IN THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS
......................................79
8.
PARTICIPATION
OF THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST
EUROPE IN A WIDER REGIONAL COOPERATION
...............................83
8
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
III.
INTEGRATION
OF THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST
EUROPE INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION
..........................................105
1.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELATIONS
BETWEEN THE COUNTIES
IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
..............105
2.
THE ACCESSION OF BULGARIA
AND ROMANIA INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION
................................108
3.
RELATIONS
BETWEEN THE COUNTRIES
IN THE WESTERN BALKANS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
.........116
4.THE
EU
INTEGRATION PROCESS OF TURKEY
.................................134
IV. DEVELOPMENT ISSUES
AND MULTILATERAL DISPUTES
IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.......................................................................145
1.
ETHNIC DISPUTES
....................................................................................147
2.
EVOLUTION OF THE KOSOVO S STATUS ISSUE
............................166
3.
THE COUNTRIES IN THE REGION
AND THE STATUS OF KOSOVO
..........................<......................................190
4.
NATIONALISM AND SEPARATISM
IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
.....................................................................195
V. PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE
DEVELOMENT OF SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.......................................209
APPENDICES
................................................................................................217
KEY EVENTS
IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
2006-2007..................................................226
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
.......................................................................231
LIST OF REFERENCES
...............................................................................233
SUMMARY IN BULGARIAN
....................................................................239
SUMMARY IN ENGLISH
..........................................................................247
|
adam_txt |
SUMMARY
Over the last decade in South-East Europe (SEE) have occurred
crucial political and economic changes. The conflicts which ran con¬
current with the break-up of former Yugoslavia in the
1990s
and the
crisis in
FYR
Macedonia in
2001
were followed by a period of nor¬
malization of the situation in the Western Balkans. The Republic of
Serbia underwent democratic reforms. The presence of international
peacekeeping forces in the region was noticeably reduced.
SEE transformed itself into one of the fast developing parts in
Europe. It became more attractive for foreign investments and for the
implementation of major economic projects. The region established
itself as a transit hub for oil and gas supplies provided by Russia and
the Caspian region for Western Europe and the USA.
The headway accomplished in the transition to democratic so¬
ciety and market economy created favourable conditions for the
EU
and Euro-Atlantic integration of SEE. That was defined as a strategic
goal for all courtiers in the region. Bulgaria and Romania succeeded
in attaining it by becoming members of NATO in
2004
and joining
the
EU
at the beginning of
2007.
The other countries are now fol¬
lowing in their footsteps as the
EU
has already made a political com¬
mitment to welcome them into the Union. Some of them stand real
chance to be invited to become members of NATO in
2008.
There has been a steady tendency in the furthering of the rela¬
tions between the SEE countries, especially in terms of economic co¬
operation. Over the last years the mechanism for regional cooperation
has been revived and expanded. A prominent place in that process has
been assigned to the creation of the Regional Cooperation Council
(RCC) which will duly replace the Stability pact for SEE in
2008.
248
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
RCC
has been incorporated in the South-East European
Cooperation Process (SEECP) which, in the current decade, has
strengthened its role as a forum for regional interaction along with
the participation of all SEE countries. In the first half of
2007
there
was initiated the institutionalization of SEECP.
All those changes have led to the formation of a new image of SEE,
an image where the division and stand-offs have given way to the foster¬
ing of good- neighbourly relations and mutual cooperation. The coun¬
tries have achieved regional stability and have set as their priority the
peaceful settlement of the problems existing in their bilateral relations.
In
2007
SEE is much different compared to what it was in
1990s
when the severe conflicts in the Western Balkans invoked the for¬
gotten perception of the region as the "gunpowder keg" of Europe.
They also brought back to mind the notion of "balkanization" used
to characterize the relations of mistrust, division and confrontation
among SEE nations.
Yet, this by no means suggests that SEE has for ever broken with
its historical past. Despite the significant progress, the countries in
the region have only stepped onto the road leading to stability, effi¬
cient multilateral cooperation and integration in democratic Europe.
There still exist numerous unresolved issues concerning the de¬
velopment and the bilateral relations in SEE region. The most promi¬
nent place among them in
2007
is occupied by the pending resolu¬
tion on Kosovo's future status. Its outcome will to a large extent affect
the evolution of other problems and contradictions in SEE which in
turn could jeopardize the current situation in the Western Balkans.
The region is still being considered by the international community
as potentially unstable.
The outside support for the successful conclusion of the demo¬
cratic and market economy reforms appears to be of key importance
for the majority of SEE countries. This is even more so for those
states which are not members of the
EU
and NATO. The.interna¬
tional commitment, including the presence of peacekeeping troops,
to ensure the stability and inviolability of the peace agreements in
Bosnia and Herzegovina and in
FYR
Macedonia proves to be vital for
the two counties.
Summary
249
This, by and large, conditions the high degree of dependence of
SEE on external forces and factors. The issue about Kosovo's status
has shown that the insufficient unity among the neighbouring coun¬
tries prevents them from confidently taking into their own hands the
regional security management. They lack mechanisms for coopera¬
tion which could enable them to tackle and manage possible crises by
using their own capabilities and resources.
On the whole, despite the progress achieved in the current dec¬
ade, SEE has yet to go a long way before becoming a region of full-
fledged stability, prosperity and efficient multilateral cooperation.
The road could be rather bumpy and will probably reveal a number
of obstacles arid controversies which need to be deftly averted if the
region is to be guaranteed a peaceful future.
The one that has definitely stood out lately is the issue concern¬
ing Kosovo's status as it has already reached its final and most criti¬
cal stage. The diverging viewpoints about its settlement manifested
by the international community and the separate SEE countries have
exacerbated the tension in Kosovo and the Western Balkans and it
could now easily grow into a crisis.
SEE finds itself at a crossroads with Kosovo's status now be¬
ing the cornerstone for the resolution of the other existing problems
within and between the involved states. The manner of its handling
will determine whether and to what an extent there will be trig¬
gered fresh nationalistic and break-up aspirations, especially in the
Western Balkans.
Granting independence to Kosovo is a likely prospect, which,
should it be carried through without broad international support and
a resolution by the UN Security Council, could jeopardise the stability
the whole region. Serbia, even if Russia does not give up on its support,
has limited leverage to oppose such an outcome. In return for conced¬
ing independence to Kosovo it will surely receive by the Western world
political, financial and economic compensation, including a commit¬
ment to speed up Serbia's accession to the
EU
and NATO.
It's also possible that Kosovo's independence is realized in a
mode which is less painful for Serbia to swallow, for example, by be¬
ing based on the partition of the territory, or by means of
a résolu-
250 .
Венелин Цачевски
♦
Новата Югоизточна Европа
tion
which, as was the case with Bosnia and Herzegovina, renders
independence to the Serbs within the framework of a federation or
confederation. However, should Serbia oppose such a resolution it
would run the serious risk of being isolated by the Western world
and becoming vulnerable to both Albanian (in southern Serbia) and
Hungarian (in
Vojvodina)
separatism on its own territory.
Nonetheless, the repercussions for the region resulting from
a unilaterally declared independence of Kosovo won't be avoided
and would most probably intensify the Serbian nationalism. What's
worse, they could stoke up the ethnic separatist activities in the
Western Balkans as well.
Such a solution, if adopted, will be open to criticism since it will
represent a change, imposed from the outside, of the country's inter¬
nationally recognised boundaries. It will also contravene the princi¬
ples of international law and the UN's charter.
Tackling the Kosovo's issue in that way means that there will
be applied once again the approach which was used for solving the
conflicts in the Western Balkans at the end of last and the beginning
of present decade. Due to the fact that the countries in the region
proved incapable of settling the disputes on their own, the decisive
role was and is still being played by external factors and by the big
Western countries which are trying to help with diplomatic, political
and even military means.
It may eventually turn out that the above mentioned approach
has provided only a temporary solution to the ethnic conflicts in the
region, and not a lasting and farsighted one. It is especially pertinent
to the reliability of the "state composition" of Bosnia and Herzegovina
which are soon likely to be joined by Kosovo in this respect.
Kosovo's case happens to be the next challenge and a test of it
own for the sustainability and irreversibility of the stability process
in the region. Unfortunately, the countries in the region are practi¬
cally isolated from having their say on the issue. The crucial reason
for this is the lack of unity among them and the poor potential of the
regional cooperation.
The stability and cooperation in SEE are furthermore depend¬
able on the progress which is to'be achieved towards resolving the
Summary
251
other existing problems and disputes in the region
-
fulfilling the
peace agreements and accomplishing political stability in Macedonia
and Bosnia and Herzegovina, settling the dispute between Greece
and Macedonia over the official name of Macedonia, clarifying the
status and rights of the national minorities, etc.
Of prime importance is also the continuation of the reforms, the
establishment of democratic values in the development of the countries,
the avoidance of domestic instability, as well as the prevention of fresh
disputes flaring up between the neighbouring states.
Similarly, another pivotal condition is the successful economic
development of the SEE countries which will be largely conducive to
the enhancement of regional cooperation. Unless any deterioration oc¬
curs in the current affairs of SEE countries, the region will most prob¬
ably keep and even increase the growth rate it has generated over the
last decade, with the influx of foreign investment being on the rise.
In all likelihood, speaking of economic growth, by
2010
SEE will
become one of the fastest developing parts of Europe and as a result
will expand its industrial potential significantly. However, in order to
reach the economic level and the standards of living in the
EU
zone,
the region needs a period of at least
30-40
years, provided that it suc¬
ceeds to double its present growth rate.
SEE will gain a lot from the implementation of the large-scale
infrastructural
projects, especially from the construction of pan
European oil and gas pipelines passing through the region. Projects
of such magnitude will create thousands of new jobs and will further
boost the foreign investments so badly needed for the expansion of
the transport communications and the promotion of the environ¬
mental protection.
The forecast is that by the beginning of next decade SEE will
strengthen its position as an important transit hub of energy sup¬
plies transportation from Russia and the Caspian region to Western
Europe and the US. By assuming such a role the countries in the re¬
gion will secure solid revenues to their budgets which, in the case of
Bulgaria only, could amount to hundreds of millions of euros.
With regard to the regional cooperation a priority goal of the
countries is to expand its dimensions and to improve its efficiency
252
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
within the SEECP framework as well as within the other multilateral
initiatives and forums. The first effects of restructuring under way of
the SEECP mechanisms, which is already under way, and of strength¬
ening of the practical basis of the regional cooperation are expected
no earlier than
2010.
RCC is considered to become a cornerstone organisation in
this respect. Its setting up will contribute to the implementation of
a greater number of initiatives and projects in the spheres where the
common interests and need are most serious: transport infrastruc¬
ture, power engineering, environmental protection, hi-tech innova¬
tions, tourism, R&D, cultural exchange, etc.
The current conditions in SEE do not allow for the speedy and
large-scale development of the regional cooperation. From an eco¬
nomic point of view, the capabilities of the countries to realise huge
regional projects are still limited. What's more, they are not even
ready to build an effective cooperation framework in the field of se¬
curity which could reduce their dependence on the outside world
regarding the stability in the region.
The European and Euro-Atlantic integration of SEE will con¬
tinue to be a strategic line in the overall policy of the countries in the
region as they all associate their future with membership in the
EU
and NATO. The quicker fulfilment of this goal has a direct bearing
on the stability in SEE, the expansion of the mutual relations and the
reliable solution of the regional disputes.
If the SEE countries are to accelerate this process they need to
incorporate the regional cooperation into their national programs
for speedy integration in the
EU
and Euro-Atlantic institutions. They
should act quickly to outline their common positions and coordinate
their relevant policies so that they can defend more convincingly
their regional needs, interests and goals before the
EU
and NATO.
Such an approach by the SEE countries proves in a way cru¬
cial for them since their own potential is not enough to place them
on an equal footing with the, more powerful and developed member
states. Among the majority of them there exist somewhat groundless
expectations that the accession to the
EU
and NATO will ensure a
rapid and almost automatic settlement of the problems and difficul-
Summary
253
ties they are confronted with in their domestic reforms and bilateral
relations.
Therefore, the goal set at the last summit of SEEPC of trans¬
forming the regional cooperation into "an authentic voice" of all the
nations in the region and "a player" within and beyond SEE is now
really worth achieving. The lack of unity among the countries on the
Kosovo's issue, however, has made it evidently enough that reaching
this goal will take a lot of effort and probably longer time.
It is expected that by the end of the current decade Croatia will
conclude the negotiations on its
EU
membership which will make
it the forth country in SEE joining the Union. The other Western
Balkan countries stand real chance to make headway towards their
entry into the
EU
For them, as well as for Turkey the
EU
membership
is a bit far away in time and it could occur, should the right conditions
are in place, as early as
2015.
The accomplishment of this goal will hinge not only on their
successful transition to democratic values and market economy but
also on the readiness of the Union to accept new members. From the
present perspective the process looks irreversible and the SEE will
surely be part of the future enlargement of the
EU
and NATO.
It all comes to show that by the end of the current decade SEE
will have witnessed a series of significant changes which will further
transform its image. The countries will muster a greater common po¬
tential to be able to play a more noticeable role in the international
relations as part of a democratic and unified Europe.
This is a realistic prospect. Its realisation will be crucially de¬
pendent on the capability of the countries in the region to keep the
regional stability, to show political will and consistency in carrying
on with the democratic reforms and to promote good-neighbourly
relations on the basis of their common interests and aspirations.
Such a prospect for the region is beneficial for Bulgaria too and
it can and should be instrumental in its successful realization. Yet,
Bulgaria's status as a member of the
EU
and NATO sets higher de¬
mands for its own democratic development and foreign policy.
The role of the country as a prominent facilitator for the sta¬
bility and development of the regional cooperation in SEE could be
254
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
additionally strengthened provided that Bulgaria manages to keep
its domestic stability, step up its economic development and resolve
promptly the problems which now undermine its becoming a strong
democratic state.
The country should do its utmost to boost the standards of liv¬
ing, to streamline the efficiency of the state institutions, to build a
full-fledged civil society, as well as to wage a vigorous combat against
the corruption and organised crime. All this will eventually generate
economic and democratic potential which is of crucial importance
for Bulgaria in its speedy adjustment to the conditions in the
EU
and
in its more adequate participation in the European and Euro-Atlantic
organisations.
СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
ВЪВЕДЕНИЕ
.9
I.
ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ И ИКОНОМИЧЕСКИ
ПРОФИЛ НА ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
.13
1.
ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА ИЛИ БАЛКАНИ?
.13
2.
ОТНОСИТЕЛНА ТЕЖЕСТ
И ДЕФЕРЕНЦИАЦИЯ НА СТРАНИТЕ
В ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
.16
3.
ПРОМЕНЯЩОТО СЕ МЯСТО
НА ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
.30
II.
РАЗВИТИЕ НА СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВОТО
МЕЖДУ СТРАНИТЕ В ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
.41
1.
НАРАСТВАНЕ НА ВЪНШНАТА
ТЪРГОВИЯ И ЧУЖДЕСТРАННИТЕ ИНВЕСТИЦИИ
.41
2.
ФОРМАТ И РЕЗУЛТАТИ
НА РЕГИОНАЛНОТО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
.47
3.
РЕГИОНАЛНОТО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
В ТРАНСПОРТНАТА И ЕНЕРГИЙНАТА ИНФРАСТРУКТУРА
.56
4.
ИНСТИТУЦИОНАЛИЗИРАНЕ
НА ПРОЦЕСА НА СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО В ЮИЕ
.64
5.
РОЛЯТА НА ПАКТА
ЗА СТАБИЛНОСТ ЗА ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
.70
6.
ТРАНСФОРМИРАНЕТО
НА ПАКТА ЗА СТАБИЛНОСТ
В РЕГИОНАЛЕН СЪВЕТ ЗА СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
.76
7.
СЪЗДАВАНЕ НА НОВА
РЕГИОНАЛНА СТРУКТУРА
В ТЪРГОВСКИТЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
.
.,τ.
.79
б
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна
Европа
8.
УЧАСТИЕ НА СТРАНИТЕ
ОТ ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
В ПО-ШИРОКО РЕГИОНАЛНО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО
.83
III.
ИНТЕГРИРАНЕТО НА СТРАНИТЕ
ОТ РЕГИОНА В ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
.105
1.
РАЗВИТИЕ НА ОТНОШЕНИЯТА
НА СТРАНИТЕ ОТ ЮГОИЗТОЧНА
ЕВРОПА
С
ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
.105
2.
ИНТЕГРИРАНЕТО НА БЪЛГАРИЯ
И РУМЪНИЯ В ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
.108
3.
ОТНОШЕНИЯТА НА СТРАНИТЕ
ОТ ЗАПАДНИТЕ БАЛКАНИ
С
ЕВРОПЕЙСКИЯ СЪЮЗ
.116
4.
ПРОЦЕСЪТ НА ЕВРОИНТЕГРИРАНЕ НА ТУРЦИЯ
.134
IV.
ПРОБЛЕМИ В РАЗВИТИЕТО
И ОТНОШЕНИЯТА МЕЖДУ СТРАНИТЕ В ЮИЕ
.145
1.
ПРОТИВОРЕЧИЯ НА ЕТНИЧЕСКА ОСНОВА
.147
2.
ЕВОЛЮЦИЯ НА КОСОВСКИЯ ПРОБЛЕМ
.166
3.
СТРАНИТЕ ОТ РЕГИОНА
И ВЪПРОСЪТ ЗА СТАТУТА НА КОСОВО
.190
4.
НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ
И СЕПАРАТИЗЪМ В ЗАПАДНИТЕ БАЛКАНИ
.195
V.
ПЕРСПЕКТИВИТЕ ПРЕД ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА
.209
ПРИЛОЖЕНИЯ
.217
ПО-ВАЖНИ СЪБИТИЯ
В ЮГОИЗТОЧНА ЕВРОПА ПРЕЗ
2006-2007
г
.226
СЪКРАЩЕНИЯ
.;.231
ИЗПОЛЗВАНИ ИЗТОЧНИЦИ
.
233
РЕЗЮМЕ
.239
SUMMARY
.247
TABLE
OF
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
.9
I. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC
OVERVIEW OF SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.13
1.
SOUTH-EAST EUROPE OR BALKANS?
.13
2.
RELATIVE SHARE
AND DIFFERENTIATION
OF THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.16
3.
The changing role
OF SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.
;
.30
II. DEVELOPMENT OF COOPERATION
AMONG THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.41
1.
INCREASE IN FOREIGN TRADE AND INVESTMENT
.41
2.
FRAMEWORK AND RESULTS
OF THE REGIONAL COOPERATION
.47
3.
REGIONAL COOPERATION
IN THE TRANSPORT AND ENERGY INFRASTRUCTURE
.56
4.
INSTITUTIONALIZATION
OF THE SOUTH-EAST EUROPE COOPERATION PROCESS
.64
5.
THE ROLE OF THE
STABILITY PACT FOR SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.70
6.
THE TRANSFORMATION
OF THE STABILITY PACT INTO
REGIONAL COOPERATION COUNCIL
.76
7.
CREATION OF A NEW REGIONAL
STRUCTURE IN THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS
.79
8.
PARTICIPATION
OF THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST
EUROPE IN A WIDER REGIONAL COOPERATION
.83
8
Венелин Цачевски
*
Новата Югоизточна Европа
III.
INTEGRATION
OF THE COUNTRIES IN SOUTH-EAST
EUROPE INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION
.105
1.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELATIONS
BETWEEN THE COUNTIES
IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
.105
2.
THE ACCESSION OF BULGARIA
AND ROMANIA INTO THE EUROPEAN UNION
.108
3.
RELATIONS
BETWEEN THE COUNTRIES
IN THE WESTERN BALKANS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
.116
4.THE
EU
INTEGRATION PROCESS OF TURKEY
.134
IV. DEVELOPMENT ISSUES
AND MULTILATERAL DISPUTES
IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.145
1.
ETHNIC DISPUTES
.147
2.
EVOLUTION OF THE KOSOVO'S STATUS ISSUE
.166
3.
THE COUNTRIES IN THE REGION
AND THE STATUS OF KOSOVO
.<.190
4.
NATIONALISM AND SEPARATISM
IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
.195
V. PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE
DEVELOMENT OF SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
.209
APPENDICES
.217
KEY EVENTS
IN SOUTH-EAST EUROPE
2006-2007.226
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
.231
LIST OF REFERENCES
.233
SUMMARY IN BULGARIAN
.239
SUMMARY IN ENGLISH
.247 |
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author | Cačevski, Venelin 1948- |
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geographic | Transformationsländer (DE-588)4651141-6 gnd Südosteuropa (DE-588)4058449-5 gnd |
geographic_facet | Transformationsländer Südosteuropa |
id | DE-604.BV023013406 |
illustrated | Illustrated |
index_date | 2024-07-02T19:10:19Z |
indexdate | 2024-07-09T21:08:58Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9789543213719 |
language | Bulgarian |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016217601 |
oclc_num | 220312578 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-12 |
owner_facet | DE-12 |
physical | 254 S. Ill., Kt. |
publishDate | 2007 |
publishDateSearch | 2007 |
publishDateSort | 2007 |
publisher | Iztok-Zapad |
record_format | marc |
spelling | Cačevski, Venelin 1948- Verfasser (DE-588)103648585 aut Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija Venelin Cačevski 1. izd. Sofija Iztok-Zapad 2007 254 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Regionale Kooperation (DE-588)4455020-0 gnd rswk-swf Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 gnd rswk-swf Transformationsländer (DE-588)4651141-6 gnd rswk-swf Südosteuropa (DE-588)4058449-5 gnd rswk-swf Südosteuropa (DE-588)4058449-5 g Regionale Kooperation (DE-588)4455020-0 s Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 s DE-604 Transformationsländer (DE-588)4651141-6 g Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016217601&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016217601&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
spellingShingle | Cačevski, Venelin 1948- Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija Regionale Kooperation (DE-588)4455020-0 gnd Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4455020-0 (DE-588)4071013-0 (DE-588)4651141-6 (DE-588)4058449-5 |
title | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija |
title_auth | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija |
title_exact_search | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija |
title_exact_search_txtP | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija |
title_full | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija Venelin Cačevski |
title_fullStr | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija Venelin Cačevski |
title_full_unstemmed | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija Venelin Cačevski |
title_short | Balkanite - novata jugoiztočna Evropa |
title_sort | balkanite novata jugoiztocna evropa ot razdelenie kam regionalno satrudnicestvo i evrointegracija |
title_sub | ot razdelenie kăm regionalno sătrudničestvo i evrointegracija |
topic | Regionale Kooperation (DE-588)4455020-0 gnd Europäische Integration (DE-588)4071013-0 gnd |
topic_facet | Regionale Kooperation Europäische Integration Transformationsländer Südosteuropa |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016217601&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016217601&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT cacevskivenelin balkanitenovatajugoiztocnaevropaotrazdeleniekamregionalnosatrudnicestvoievrointegracija |