"Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ...": tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Russian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Moskva
Severnyj Palomnik
2007
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: "Looking at the image painted by the ancient artists ..." (S. 337 - 357) |
| Beschreibung: | 381 S. zahlr. Ill. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 5944312076 5944311878 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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СОДЕРЖАНИЕ
От автора
.3
Глава
1
ТЕМА ПОЧИТАНИЯ ИКОН В ВИЗАНТИЙСКОЙ ИКОНОГРАФИИ.
ИСТОКИ РУССКОЙ ТРАДИЦИИ
.7
Глава
2
ОБРАЗЫ ХРИСТА И БОГОМАТЕРИ
.51
Образы Христа. «Спас Нерукотворный»
.51
Пояснительные надписи в византийском мире и на Руси
.62
Отличия в трактовке ткани
.77
Образ триумфа Христа
.80
Заступническое значение Св. Образа
.84
Цикл истории Нерукотворного Образа
.101
Изображения Богоматери
.106
Евангелист Лука-иконописец с персонификацией Божественной Премудрости
.106
Чудотворные иконы Богоматери с их историей и чудесами
.134
Глава
3
СЦЕНЫ С ИКОНАМИ В ЖИТИЙНЫХ ЦИКЛАХ
.183
Общехристианские святые. Посмертные чудеса, совершаемые посредством их образов
.184
Иконы святителя Николы Мирликийского
.184
Чудо о киевском младенце
.188
Чудо о сарацине («о
половчине»)
.195
Чудо о трёх иконах и патриархе Афанасии
.202
Чудо о хромом юноше Николе
.206
Изображения Вселенских соборов
.207
Иконы великомученика Георгия
.214
Шитый образ великомученика Димитрия
.229
Сцены с иконами в житийных циклах русских святых
.249
Благоверные князья
.250
Преподобные и святители
.269
Юродивые
.285
Глава
4
ПРОСЛАВЛЕНИЕ ИКОН
.291
Иконы в сценах Акафиста
.291
Седьмой Вселенский собор
.306
Святые в молении перед иконой
.310
«Священный град» под защитой иконы
.315
Заключение
ЭТАПЫ РАЗВИТИЯ ТЕМЫ ПОЧИТАНИЯ ИКОН
В ИСКУССТВЕ ДРЕВНЕЙ РУСИ
.324
SUMMARY
.337
ЛИТЕРАТУРА
.358
СПИСОК СОКРАЩЕНИЙ
.374
УКАЗАТЕЛЬ ИМЁН
.375
SUMMARY
«LOOKING AT THE IMAGE PAINTED BY ANCIENT
ARTISTS.» ICON VENERATION IN THE ART
OF MEDIEVAL RUSSIA
The title of this book is a quotation from the decree of the so-
called «Stoglavy Council» («stoglavy» means «that of hundred
chapters», referring to the hundred sections of its decree). It
took place in
1551
during the reign of Ivan the Terrible, and was
presided by Metropolitan Makari. The council, among other
issues, discussed various problems concerning art, its subjects
and ideas and expressed its attitude towards artistic tradition.
The decree of the Moscow Stoglavy Council can be regarded as
one of the outstanding sources on the history of Russian
Medieval culture. The artists of the epoch were expected not
only to paint icons with the «greatest care», but also to «look at
the images painted by ancient artists and to represent good
models». These words reflect the immense respect of Medieval
society for the work of icon-painters and for aesthetic tradition,
as well as profound veneration of old images, predominant in
Orthodox countries. The book is devoted to only one aspect of
this phenomenon
—
how icon veneration is represented in
Russian art.
Chapter
1.
Icon Veneration in Byzantine Iconography.
Roots of the Russian Tradition
The idea of venerating icons, sacred images, through which
the praying can spiritually communicate with the divine proto¬
type, is the corner-stone of the teaching of the Byzantine
church. Its concept, rooted in certain passages from patristic
writings, was developed in the fight against
iconoclasm
during a
severe spiritual crisis that the Byzantine Empire experienced in
the eighth and ninth centuries. The doctrine of worshipping
holy images was discussed and adopted on the sessions of the
Seventh Ecumenical Council (Second Nicene) in
787
and, after
the final acceptance of iconolatry in
843,
became the basis of
ecclesiastical life in Byzantium and in the countries connected
with it. Certain Church Fathers, among which St. John
Damascene played a particularly important role, worked out the
theory of the image and its connection with the divine proto¬
type. In the decree of the Seventh Ecumenical Council one can
337
read a very coherent explanation, rooted in the rich patristic tra¬
dition, of why holy images are being held in such respect: «The
honor rendered to an icon is aimed at its prototype, and a man
who worships an icon worships the hypostasis of the person
depicted there» (see note
5
onp.
7).
During the reign of the Macedonian dynasty, which began
after the restoration of iconolatry and lasted until the mid-
11"'
century, there were established clear norms of Byzantine
iconography that manifested themselves primarily in church
murals. This aesthetic system, universal and very conservative,
in itself demonstrated how indisputable the dogma of iconolatry
has become, so it did not need any additional support in the form
of compositions illustrating scenes of miracles or of praying
before icons.
Nevertheless, in that period, apart from central, prevailing
iconographie
types in Byzantine art, some works do appear that
show representations of icons. This aesthetic scheme has subordi¬
nate function, but it continues to exist throughout the Middle
Ages, including the post-Byzantine era.
If we take the period from the ninth to the eleventh cen¬
turies, it would suffice to mention the miniatures of certain
Greek Psalters, primarily the Khludov manuscript, depicting
the impious acts of the iconoclasts; the figures of the defenders
of icons in the Menology of Basil II; the Sinai triptych, illus¬
trating the history of St. Mandylion; the numerous images of the
defenders of icon veneration in the art of subsequent centuries;
as well as works modeled after them showing other saints, for
example, St. Parasceva (ill. onp.
9-11, 13, 15,33,37).
A wave of theological disputes that began its rise in the sec¬
ond half of the
11*
century was followed by an increasing inter¬
est in the theme of the Incarnation, as well as in the image of the
Virgin and its representations. It also brought to life new traits
that characterized the culture of the Comnenoi period such as
solemn processions with icons in Constantinople and the grow¬
ing popularity of pilgrimage. Book illumination now included
various scenes depicting the creation of the first image of Our
Lady, of icons being moved from one place to another, of people
praying before them (ill. onp.
17,18,21-23).
St. Mandylion and
St. Keramion become a popular subject of Byzantine frescoes for
several centuries, usually painted over the apse, above the
entrance or in the ring beneath the dome (ill. onp.
14, 66, 68- 70,
72-73, 84, 85).
New variants of the same theme appear in the Paleologus
period, that is from the mid-
13"'
to the mid-15th centuries. At
338
that time illustrations of the Akathist hymns acquire wide pop¬
ularity, including scenes of icon worship and of solemn proces¬
sions carrying them. This can be seen in the murals of a number
of Balkan churches, for example, in
Dečany, Mateič
and in the
Markov Monastery (see ill. on p.
25).
Akathist manuscripts from
Greece and southern Slavonic lands show people singing hymns
before an icon when illustrating the last Kontakion «O, all-
praised Mother.». This is the case with one Greek Akathist (ca.
1355-1363,
State Historical Museum,
Син.
Греч.
429, f. 33
v);
with the supplements of the Bulgarian
Tomič
Psalter (ca.
1360,
State Historical Museum,
Муз.
2752, f. 296)
and with the
Serbian Munich Psalter (late
14"'
c, State Library of Munich,
Cod. Slav.
4,
f.
222
v). Some compositions follow the same
model, but include new details (procession carrying the panel of
Our Lady Hodegetria depicted on the wall of the Blachernae
Monastery near
Arta
in Greece). New works appear that show
the Triumph of the Orthodox Church, the final victory over the
iconoclasts in
843
(ill. on p.
26).
It is interesting to note that at
this time the subject of St. Luke painting the first likeness of the
Virgin (see p.
107, 108)
becomes widespread, as well as scenes
representing the history of St. Mandylion
—
the miraculously
created image of Christ (frescoes in the Macedonian
Mateič
Monastery; the miniatures of a parchment scroll of the Pierpont
Morgan Library in New York; the decoration on the silver fram¬
ing of the St. Mandylion icon in the San Bartolomeo Monastery
in Genoa; seep.
28
and ill. on p.
29-31).
It is during the Paleologan period that we can note the growing
popularity of donative images in the art of the southern Slavs, par¬
ticularly, in Serbia and Macedonia. In some cases painters include in
such compositions representations of icons
—
Virgin Mary or St.
Nicholas, commemorating some special favor that these saints have
shown towards the portrayed historical figures. This type of fres¬
coes decorate the church in the village Velikaya
Носа
near Prizren,
or the St. Nicholas' Church in
Psača
(seep.
27-28).
The same set of themes keeps developing in the post-
Byzantine period, with a large number of new variants emerging,
particularly in the Balkans
—
both in Greece and in the regions of
the southern Slavs, as well as in other places, such as Cyprus (see
ill. on p.
34,37-42,44-46).
Russian painters adopted a large number of subjects from
Greek Orthodox art (though not all of them). However in many
cases Byzantine aesthetic tradition was modified and acquired a
strong local flavor. The following chapters deal with Russian art
and are devoted to its different subjects.
339
Chapter
2.
Images of Christ and Virgin Mary
IMAGES OF CHRIST. ST. MANDYLION
AND ST. KERAMION
The composition of the Holy Face occupies a special place in
Russian aesthetic tradition. It is here and nowhere else that it not
only became an integral element of fresco ensembles, just like it
was in Byzantium, but acquired wide popularity as a subject for
icon-painting, which is a unique trait of local art. We may suppose
that in ancient times such panels were placed against the walls of
a church or on special pedestals for praying before them in front
of the altar partition. Later they would be included into the local
range of an iconostasis, completing the whole altar composition.
It is a fact that in Byzantine art the images of St. Mandylion and
St. Keramion was a popular subject of mural-painting. These were
usually depicted over the entrance, on the ring underneath the
dome or near the apse. But they are almost never represented in
icons. We can name only a couple of works, which were venerated as
the replicas of the Holy Towel. One is a panel from the Papal Palace
in the Vatican, which was brought there from the Church of San
Silvestro in
Capite
(it is traditionally believed to have come from
Edessa and under the setting and latter layers of paint there may
still be traces of the sixth-century original). Another, strongly
resembling the first in terms of size and drawing, is in the Church of
San Bartolomeo
degli Armeni in
Genoa. According to tradition, it
was presented by the Byzantine emperor John V to Leonardo
Montaldo, captain of the Bosporus colony of the Genoeses and
brought to the latter's native city between
1362
and
1388
(probably
in
1384;
ill. onp.
29-31).
Only one more extant panel belongs to the
Byzantine era, which adorns the cathedral in the city of Laon,
France. Several other examples were created in the post-Byzantine
period and could possibly have been made under Russian influence.
In Russia, on the contrary, this subject becomes enormously
popular particularly in icon-painting, a peculiar feature that can be
traced to at least the
12"'
century (ill. on p.
52).
Written sources
tell us about this type of panels in Kiev in the late
11"'
and early
12th centuries (Kiev-Pecherski Paterikon). Churches devoted to
the Holy Face existed in Novgorod not only in the St. Sophia area
(since the
12"'
century), but also on the opposite bank of the
Volkhov River
—
«in the Field». The book gives a long list (though
not the fullest possible) of Russian icons, dedicated to the subject,
coming from such places as Novgorod, Pskov, Rostov, Yaroslavl,
Vologda, Arkhangelsk, as well as from Moscow.
340
Explanatory Inscriptions in the Byzantine World and in Russia
One important difference in the iconography of the Holy Face
lies in the character of the explanatory inscriptions. The Greek
works have just a few words: «To
άγιον Μανδήλιον»
or «To
άγιον
Κεράμιον».
Images created in the southern Slavonic lands con¬
tain the same message in the vernacular:
«Святый Убрус»,
«Святая Керамида»
(for example, ill. on p.
68-70, 72-73).
A
similar feature, owing to the strong Greek influence, is present in
the Russian frescoes of the Byzantine period. Russian icons, on
the contrary, give a different comment. The inscription, with
slight variations, runs: «The not-made-by-hand image of our Lord
Jesus Christ».
The Russian version can be traced to the translation of the
Greek texts, which tell us about the image itself, not the material
that it is imprinted on. The history of the holy relic (how it was
moved from Edessa to Constantinople) was related in a tenth-
century story, which found its way into Greek Synaxaries and
from there into Slavonic calendars and menologies. In the tenth-
century story we encounter both the words
«εικόν»,
and
«μορφή»,
that is «icon» and «form»
—
the image as a copy. Its title
runs as follows:
«ПєрС
της αγίας και αχειροποιήτου Θείας εικόνος
Ιησού Χριστού του Θεού ημών.»
(«About the Saint and Not-
Made-by-Hand Divine Icon [«image»] of Jesus Christ our
God.»). And the text begins with:
«Περί της εν Εδεση αχειρο¬
ποιήτου και Θείας μορφής Χριστού του αληθινού θεού ημών»
(«About the Edessa not-made-by-hand and divine image of
Christ, our true God.»). Thus we can see that the Byzantine tra¬
dition stresses the fact that the painting is a copy of a precious
relic, while in Russia the accent is different
—
before us is the
exact image of Christ himself, created without the help of human
hands and, therefore, possessing true authenticity in its connec¬
tion with the divine prototype (seep.
73-74).
We lmow of only one example, possibly of southern Slavonic
provenance, that has an inscription following Russian models
—
a
^"'-century panel from the Laon cathedral {ill. on p.
S3).
During
the late Middle Ages Russian painters sometimes deviated from the
national tradition and copied Greek painting (ill. on p.
64, 79,81).
The differences in iconography may be explained by the fact
that Russia was situated very far from Edessa and from
Constantinople, where both relics were kept, so there was no real
feeling of their presence. Whatever are the true causes of this
innovation, it played an important role in popularizing the image
of the Holy Face in Russian art and in forming specific accents in
its veneration.
341
Differences in Rendering the Fabric
In Russian iconography of the Holy Towel the texture of the
fabric is not as strongly stressed as in Byzantine art. In the
14"'
and
15*
centuries (and later) Russian painters used Greek models
for their frescoes, so the cloth has many folds, while in icons this
is not so accentuated.
The Image of Christ's Triumph
Medieval Russian painters particularly liked to emphasize the
role of St. Mandylion as the representation of Christ's triumph.
Since the 14th century images stressing the connection between
two themes were increasingly popular: on the one hand, the
Incarnation of Jesus was symbolized by the Holy Face, the true
likeness of the Savior who became Man; on the other, the compo¬
sition «Christ Entombed» («Do not weep for Me, Mother.»)
represented the Sacrifice of the Cross. The combination of the
two motives reflected the development of the Passion theme in
connection with the growing veneration of the Holy Towel. The
earliest Russian example of this iconography is a panel of the first
half of the
14"'
century from the Arkhangelsk Museum of Fine
Arts (ill. on p.
88).
The characteristic feature of many Russian works is a large
representation of St. Mandylion and a comparatively smaller one
of «Christ Entombed». It seems that in this way the image of the
Holy Face stresses the triumph of the Savior vanquishing death
(ill. on p.
89).
The compositions are accompanied with inscrip¬
tions praising Jesus
«1С XC
НИКА»
(Jesus Christ Triumphs),
«Царь Славы»
(King of Glory). In latter icons angels hold a
bright white towel showing the face of Christ, as if presenting
Him as the image of victory, illustrating the apotheosis of the
Lord, so that the accompanying scene assumes a subordinate
function, as something that precedes the triumph itself.
The «Holy Face» as Protector
Legends about the oldest miraculously created images of
Christ
—
Mandylion and Keramion
—
mention many incidents
when these relics protected Christians from evil, healed the sick
or were placed on fortress walls, over the gates, helping to defend
them against enemies.
In Russia we can also find stories and tales about miraculous
icons of the Holy Face, saving towns from epidemics and
invaders. One legend is devoted to a panel in Kostroma which
adorned the Savior-Zaprudnenski Church. It was traditionally
believed to have saved the city from several epidemics.
342
Miraculous icons of the same subject were also venerated in Veliki
Ustiug, Yaroslavl, etc. This iconography also had military signifi¬
cance. The Holy Face not only protected fortresses, city walls or
churches, but helped defeat the enemy. This is why it sometimes
appeared on army banners.
The grace of St. Mandylion and its miraculous power were evi¬
dent to the people of Medieval Russia. Its cult brought to life a par¬
ticular
iconographie
scheme that does not exist anywhere else.
These are horizontal compositions of an unusual Deesis in the cen¬
ter of which we can see a large representation of the Holy Face.
This type of Deesis shows not only those figures that are tradition¬
al for the subject (the Virgin, St. John the Baptist, archangels), but
also local saints (ill. on p.
90, 91).
In many cases the image of St.
Mandylion is painted in the center of a group of selected saints
around the main composition of the icon (ill. on p.
92,93).
Many panels of the Holy Face reflected the personal devotion
of those who commissioned the work. People believed that St.
Mandylion could protect those who owned objects with its image
on them (ill. on p.
94).
In the 16th and 17th centuries the represen¬
tation of the Holy Face often became a family relic (ill. on p.
96),
painted above the figures of celestial protectors of noble donors or
above portraits of tsars and princes (ill. on p.
97,99, 100).
Cycle Illustrating the History of the Holy Face
Even though this cycle existed in Byzantine art as early as the
10"'
century, and its iconography continued to develop in the 14th,
in Russia it appeared only in the late 16th
—
early 17th century. The
early examples depict just a few episodes and only later the picto¬
rial narrative expands (ill. on p.
102-104).
The reason for this delay probably lies in the fact that
Byzantine texts emphasized the history of St. Mandylion as a
relic, concentrating on its movements from one place to another,
while the Russian perception of the Holy Towel was primarily
based on its understanding as a divine Image. This is why the Tale
of St. Mandylion did not acquire wide popularity in Russian
Medieval society.
The Tale cycle enters local art when such questions as the
international role of Russia and its importance for the Orthodox
world become a burning issue. This process accelerates even more
in the second half of the
17"'
century, stimulated by the appear¬
ance of new aesthetic schemes, by the writing of many
hagio¬
graphie
and didactic collections of Christian texts, by the
strengthening of Russian-Ukrainian ties and by the publication of
numerous new editions.
343
IMAGES
OF THE VIRGIN
In the art of Medieval Russia we can name two particularly
interesting
iconographie
types connected with this theme.
St. Luke
—
Icon-Painter with the Personification of Divine
Wisdom
The legend that the Evangelist St. Luke painted the first icon
of the Virgin was widely known in Russia. It is mentioned in the
Povest
Vremennykh Let in the section devoted to the year
988
and
in other ancient texts; there are also mentioned two Novgorodian
churches dedicated to St. Luke, in the St. Sophia and the
Torgovaya (Trade) districts, in the years
1113
and
1207.
The first extant Byzantine images of St. Luke as icon-painter
belong to the
ІЗ"1
century (ill. on p.
107, 108)
and spread during
the 14th
-
15th centuries (ill on p.
109-111,
note
137-140).
Novgorodian illuminated manuscripts, beginning in the 1420s and
1430s, show us a whole series of the saint's portraits which differ
from Byzantine models
—
here one can see the personification of
Divine Wisdom helping Luke to paint the icon, which makes his
creation particularly important
(Шоп р.
112, 115, 117-118, 123).
We may assume that similar compositions existed on panels used
to adorn churches devoted to St. Luke, as well as to the icon Our
Lady Hodegetria (compare ill. on p.
120 —
icon from Opochka).
The development of Russian iconography of St. Luke
—
Icon-
Painter and its popularity in the
15*
and
16"'
centuries can be
explained not just by the general interest of Russian culture in the
theme of the sanctity of images, but must also be viewed in con¬
nection with the dissemination of certain heresies of the period.
We can learn about the ideas of the heretics by reading extant
orthodox writings aimed against them. If regarding the teaching
of the late-W'-century Strigolniks it is hard to reconstruct the
details, Russian heretics of the
15"'
and
16"'
centuries, as we know
for certain, were ardent adherents of
iconoclasm
(notes
164, 165).
Miraculous Icons of the Virgin with their History and Miracles
The cult of local panels depicting Our Lady appears to have
been formed in Russia already in the 12th century, and it becomes
especially popular in the
14"' — 15"'
centuries. In some cases such
images were venerated in many different places («Our Lady of
Vladimir» and its replicas in North-Eastern
Rus
and in Moscow),
in others
—
worshipped within a limited territory («Our Lady of
the Sign» in Novgorod and Novgorodian lands) or within a sepa¬
rate monastery, town or a small principality. The veneration of the
344
second panel,
its fame based primarily on its role in the story of
the miraculous deliverance of Novgorod from the forces of Prince
Andrei Bogoliubski in
1169,
found its reflection in art, judging by
extant works, earlier than that of «Our Lady of Vladimir».
We know of seven icons showing the miracle of the Novgorod
panel: five of them have come down to us (ill on p.
135-137, 139,
142),
while the two lost ones are represented on photographs and
drawings (ill. on p.
141, 143).
The earliest examples date back to
the
15"'
century. Their compositions were influenced by
hymno-
graphic texts (images from the Akathist
—
St. Mary as a «firm pil¬
lar» and «indestructible wall»), by illuminated chronicles, by
Byzantine scenes of praying before icons and pictures of proces¬
sions carrying them.
Somewhat later, in the 16th century, we can note the appear¬
ance of a new
iconographie
scheme
—
the solemn meeting in
Moscow of the image «Our Lady of Vladimir». The panel was
brought from Vladimir in
1395
and owing to its appearance, as
the legend has it, Moscow was saved from the invasion of the
forces of Tamerlan («Temir-Aksak») (ill. onp.
150,151,153,155).
A new stage in the development of this iconography was marked
by the appearance of compositions that showed the venerated icon
in the center surrounded by scenes of its «Life», that is its history
and its miracles. Apparently this scheme came into existence during
the reign of Ivan the Terrible, around the middle or third quarter of
the 16th century, at the court of Metropolitan Makari, where
icono¬
graphie
and aesthetic issues were taken very seriously. The book
gives just a summary description of this type of panels.
This new type of composition primarily affected the iconogra¬
phy of «Our Lady of Tikhvin», a variant of «Our Lady
Hodegetria», venerated since the late 14th century in Tikhvin, a
small town in Novgorodian lands. In the late
15"'
and early 16th
centuries the popularity of the panel gradually spreads across
Rus,
and in
1526
Grand Duke Vasili III and his wife Elena Glinskaya go
on a pilgrimage in order to pray for a heir before the icon. In
1547
Grand Duke Ivan Vasilievich (shortly before his ascension to the
tsar throne) makes a similar voyage, and in
1560
the Uspenski
Tikhvinski Monastery is being founded. The earliest extant panel
of «Our Lady of Tikhvin» «in miracles» is now adorning the
Annunciation Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin (ill. onp.
157).
Images of «Our Lady of Vladimir» surrounded by scenes from
its history and its miracles begin emerging in the second half of
the
16"'
century, (ill. onp.
161).
In the latter Middle Ages icons from two Volga cities, which
were venerated locally from at least the end of the
ІЗ"1
century,
345
acquire nationwide importance
—
«Our Lady of
Tolga»
from
Yaroslavl and «Our Lady Feodorovskaya» («Of St Theodore»)
from Kostroma. It is interesting to note that the fame of the second
was connected with the coronation in
1613
of Mikhail Fedorovich,
the first tsar of the Romanov dynasty. Mikhail was invited for the
throne in Kostroma, the city where the future sovereign managed
to survive the Polish invasion (ill. on p.
161, 163).
Later icons of
«Our Lady of Kazan» with scenes of miracles come into existence
(ill. on p.
166).
There are a couple of examples of this type of panels
also depicting «Our Lady of Smolensk», «Our Lady of the Sign»
(ill. on p.
168)
and «Our Lady of the Seven Lakes» (ill. on p.
167).
The pictorial narrative of the story of any of these miraculous
images that have become famous across Russia was inspired by an
idea of national pride, by a belief that special grace is not only
given to the Christian Orthodox world in general, but to a specif¬
ic country in particular, reminding of the divine patronage that
was supposed to protect
Rus
from evil. The landscapes in the bor¬
der-scenes are usually very generalized, but the architecture (for
example, the wooden tent-roof churches created to house the
icons, especially in the
«Tolga»
and «Feodorovskaya» cycles) cre¬
ate an atmosphere of marked national flavor (ill. on p.
171, 172,
174, 175).
Oral accounts of the miracles and their recording in
Stories and Tales were followed by their pictorial representation,
which evidently had the strongest influence on popular mentality.
Russian miraculous icons of St. Mary gradually began to be
perceived as a symbol of succession of Christian holiness, as relics
that were moved from other centers of the Orthodox world to
Rus.
«Our Lady of Vladimir» was attributed to St. Luke himself.
Russian miraculous «Hodegetrias» and first of all «Our Lady of
Tikhvin» were identified with Byzantine relics, particularly with
«Our Lady of
Lydda».
The awareness of these connections and
ties was closely linked with the idea of Russia succeeding
Byzantium and its great religious tradition.
In Byzantine and post-Byzantine culture the
iconographie
scheme in question also existed (see note
202),
but it never
acquired wide popularity. One of the few (if not the only) excep¬
tion is «Our Lady of Iveron» (Portaitissa), showing scenes from
the history and of the miracles of this highly venerated iconl from
Mt.
Athos.
We can mention the following examples: 18"'-century
image in the Rozhenski Monastery in Bulgaria,
19tìl-century
icon
from Triavna (museum in
Veliko
Tyrnovo), a 19"'-century litho¬
graph in the
Arbanasi
Monastery, as well as ^""-century frescoes
in the chapel of the
Athos
Iveron Monastery itself. It is possible
that they were inspired by Russian iconography.
346
Chapter
3.
Scenes With Icons in
Hagiographie
Cycles
The Lives of Christian saints often describe miracles that were
accomplished after their death through sacred images. However
these accounts are not reflected in Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
art. Exceptions are rare. The principal idea inspiring the scenes
involving icons in Russian ecclesiastical painting is the authen¬
ticity and holiness of the images, which make the miracle possible
be it aiding Orthodox believers or converting pagans. Such com¬
positions reflect the anti-iconoclastic ideology, reminding of the
triumph of iconolatry, of the protection the saints offer to pious
Christians for which holy images can be an instrument.
UNIVERSALLY VENERATED CHRISTIAN SAINTS.
POSTHUMOUS MIRACLES MADE THROUGH
THEIR IMAGES
Icons of St. Nicholas
As early as the 12th century a Russian Medieval text tells us,
among other events connected with the bishop of
Myra,
about
miracles performed through his images. It is most likely that this
work was based on a Greek original. Different variants of such
stories appeared in Russia, as well as new subjects dealing with
the theme. In local art we can name four different compositions
depicting miracles involving the saint's icons.
The Miracle of the Kiev Infant. This tale was written down in
Kiev, most probably in the late ll"1 century, apparently after
1089,
when in Russia on May 9th there was officially established the feast
of the Translation of the Relics of St. Nicholas from
Myra
in Lycia
to
Bari.
We learn how two pious natives of Kiev, a married couple,
went with their baby to Vyshgorod on the feast day of Sts. Boris
and
Gleb
(their tombs were located in this area of the city) to pay
homage to the holy brothers and to St. Nicholas. On their way
back the wife fell asleep and dropped the child into the Dnieper
River. In the morning it was found safe and sound in the local St.
Sophia's Cathedral on the choir gallery, lying under the image of
St. Nicholas. This story brings to mind a tale about an infant saved
by St. Clement of Rome and another Western European legend
about a child who fell into the sea with a precious goblet (see note
25).
The earliest panels depicting this scene date to back to the
late
14"'
and early
15"'
centuries {ill. on p.
187,188).
The Miracle of the Saracen («of the Polovchin»). This story has
a number of parallels in Greek texts. Its «protagonist» is an icon
(«image») of St. Nicholas through which the holy bishop acts as a
347
guarantor for some property, ordering thieves to bring it back and
debtors to return it. Pagans, seeing the power of the saint, begin
to venerate the icon and adopt Christianity. A certain pious
inhabitant of Kiev, having a particular respect for St. Nicholas,
decided to set free his Polovchin slave («Saracen» in Greek vari¬
ants), expecting the latter to pay him ransom. The pagan, not
believing in the power of the Christian saint, decided to deceive
his former owner, but, being thrown down from his horse by some
mysterious force and falling seriously ill, repented and sent some
cattle as his ransom back to Kiev and began constantly praying
before the image of St. Nicholas. The earliest icons depicting this
scene were created in the late
14"'
century {ill. on p.
197-199).
The miracle of the three icons and Patriarch Athanasius. This
legend is preserved only in the Slavonic version. The text is full
of contradictions, so it is difficult to establish the time of the
related events. St. Nicholas appeared before a certain
Theophanes, a pious inhabitant of Constantinople, and ordered
him to go to an icon-painter by the name of Haggai and ask him
to make three images
—
of the Savior, of Our Lady and of the
saint himself and then show the works to the patriarch.
However, Patriarch Athanasius, while blessing the first two pan¬
els, refused to bless the one depicting St. Nicholas on the
grounds that the bishop was a «commoner», an ordinary man
not being worthy of serving a model for an icon. Soon afterwards
the church dignitary found himself on a ship during a mighty
storm and, remembering that the bishop of
Myra
was reputed to
give special protection to sea travelers, prayed to him, survived
the ordeal and later accepted Nicholas as a true saint. The first
representations of this subject appear in Russian icon-painting
in the middle and second half of the
16"'
century, possibly in
1553,
when certain heretics were denounced in Moscow whose
views were influenced by
iconoclasm
and also in connection
with a miracle attributed to a panel depicting St. Nicholas in one
of the capital's churches (ill. on p.
202,203).
The miracle of the lame hoy Nicholas. There lived a boy by the
name Nicholas who was «tortured by demons»; he also suffered
from a sickness of the legs so he could not walk but only crawl.
Once, on St. Nicholas's feast day, he saw some people passing by
with candles in their hands who wanted to attend a liturgy at St.
Nicholas's Church and crawled after them. Soon he met the holy
bishop himself, who asked where he was heading and what was his
illness. After accompanying the boy to the church the saint van¬
ished. Once inside the former saw an image of St. Nicholas, recog¬
nized the elderly man that he had just met and began praying for
348
his help, embracing and kissing the panel. The boy was anointed
with some oil from a lamp that hung before the image and ended
being completely cured. This story can be read in the Menology
of Metropolitan Makari
(mid-lö"1
century). The earliest recorded
painting devoted to the theme dates back to the first half of the
16th century (ill. on p.
207).
This miracle is represented less fre¬
quently than the previously mentioned ones.
Paintings of Ecumenical Councils. Russian icons sometimes
represent the First Ecumenical Council, where St. Nicholas spoke
against the heresy of Arius. One late-14"1 or early-
15th-century
panel from Rostov (ill. p.
208,209)
shows a symmetrical composi¬
tion accompanying this scene which seems to depict the ceremo¬
ny of St. Nicholas being ordained bishop. Here one can see an icon
between the figures of the emperor and the patriarch. This
malees
the whole pictorial scheme remind us of the representations of the
Seventh Ecumenical Council which officially proclaimed the tri¬
umph of iconolatry over
iconoclasm.
The miracle of the Rugodiv icons. In the 17th century, when
Russian iconography adopted a large number of new subjects,
there appeared other paintings depicting miracles connected with
St. Nicholas' images. One fresco, created in
1640,
that decorates
the Church of St. Nicholas Nadein in Yaroslavl, shows the
Rugodiv (Narva) Miracle. In the reign of Ivan the Terrible, in
1558,
during the
Livonian
War, Russian troops, owing to divine
intervention, managed to take the Rugodiv fortress. The Lord
was angry with the impious inhabitants of Narva, one of whom,
being a Lutheran and thus disrespecting holy images, threw an
icon of St. Nicholas into a fire that burned under a caldron where
beer was being prepared. Entering the burning city Russian com¬
manders found totally undamaged images of St. Nicholas, of Our
Lady Hodegetria and of Sts. Cosmas and
Damian
and solemnly
brought them to Moscow (ill. on p.
212,213).
The miracle of the image of St. George
This subject is well known primarily from Greek texts relating
the Life of St. George. A certain Saracen-Moslem wanted to shoot
an arrow at the icon of St. George and in falling it hurt his arm.
The servants of the man, who were Christian, proposed that he
should see a priest. The Saracen did so and asked the priest why
do Christians worship «boards» in their churches, to which the
latter replied that they do not worship boards, but those repre¬
sented on them and in praying before the image of St. George they
beg the holy martyr to intercede for them before God. The priest
later came to see the ailing Moslem with an icon of St. George,
349
held a service and anointed his wound with oil from a lamp that
burned before the panel. After the Saracen was cured, he decided
to be baptized, preached Christianity among the Moslems and
died a martyr. It seems that this subject is the only one involving
icons of universally venerated Christian saints accomplishing
miracles that can be found not only in late Medieval Russian art,
but also in the art of the Byzantine circle, namely in Georgian
late-ll"1 or early-^"'-century frescoes in Ikvi and Pavnisi (ill. on
p.
215).
St. George was venerated as the holy patron of the coun¬
try and his cult was enormously popular there.
In Russia the story of this miracle was well known owing to
translations of the Greek Life of the holy martyr and was men¬
tioned in the traditional church calendar (Prolog) under the date
«April
23».
Panels depicting it were created by the painters of the
Moscow school in the late
15"'
and early
16"'
centuries and also
became popular in Novgorod and in the north. The first extant
examples are icons from the town of Dmitrov, where Prince Yuri
(George) Ivanovich, youngest son of Grand Duke Ivan III,
reigned. One type of iconography devoted to this theme has a full-
length figure in the center, another (more widespread in provin¬
cial schools) depicts the story of St. George and the Dragon (ill.
on p.
217-219,220-221).
Embroidered image of Holy Martyr Demetrius
Beginning in the 14th century in Russian literary tradition
there appears the tale of the «Miracle of the Young Girls of
Thessalonica». When foreign invaders seized Thessalonica they
took captive two girls. The commander of the troops, a Saracen,
who hoped to benefit from the patronage of the Christian saint,
ordered them to embroider the image of St. Demetrius, planning
to carry it as a banner in front of his host and vanquish enemies
with divine help. The pious girls refused, unwilling to partici¬
pate in the desecration of the holy martyr's image by giving it
into the hands of a pagan. They were threatened to be put to
death and finally executed the work, weeping and begging St.
Demetrius to forgive them. At night, when they fell asleep on
the embroidered portrait, St. Demetrius personally carried them
to his basilica in Thessalonica. The image, which was hung over
the altar, later cured demoniacs, the lame and those suffering
from various sicknesses.
"We do not find this story in the Greek descriptions of St.
Demetrius' miracles (see note
105).
Nevertheless there is little
doubt that the legend has Greek provenance. M. Speranski held
the opinion that it was written in Macedonia, possibly in
350
Thessalonica itself. There is a theory that the story emerged
among the inhabitants of that city imprisoned by Arab corsairs
when they seized it in
904.
The pirate chief was a certain Lev from
Trani, a Greek convert to Islam, who may have known about the
veneration of St. Demetrius.
The first extant Russian icons depicting this miracle date back
to the
16"'
century. But it is possible that the panel, commissioned
by the
Boyar
Dimitri
Ivanovich Godunov in
1586
for the pros¬
pering Ipatievski Monastery in Kostroma {ill. on p.
231),
is a
replica of a late-l^'-century work that adorned the Assumption
Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin.
SCENES WITH ICONS IN THE HAGIOGRAPHIC
CYCLES OF RUSSIAN SAINTS
These compositions are centered around the figure of a partic¬
ular saint who is the protagonist of the
hagiographie
cycle. Icons
(Christ, Virgin Mary or other saints) accompany him in his acts
and illustrate his piety. The saints to whom the works are dedi¬
cated pray before the holy images, mentally conversing with them
or experiencing their beneficial presence and their aid.
The
hagiographie
texts that inspired these cycles relate the
deeds of Russian saints who lived in the period prior to the
Mongol invasion (the early era of the evangelization of old
Rus);
those of the
13"'
century, when the fight against the Tartar yoke
was strengthening; as well as the 14th and
15*
centuries, when
many Russian cities were on the rise, when the country was grad¬
ually uniting around Moscow, and when the Russian Orthodox
Church was particularly active, founding many new religious
houses and glorifying monastic life. All these epochs, whatever
the difference, stress the moral, ideal image of the saint, his piety
and his devotion to Christian faith. Icons give strength to mar¬
tyred princes, to monks, to priests, inspiring them and granting
them fortitude to do what they should do as true believers. In
some cases we can see miracles taking place by the saint's tomb,
when divine grace comes not only from the remains themselves,
but also from the icons adorning the shrine.
Holy Princes
Texts describing the lives of Russian princes, whatever the dif¬
ferences in their biographies, usually stress their piety, their true
faith, their concern with spiritual enlightenment of the people,
their bravery and resolution in defending their homeland, their
care for the well-being of their subjects. The oldest examples of
351
this sort of images in painting are l^-century miniatures illus¬
trating the lives of Sts. Boris and
Gleb
(ill. on p.
250,251).
Around the mid-16th century we can note the emergence of a
specific type of iconography of Russian princes, who became
famous in the
13"'
century, a tragic and heroic epoch in the histo¬
ry of the country. The artists who created these works emphasize
not so much the lives and pious deeds of these feudal lords, but
dedicate half or more of the border-scenes to the miracles per¬
formed by their relics. On many occasions in the first, «historical»
part of the pictorial narrative we can note at least a single scene
involving a sacred image with the devout protagonist praying
before it. Quite often the cycle also includes representations of
the people solemnly meeting the prince with icons as he returns
to his domain. The second part, devoted exclusively to miracles
which prove the sanctity of the portrayed, usually represents
icons at least in one border-scene and frequently
—
in many. In
the background of these compositions the artists often paint the
image of the «reliquary» church where the remains of the saint are
being kept (icons showing Prince Alexander Nevski; Yaroslavl
Princes Feodor, David and
Constantine;
Murom Princes
Constantine,
Mikhail and Feodor, ill. on p.
258-263).
A separate
iconographie
group is formed by the images of
Piotr,
a prince from the Golden Horde. According to his Legend
he belonged to the Tartar nobility and was a nephew of Khan
Berke.
Around
1253
he came to Rostov, adopted Christianity and
founded there the Petrovski Monastery in honor of his patron
saint, aided by the miraculous assistance of Sts. Peter and Paul. In
the border-scenes of icons dedicated to him we can see both apos¬
tles appearing before the saint in a dream and expressing support
for his devotion (ill. on p.
254,256-257) —
reminiscent of a story
involving Emperor
Constantine
the Great.
Images of
Piotr,
the prince of Murom and his wife Fevronia
particularly stress their piousness. Before her demise the latter
embroiders an image of some saints for a church (ill. on p.
267).
Monks and bishops
The earliest
hagiographie
scenes involving icons represent
those ecclesiastics of the Russian Orthodox Church, who
became famous in the 14th
—
early 15th centuries. Their Lives are
portrayed in the art of the late
15"'
and
16"'
century, especially
in the
oeuvre
of Dionisi and his followers. According to
Typicons of religious houses and texts of Lives, panels were usu¬
ally present in the cells of the brethren and the art of icon-
painting was regarded as one of the virtues of monastic life.
352
Scenes of brothers creating sacred images are present in compo¬
sitions devoted to Metropolitan
Piotr
(ill. on p.
270, 271).
The
likeness of Hegumen Kirill Belozerski is painted by another
monk
—
Dionisi of Glushitsa (ill. on p.
272, 273).
A separate
group is formed by representations of monks praying before
icons, as well as miraculous visions accompanying this act (for
example, the Virgin appearing before St. Kirill Belozerski, after
which he left the Moscow
Šimonov
Monastery and traveled
north where he founded a new religious house; see ill. on
p.
275-277).
The theme of a miraculous apparition of an icon in
the place where a future monastery is going to be constructed is
present in many 17th and ^"'-century compositions (ill. on
p.
282-284).
We can also note representations of miracles that are per¬
formed by holy monks in the presence of sacred images, through
which they get divine assistance (St. Sergei of Radonezh resur¬
recting a child, ill. on p.
280).
The theme of icons adorning tombs
and their healing power is present in the border-scenes of the
compositions devoted to Metropolitan Aleksi (ill. on p.
281)
and
to St. Varlaam Khutynski.
Holy Fools
The Lives of Russian holy fools contain stories of miraculous
foresights and acts, which were in one way or another aided by
sacred images. Scenes with icons are particularly popular in the
story of St.
Prokopi
of Ustiug (ill. on p.
286-287).
Chapter
4.
Glorification of Icons
In Russian Medieval art there exists a whole number of other
compositions which depict icons. They become popular in the
second half of the
16й'
and especially in the 17th century. One can
see representations of sacred images on church facades or in
their interiors, particularly above altars; as well as over the gates
of fortresses and monasteries. They are also found in composi¬
tions of the Laying of the Robe or the Laying of the Girdle of the
Virgin (ill. on p.
292, 293),
in many border-scenes of
hagio¬
graphie
panels, especially in the 17th century, even if they are not
mentioned in literary sources. The presence of an icon in the
depicted scene testifies to the piety of the portrayed space, to
the truthfulness of Orthodox faith, reminding of Russia as a
Christian power and consequently of its important role in the
Orthodox community. We can mention several types of this
iconography.
353
Icons in the scenes from the Akathist
One of the original features of Russian panels illustrating the
scenes from the Akathist of Virgin Mary is the more frequent
presence of icons. In such compositions sacred images hold a
prominent place (ill. on p.
297-302, 305).
In some cases their
iconography is also quite peculiar.
The Seventh Ecumenical Council
This theme is also popular in Russian art, and it includes rep¬
resentation of icons that are supposed to remind the viewer of the
triumph of iconolatry (fresco in the Ferapontov Monastery,
1502,
certain
lľ^-century
works, ill. on p.
307-308).
Saints praying before icons
If Byzantine art often depicts figures praying before the repre¬
sentations of Christ, Virgin Mary or some saint, in Russia, with its
special emphasis on the holiness of icons, prayer before a sacred
image is a very popular motive.
«Holy city» under the protection of an icon
In the
16"'
and 17th centuries a new type of iconography comes
into existence in Russia
—
it shows a local town (or monastery)
as a holy city with numerous churches and sanctuaries. These
paintings are reminiscent of Byzantine 14th-century frescoes
depicting Constantinople (the capital of the empire also abound¬
ing in churches and sanctuaries) attacked by either Persians or
Avars with St. Michael saving the city.
A separate group is formed by compositions which emerge in
Russian art in the 17th century, but which basically continue the
ancient tradition of glorifying miraculous images of the Virgin.
The representation of the miraculous panel is surrounded by a
wreath of other scenes, which in this case are not illustrations of
its legend, but portraits of saints that personify Russian history;
beneath we can see a picture of a city where this icon became par¬
ticularly famous. Some of these compositions were influenced by
Western European models that came to be known in Russia owing
to Ukrainian and Belorussian engravings (ill. onp.
320,321,323).
Conclusion. Stages of Development
The tradition of iconolatry, which was brought to Russia as
it adopted Christianity, acquired some specific national features
already in the first centuries following its baptism. As early as
the late
11"'
and
12"'
centuries written sources tell us about mir-
354
acles
involving local icons («Miracle of the Saracen» and
«Miracle of the Kiev Infant» from the
hagiographie
cycle devot¬
ed to St. Nicholas). Another tale, dating back to the 12th centu¬
ry, contains an account of the miraculous healing of Prince
Mstislav Vladimirovich performed through a round panel of St.
Nicholas that in
1113
arrived by water to Novgorod from Kiev.
Miracles connected with icons and various events where sacred
images play an important role are described in the Kiev-
Pecherski Paterikon. We know ^"'-century sources mentioning
churches in Novgorod dedicated to St. Mandylion and to St.
Luke, the latter being particularly venerated in connection with
the story that he was the first to paint a likeness of the Virgin.
There is also an extant Novgorodian
12th-century
panel, the first
of such sort in Russian art, showing St. Mandylion.
As in the late 13th and in the first half of the 14th century
Russia was reviving after the Tartar invasion, there emerged
local cults of certain icons (for example, «Our Lady of
Tolga»
and «Our Lady Feodorovskaya»), which later acquired nation¬
wide importance and began to be depicted surrounded by scenes
of miracles performed through them. At that same epoch icons of
the «Holy Face» become increasingly popular, with inscriptions
stressing their significance specifically as the Sacred Image of
Christ, not as just relics
—
Mandylion and Keramion.
A most interesting period of representing icon veneration in
Russian art began in the late Byzantine epoch (late Paleologan
era
—
end of the 14th, first half of the 15th centuries). Russian
masters create not only new compositions of St. Mandylion, but
panels glorifying the image of the Virgin (scenes depicting St.
Luke at work on the likeness of St. Mary with Divine Wisdom
aiding him; the miraculous deliverance of Novgorod with the
help of «Our Lady of the Sign»), Another innovation that we
can note are illustrations of the Akathist of Our Lady, in partic¬
ular, scenes involving prayer before an icon. For the first time
there appear depictions of miracles involving the image of St.
Nicholas, as well as representations reflecting the piety of
Russian princes (Lives of Sts. Boris and
Gleb).
We can suppose
that it is also the time when artists begin painting the miracles
connected with the embroidered image of St. Demetrius. The
mentioned innovations were closely connected with changes in
Byzantine art and with the process of many local motives find¬
ing their reflection in iconography, influenced by Russian tastes
and traditions.
During the first stage of the Post-Byzantine period, in the late
IO'11
and first half of the
16"'
centuries, Russian iconography is fur-
355
ther enriched with new subjects. Some of them reflect the local
view on universally accepted legends concerning sacred images
(the miracle of the panel of St. George), others are inspired by
events of national history («Meeting of the Icon of Our Lady of
Vladimir»). The most interesting innovations are scenes with
icons in
hagiographie
cycles devoted to saints of the Russian
Orthodox Church: Metropolitans
Piotr
and Aleksi, Holy Monks
Sergi
of Radonezh and Kirill Belozerski. These scenes, described
in Russian literary sources in the 14th and the first half of the
15"'
century, are now represented in visual form, stressing the Russian
contribution in supporting Orthodox culture and the role of the
Russian church.
The innovations of the late 14th and lasting up to the first half
of the 16th centuries reflect not only local traits, but also changes
of a more universal character: the Orthodox creed becomes more
elaborate, there is a subtler understanding of its nuances and spe¬
cific features, including those connected with worshipping holy
images. This deepened approach is accompanied with the growing
importance of visual representation, manifesting the desire to
emphasize the idea of worshipping icons with pictorial means that
can influence the mentality of large groups of believers. We may
suppose that one of the factors stimulating this process was not
just the general state of Orthodox spirituality in the years of the
decline of the Byzantine Empire and in the Post-Byzantine era,
but also the necessity of denouncing Russian heretics of the late
15"'
and the first half of the 16th centuries. Compositions that
include icon veneration belonging to this period are some of the
most refined and poetic works of this type created in Russia (pan¬
els of Dionisi's circle, border-scenes of the icon of St. George in
the State Russian Museum.
In the middle and in the second half of the
Іб"1
century, during
the reign of Ivan the Terrible, the iconography of venerating the
holy images becomes in some ways more official and didactic
(famous Russia miraculous panels of the Virgin surrounded with
scenes from their history and of their «acts»;
hagiographie
com¬
positions of Russian holy princes with almost identical represen¬
tations of miracles involving their relics. This may be connected
not only with the idea of strengthening the authority of Russian
autocracy and glorifying the power of Moscow in connection with
the ideological program «Moscow
—
third Rome», but also with
the spiritual confrontation with increasingly influential
Protestantism and its iconoclastic ideas spreading in Europe and
with the necessity to defend the fundamental issues of Orthodoxy
with more energy.
356
Russian iconography of the 17th century is marked by an
enormously wide range of subjects. Many earlier pictorial
schemes, involving icon veneration, are faithfully repeated dur¬
ing this period. Russian masters create whole cycles devoted to
the theme (for example, compositions with the figure of Our
Lady in the center and border-scenes illustrating the history of
different miraculous images of the Virgin). New accents appear
in the iconography of the «Holy Face», for instance, episodes
including the legend of the Holy Towel; its representations are
now included into compositions showing divine patrons of tsars
and princes and the portraits of feudal lords and sovereigns.
Hagiographie
pictorial narratives of the Lives of Christian
saints (universally venerated or local) expand enormously, with
many scenes involving icons included into them. The variety of
figures, of accessories, the wide usage of ornament
—
all this tes¬
tifies to the fact that Russian art is gradually becoming more
alienated from Byzantine tradition. At the same time it becomes
markedly decorative, assuming a very folkloric, fairy-tale air.
The combination of the two trends, the official and the popular
one, of rigorous dogmas and captivating, colorful legends, char¬
acteristic of many works of the Medieval Orthodox world, is
particularly striking in Russian 17th-century compositions
devoted to icon veneration.
Some of the local subjects that further develop in the
17"'
cen¬
tury are scenes of praying before an icon, of a miraculous icon sur¬
rounded by Russian saints with a view of a Russian city under¬
neath, as well as representations of a «holy city» or a monastery
with its churches and shrines. The theme of «glorifying» icons, as
well as other subjects mentioned above, will be present in 18th-
century paintings, and the new nuances in their composition will
not affect the general expressiveness and charm of such works.
357 |
| adam_txt |
СОДЕРЖАНИЕ
От автора
.3
Глава
1
ТЕМА ПОЧИТАНИЯ ИКОН В ВИЗАНТИЙСКОЙ ИКОНОГРАФИИ.
ИСТОКИ РУССКОЙ ТРАДИЦИИ
.7
Глава
2
ОБРАЗЫ ХРИСТА И БОГОМАТЕРИ
.51
Образы Христа. «Спас Нерукотворный»
.51
Пояснительные надписи в византийском мире и на Руси
.62
Отличия в трактовке ткани
.77
Образ триумфа Христа
.80
Заступническое значение Св. Образа
.84
Цикл истории Нерукотворного Образа
.101
Изображения Богоматери
.106
Евангелист Лука-иконописец с персонификацией Божественной Премудрости
.106
Чудотворные иконы Богоматери с их историей и чудесами
.134
Глава
3
СЦЕНЫ С ИКОНАМИ В ЖИТИЙНЫХ ЦИКЛАХ
.183
Общехристианские святые. Посмертные чудеса, совершаемые посредством их образов
.184
Иконы святителя Николы Мирликийского
.184
Чудо о киевском младенце
.188
Чудо о сарацине («о
половчине»)
.195
Чудо о трёх иконах и патриархе Афанасии
.202
Чудо о хромом юноше Николе
.206
Изображения Вселенских соборов
.207
Иконы великомученика Георгия
.214
Шитый образ великомученика Димитрия
.229
Сцены с иконами в житийных циклах русских святых
.249
Благоверные князья
.250
Преподобные и святители
.269
Юродивые
.285
Глава
4
ПРОСЛАВЛЕНИЕ ИКОН
.291
Иконы в сценах Акафиста
.291
Седьмой Вселенский собор
.306
Святые в молении перед иконой
.310
«Священный град» под защитой иконы
.315
Заключение
ЭТАПЫ РАЗВИТИЯ ТЕМЫ ПОЧИТАНИЯ ИКОН
В ИСКУССТВЕ ДРЕВНЕЙ РУСИ
.324
SUMMARY
.337
ЛИТЕРАТУРА
.358
СПИСОК СОКРАЩЕНИЙ
.374
УКАЗАТЕЛЬ ИМЁН
.375
SUMMARY
«LOOKING AT THE IMAGE PAINTED BY ANCIENT
ARTISTS.» ICON VENERATION IN THE ART
OF MEDIEVAL RUSSIA
The title of this book is a quotation from the decree of the so-
called «Stoglavy Council» («stoglavy» means «that of hundred
chapters», referring to the hundred sections of its decree). It
took place in
1551
during the reign of Ivan the Terrible, and was
presided by Metropolitan Makari. The council, among other
issues, discussed various problems concerning art, its subjects
and ideas and expressed its attitude towards artistic tradition.
The decree of the Moscow Stoglavy Council can be regarded as
one of the outstanding sources on the history of Russian
Medieval culture. The artists of the epoch were expected not
only to paint icons with the «greatest care», but also to «look at
the images painted by ancient artists and to represent good
models». These words reflect the immense respect of Medieval
society for the work of icon-painters and for aesthetic tradition,
as well as profound veneration of old images, predominant in
Orthodox countries. The book is devoted to only one aspect of
this phenomenon
—
how icon veneration is represented in
Russian art.
Chapter
1.
Icon Veneration in Byzantine Iconography.
Roots of the Russian Tradition
The idea of venerating icons, sacred images, through which
the praying can spiritually communicate with the divine proto¬
type, is the corner-stone of the teaching of the Byzantine
church. Its concept, rooted in certain passages from patristic
writings, was developed in the fight against
iconoclasm
during a
severe spiritual crisis that the Byzantine Empire experienced in
the eighth and ninth centuries. The doctrine of worshipping
holy images was discussed and adopted on the sessions of the
Seventh Ecumenical Council (Second Nicene) in
787
and, after
the final acceptance of iconolatry in
843,
became the basis of
ecclesiastical life in Byzantium and in the countries connected
with it. Certain Church Fathers, among which St. John
Damascene played a particularly important role, worked out the
theory of the image and its connection with the divine proto¬
type. In the decree of the Seventh Ecumenical Council one can
337
read a very coherent explanation, rooted in the rich patristic tra¬
dition, of why holy images are being held in such respect: «The
honor rendered to an icon is aimed at its prototype, and a man
who worships an icon worships the hypostasis of the person
depicted there» (see note
5
onp.
7).
During the reign of the Macedonian dynasty, which began
after the restoration of iconolatry and lasted until the mid-
11"'
century, there were established clear norms of Byzantine
iconography that manifested themselves primarily in church
murals. This aesthetic system, universal and very conservative,
in itself demonstrated how indisputable the dogma of iconolatry
has become, so it did not need any additional support in the form
of compositions illustrating scenes of miracles or of praying
before icons.
Nevertheless, in that period, apart from central, prevailing
iconographie
types in Byzantine art, some works do appear that
show representations of icons. This aesthetic scheme has subordi¬
nate function, but it continues to exist throughout the Middle
Ages, including the post-Byzantine era.
If we take the period from the ninth to the eleventh cen¬
turies, it would suffice to mention the miniatures of certain
Greek Psalters, primarily the Khludov manuscript, depicting
the impious acts of the iconoclasts; the figures of the defenders
of icons in the Menology of Basil II; the Sinai triptych, illus¬
trating the history of St. Mandylion; the numerous images of the
defenders of icon veneration in the art of subsequent centuries;
as well as works modeled after them showing other saints, for
example, St. Parasceva (ill. onp.
9-11, 13, 15,33,37).
A wave of theological disputes that began its rise in the sec¬
ond half of the
11*
century was followed by an increasing inter¬
est in the theme of the Incarnation, as well as in the image of the
Virgin and its representations. It also brought to life new traits
that characterized the culture of the Comnenoi period such as
solemn processions with icons in Constantinople and the grow¬
ing popularity of pilgrimage. Book illumination now included
various scenes depicting the creation of the first image of Our
Lady, of icons being moved from one place to another, of people
praying before them (ill. onp.
17,18,21-23).
St. Mandylion and
St. Keramion become a popular subject of Byzantine frescoes for
several centuries, usually painted over the apse, above the
entrance or in the ring beneath the dome (ill. onp.
14, 66, 68- 70,
72-73, 84, 85).
New variants of the same theme appear in the Paleologus
period, that is from the mid-
13"'
to the mid-15th centuries. At
338
that time illustrations of the Akathist hymns acquire wide pop¬
ularity, including scenes of icon worship and of solemn proces¬
sions carrying them. This can be seen in the murals of a number
of Balkan churches, for example, in
Dečany, Mateič
and in the
Markov Monastery (see ill. on p.
25).
Akathist manuscripts from
Greece and southern Slavonic lands show people singing hymns
before an icon when illustrating the last Kontakion «O, all-
praised Mother.». This is the case with one Greek Akathist (ca.
1355-1363,
State Historical Museum,
Син.
Греч.
429, f. 33
v);
with the supplements of the Bulgarian
Tomič
Psalter (ca.
1360,
State Historical Museum,
Муз.
2752, f. 296)
and with the
Serbian Munich Psalter (late
14"'
c, State Library of Munich,
Cod. Slav.
4,
f.
222
v). Some compositions follow the same
model, but include new details (procession carrying the panel of
Our Lady Hodegetria depicted on the wall of the Blachernae
Monastery near
Arta
in Greece). New works appear that show
the Triumph of the Orthodox Church, the final victory over the
iconoclasts in
843
(ill. on p.
26).
It is interesting to note that at
this time the subject of St. Luke painting the first likeness of the
Virgin (see p.
107, 108)
becomes widespread, as well as scenes
representing the history of St. Mandylion
—
the miraculously
created image of Christ (frescoes in the Macedonian
Mateič
Monastery; the miniatures of a parchment scroll of the Pierpont
Morgan Library in New York; the decoration on the silver fram¬
ing of the St. Mandylion icon in the San Bartolomeo Monastery
in Genoa; seep.
28
and ill. on p.
29-31).
It is during the Paleologan period that we can note the growing
popularity of donative images in the art of the southern Slavs, par¬
ticularly, in Serbia and Macedonia. In some cases painters include in
such compositions representations of icons
—
Virgin Mary or St.
Nicholas, commemorating some special favor that these saints have
shown towards the portrayed historical figures. This type of fres¬
coes decorate the church in the village Velikaya
Носа
near Prizren,
or the St. Nicholas' Church in
Psača
(seep.
27-28).
The same set of themes keeps developing in the post-
Byzantine period, with a large number of new variants emerging,
particularly in the Balkans
—
both in Greece and in the regions of
the southern Slavs, as well as in other places, such as Cyprus (see
ill. on p.
34,37-42,44-46).
Russian painters adopted a large number of subjects from
Greek Orthodox art (though not all of them). However in many
cases Byzantine aesthetic tradition was modified and acquired a
strong local flavor. The following chapters deal with Russian art
and are devoted to its different subjects.
339
Chapter
2.
Images of Christ and Virgin Mary
IMAGES OF CHRIST. ST. MANDYLION
AND ST. KERAMION
The composition of the Holy Face occupies a special place in
Russian aesthetic tradition. It is here and nowhere else that it not
only became an integral element of fresco ensembles, just like it
was in Byzantium, but acquired wide popularity as a subject for
icon-painting, which is a unique trait of local art. We may suppose
that in ancient times such panels were placed against the walls of
a church or on special pedestals for praying before them in front
of the altar partition. Later they would be included into the local
range of an iconostasis, completing the whole altar composition.
It is a fact that in Byzantine art the images of St. Mandylion and
St. Keramion was a popular subject of mural-painting. These were
usually depicted over the entrance, on the ring underneath the
dome or near the apse. But they are almost never represented in
icons. We can name only a couple of works, which were venerated as
the replicas of the Holy Towel. One is a panel from the Papal Palace
in the Vatican, which was brought there from the Church of San
Silvestro in
Capite
(it is traditionally believed to have come from
Edessa and under the setting and latter layers of paint there may
still be traces of the sixth-century original). Another, strongly
resembling the first in terms of size and drawing, is in the Church of
San Bartolomeo
degli Armeni in
Genoa. According to tradition, it
was presented by the Byzantine emperor John V to Leonardo
Montaldo, captain of the Bosporus colony of the Genoeses and
brought to the latter's native city between
1362
and
1388
(probably
in
1384;
ill. onp.
29-31).
Only one more extant panel belongs to the
Byzantine era, which adorns the cathedral in the city of Laon,
France. Several other examples were created in the post-Byzantine
period and could possibly have been made under Russian influence.
In Russia, on the contrary, this subject becomes enormously
popular particularly in icon-painting, a peculiar feature that can be
traced to at least the
12"'
century (ill. on p.
52).
Written sources
tell us about this type of panels in Kiev in the late
11"'
and early
12th centuries (Kiev-Pecherski Paterikon). Churches devoted to
the Holy Face existed in Novgorod not only in the St. Sophia area
(since the
12"'
century), but also on the opposite bank of the
Volkhov River
—
«in the Field». The book gives a long list (though
not the fullest possible) of Russian icons, dedicated to the subject,
coming from such places as Novgorod, Pskov, Rostov, Yaroslavl,
Vologda, Arkhangelsk, as well as from Moscow.
340
Explanatory Inscriptions in the Byzantine World and in Russia
One important difference in the iconography of the Holy Face
lies in the character of the explanatory inscriptions. The Greek
works have just a few words: «To
άγιον Μανδήλιον»
or «To
άγιον
Κεράμιον».
Images created in the southern Slavonic lands con¬
tain the same message in the vernacular:
«Святый Убрус»,
«Святая Керамида»
(for example, ill. on p.
68-70, 72-73).
A
similar feature, owing to the strong Greek influence, is present in
the Russian frescoes of the Byzantine period. Russian icons, on
the contrary, give a different comment. The inscription, with
slight variations, runs: «The not-made-by-hand image of our Lord
Jesus Christ».
The Russian version can be traced to the translation of the
Greek texts, which tell us about the image itself, not the material
that it is imprinted on. The history of the holy relic (how it was
moved from Edessa to Constantinople) was related in a tenth-
century story, which found its way into Greek Synaxaries and
from there into Slavonic calendars and menologies. In the tenth-
century story we encounter both the words
«εικόν»,
and
«μορφή»,
that is «icon» and «form»
—
the image as a copy. Its title
runs as follows:
«ПєрС
της αγίας και αχειροποιήτου Θείας εικόνος
Ιησού Χριστού του Θεού ημών.»
(«About the Saint and Not-
Made-by-Hand Divine Icon [«image»] of Jesus Christ our
God.»). And the text begins with:
«Περί της εν Εδεση αχειρο¬
ποιήτου και Θείας μορφής Χριστού του αληθινού θεού ημών»
(«About the Edessa not-made-by-hand and divine image of
Christ, our true God.»). Thus we can see that the Byzantine tra¬
dition stresses the fact that the painting is a copy of a precious
relic, while in Russia the accent is different
—
before us is the
exact image of Christ himself, created without the help of human
hands and, therefore, possessing true authenticity in its connec¬
tion with the divine prototype (seep.
73-74).
We lmow of only one example, possibly of southern Slavonic
provenance, that has an inscription following Russian models
—
a
^"'-century panel from the Laon cathedral {ill. on p.
S3).
During
the late Middle Ages Russian painters sometimes deviated from the
national tradition and copied Greek painting (ill. on p.
64, 79,81).
The differences in iconography may be explained by the fact
that Russia was situated very far from Edessa and from
Constantinople, where both relics were kept, so there was no real
feeling of their presence. Whatever are the true causes of this
innovation, it played an important role in popularizing the image
of the Holy Face in Russian art and in forming specific accents in
its veneration.
341
Differences in Rendering the Fabric
In Russian iconography of the Holy Towel the texture of the
fabric is not as strongly stressed as in Byzantine art. In the
14"'
and
15*
centuries (and later) Russian painters used Greek models
for their frescoes, so the cloth has many folds, while in icons this
is not so accentuated.
The Image of Christ's Triumph
Medieval Russian painters particularly liked to emphasize the
role of St. Mandylion as the representation of Christ's triumph.
Since the 14th century images stressing the connection between
two themes were increasingly popular: on the one hand, the
Incarnation of Jesus was symbolized by the Holy Face, the true
likeness of the Savior who became Man; on the other, the compo¬
sition «Christ Entombed» («Do not weep for Me, Mother.»)
represented the Sacrifice of the Cross. The combination of the
two motives reflected the development of the Passion theme in
connection with the growing veneration of the Holy Towel. The
earliest Russian example of this iconography is a panel of the first
half of the
14"'
century from the Arkhangelsk Museum of Fine
Arts (ill. on p.
88).
The characteristic feature of many Russian works is a large
representation of St. Mandylion and a comparatively smaller one
of «Christ Entombed». It seems that in this way the image of the
Holy Face stresses the triumph of the Savior vanquishing death
(ill. on p.
89).
The compositions are accompanied with inscrip¬
tions praising Jesus
«1С XC
НИКА»
(Jesus Christ Triumphs),
«Царь Славы»
(King of Glory). In latter icons angels hold a
bright white towel showing the face of Christ, as if presenting
Him as the image of victory, illustrating the apotheosis of the
Lord, so that the accompanying scene assumes a subordinate
function, as something that precedes the triumph itself.
The «Holy Face» as Protector
Legends about the oldest miraculously created images of
Christ
—
Mandylion and Keramion
—
mention many incidents
when these relics protected Christians from evil, healed the sick
or were placed on fortress walls, over the gates, helping to defend
them against enemies.
In Russia we can also find stories and tales about miraculous
icons of the Holy Face, saving towns from epidemics and
invaders. One legend is devoted to a panel in Kostroma which
adorned the Savior-Zaprudnenski Church. It was traditionally
believed to have saved the city from several epidemics.
342
Miraculous icons of the same subject were also venerated in Veliki
Ustiug, Yaroslavl, etc. This iconography also had military signifi¬
cance. The Holy Face not only protected fortresses, city walls or
churches, but helped defeat the enemy. This is why it sometimes
appeared on army banners.
The grace of St. Mandylion and its miraculous power were evi¬
dent to the people of Medieval Russia. Its cult brought to life a par¬
ticular
iconographie
scheme that does not exist anywhere else.
These are horizontal compositions of an unusual Deesis in the cen¬
ter of which we can see a large representation of the Holy Face.
This type of Deesis shows not only those figures that are tradition¬
al for the subject (the Virgin, St. John the Baptist, archangels), but
also local saints (ill. on p.
90, 91).
In many cases the image of St.
Mandylion is painted in the center of a group of selected saints
around the main composition of the icon (ill. on p.
92,93).
Many panels of the Holy Face reflected the personal devotion
of those who commissioned the work. People believed that St.
Mandylion could protect those who owned objects with its image
on them (ill. on p.
94).
In the 16th and 17th centuries the represen¬
tation of the Holy Face often became a family relic (ill. on p.
96),
painted above the figures of celestial protectors of noble donors or
above portraits of tsars and princes (ill. on p.
97,99, 100).
Cycle Illustrating the History of the Holy Face
Even though this cycle existed in Byzantine art as early as the
10"'
century, and its iconography continued to develop in the 14th,
in Russia it appeared only in the late 16th
—
early 17th century. The
early examples depict just a few episodes and only later the picto¬
rial narrative expands (ill. on p.
102-104).
The reason for this delay probably lies in the fact that
Byzantine texts emphasized the history of St. Mandylion as a
relic, concentrating on its movements from one place to another,
while the Russian perception of the Holy Towel was primarily
based on its understanding as a divine Image. This is why the Tale
of St. Mandylion did not acquire wide popularity in Russian
Medieval society.
The Tale cycle enters local art when such questions as the
international role of Russia and its importance for the Orthodox
world become a burning issue. This process accelerates even more
in the second half of the
17"'
century, stimulated by the appear¬
ance of new aesthetic schemes, by the writing of many
hagio¬
graphie
and didactic collections of Christian texts, by the
strengthening of Russian-Ukrainian ties and by the publication of
numerous new editions.
343
IMAGES
OF THE VIRGIN
In the art of Medieval Russia we can name two particularly
interesting
iconographie
types connected with this theme.
St. Luke
—
Icon-Painter with the Personification of Divine
Wisdom
The legend that the Evangelist St. Luke painted the first icon
of the Virgin was widely known in Russia. It is mentioned in the
Povest
Vremennykh Let in the section devoted to the year
988
and
in other ancient texts; there are also mentioned two Novgorodian
churches dedicated to St. Luke, in the St. Sophia and the
Torgovaya (Trade) districts, in the years
1113
and
1207.
The first extant Byzantine images of St. Luke as icon-painter
belong to the
ІЗ"1
century (ill. on p.
107, 108)
and spread during
the 14th
-
15th centuries (ill on p.
109-111,
note
137-140).
Novgorodian illuminated manuscripts, beginning in the 1420s and
1430s, show us a whole series of the saint's portraits which differ
from Byzantine models
—
here one can see the personification of
Divine Wisdom helping Luke to paint the icon, which makes his
creation particularly important
(Шоп р.
112, 115, 117-118, 123).
We may assume that similar compositions existed on panels used
to adorn churches devoted to St. Luke, as well as to the icon Our
Lady Hodegetria (compare ill. on p.
120 —
icon from Opochka).
The development of Russian iconography of St. Luke
—
Icon-
Painter and its popularity in the
15*
and
16"'
centuries can be
explained not just by the general interest of Russian culture in the
theme of the sanctity of images, but must also be viewed in con¬
nection with the dissemination of certain heresies of the period.
We can learn about the ideas of the heretics by reading extant
orthodox writings aimed against them. If regarding the teaching
of the late-W'-century Strigolniks it is hard to reconstruct the
details, Russian heretics of the
15"'
and
16"'
centuries, as we know
for certain, were ardent adherents of
iconoclasm
(notes
164, 165).
Miraculous Icons of the Virgin with their History and Miracles
The cult of local panels depicting Our Lady appears to have
been formed in Russia already in the 12th century, and it becomes
especially popular in the
14"' — 15"'
centuries. In some cases such
images were venerated in many different places («Our Lady of
Vladimir» and its replicas in North-Eastern
Rus
and in Moscow),
in others
—
worshipped within a limited territory («Our Lady of
the Sign» in Novgorod and Novgorodian lands) or within a sepa¬
rate monastery, town or a small principality. The veneration of the
344
second panel,
its fame based primarily on its role in the story of
the miraculous deliverance of Novgorod from the forces of Prince
Andrei Bogoliubski in
1169,
found its reflection in art, judging by
extant works, earlier than that of «Our Lady of Vladimir».
We know of seven icons showing the miracle of the Novgorod
panel: five of them have come down to us (ill on p.
135-137, 139,
142),
while the two lost ones are represented on photographs and
drawings (ill. on p.
141, 143).
The earliest examples date back to
the
15"'
century. Their compositions were influenced by
hymno-
graphic texts (images from the Akathist
—
St. Mary as a «firm pil¬
lar» and «indestructible wall»), by illuminated chronicles, by
Byzantine scenes of praying before icons and pictures of proces¬
sions carrying them.
Somewhat later, in the 16th century, we can note the appear¬
ance of a new
iconographie
scheme
—
the solemn meeting in
Moscow of the image «Our Lady of Vladimir». The panel was
brought from Vladimir in
1395
and owing to its appearance, as
the legend has it, Moscow was saved from the invasion of the
forces of Tamerlan («Temir-Aksak») (ill. onp.
150,151,153,155).
A new stage in the development of this iconography was marked
by the appearance of compositions that showed the venerated icon
in the center surrounded by scenes of its «Life», that is its history
and its miracles. Apparently this scheme came into existence during
the reign of Ivan the Terrible, around the middle or third quarter of
the 16th century, at the court of Metropolitan Makari, where
icono¬
graphie
and aesthetic issues were taken very seriously. The book
gives just a summary description of this type of panels.
This new type of composition primarily affected the iconogra¬
phy of «Our Lady of Tikhvin», a variant of «Our Lady
Hodegetria», venerated since the late 14th century in Tikhvin, a
small town in Novgorodian lands. In the late
15"'
and early 16th
centuries the popularity of the panel gradually spreads across
Rus,
and in
1526
Grand Duke Vasili III and his wife Elena Glinskaya go
on a pilgrimage in order to pray for a heir before the icon. In
1547
Grand Duke Ivan Vasilievich (shortly before his ascension to the
tsar throne) makes a similar voyage, and in
1560
the Uspenski
Tikhvinski Monastery is being founded. The earliest extant panel
of «Our Lady of Tikhvin» «in miracles» is now adorning the
Annunciation Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin (ill. onp.
157).
Images of «Our Lady of Vladimir» surrounded by scenes from
its history and its miracles begin emerging in the second half of
the
16"'
century, (ill. onp.
161).
In the latter Middle Ages icons from two Volga cities, which
were venerated locally from at least the end of the
ІЗ"1
century,
345
acquire nationwide importance
—
«Our Lady of
Tolga»
from
Yaroslavl and «Our Lady Feodorovskaya» («Of St Theodore»)
from Kostroma. It is interesting to note that the fame of the second
was connected with the coronation in
1613
of Mikhail Fedorovich,
the first tsar of the Romanov dynasty. Mikhail was invited for the
throne in Kostroma, the city where the future sovereign managed
to survive the Polish invasion (ill. on p.
161, 163).
Later icons of
«Our Lady of Kazan» with scenes of miracles come into existence
(ill. on p.
166).
There are a couple of examples of this type of panels
also depicting «Our Lady of Smolensk», «Our Lady of the Sign»
(ill. on p.
168)
and «Our Lady of the Seven Lakes» (ill. on p.
167).
The pictorial narrative of the story of any of these miraculous
images that have become famous across Russia was inspired by an
idea of national pride, by a belief that special grace is not only
given to the Christian Orthodox world in general, but to a specif¬
ic country in particular, reminding of the divine patronage that
was supposed to protect
Rus
from evil. The landscapes in the bor¬
der-scenes are usually very generalized, but the architecture (for
example, the wooden tent-roof churches created to house the
icons, especially in the
«Tolga»
and «Feodorovskaya» cycles) cre¬
ate an atmosphere of marked national flavor (ill. on p.
171, 172,
174, 175).
Oral accounts of the miracles and their recording in
Stories and Tales were followed by their pictorial representation,
which evidently had the strongest influence on popular mentality.
Russian miraculous icons of St. Mary gradually began to be
perceived as a symbol of succession of Christian holiness, as relics
that were moved from other centers of the Orthodox world to
Rus.
«Our Lady of Vladimir» was attributed to St. Luke himself.
Russian miraculous «Hodegetrias» and first of all «Our Lady of
Tikhvin» were identified with Byzantine relics, particularly with
«Our Lady of
Lydda».
The awareness of these connections and
ties was closely linked with the idea of Russia succeeding
Byzantium and its great religious tradition.
In Byzantine and post-Byzantine culture the
iconographie
scheme in question also existed (see note
202),
but it never
acquired wide popularity. One of the few (if not the only) excep¬
tion is «Our Lady of Iveron» (Portaitissa), showing scenes from
the history and of the miracles of this highly venerated iconl from
Mt.
Athos.
We can mention the following examples: 18"'-century
image in the Rozhenski Monastery in Bulgaria,
19tìl-century
icon
from Triavna (museum in
Veliko
Tyrnovo), a 19"'-century litho¬
graph in the
Arbanasi
Monastery, as well as ^""-century frescoes
in the chapel of the
Athos
Iveron Monastery itself. It is possible
that they were inspired by Russian iconography.
346
Chapter
3.
Scenes With Icons in
Hagiographie
Cycles
The Lives of Christian saints often describe miracles that were
accomplished after their death through sacred images. However
these accounts are not reflected in Byzantine and Post-Byzantine
art. Exceptions are rare. The principal idea inspiring the scenes
involving icons in Russian ecclesiastical painting is the authen¬
ticity and holiness of the images, which make the miracle possible
be it aiding Orthodox believers or converting pagans. Such com¬
positions reflect the anti-iconoclastic ideology, reminding of the
triumph of iconolatry, of the protection the saints offer to pious
Christians for which holy images can be an instrument.
UNIVERSALLY VENERATED CHRISTIAN SAINTS.
POSTHUMOUS MIRACLES MADE THROUGH
THEIR IMAGES
Icons of St. Nicholas
As early as the 12th century a Russian Medieval text tells us,
among other events connected with the bishop of
Myra,
about
miracles performed through his images. It is most likely that this
work was based on a Greek original. Different variants of such
stories appeared in Russia, as well as new subjects dealing with
the theme. In local art we can name four different compositions
depicting miracles involving the saint's icons.
The Miracle of the Kiev Infant. This tale was written down in
Kiev, most probably in the late ll"1 century, apparently after
1089,
when in Russia on May 9th there was officially established the feast
of the Translation of the Relics of St. Nicholas from
Myra
in Lycia
to
Bari.
We learn how two pious natives of Kiev, a married couple,
went with their baby to Vyshgorod on the feast day of Sts. Boris
and
Gleb
(their tombs were located in this area of the city) to pay
homage to the holy brothers and to St. Nicholas. On their way
back the wife fell asleep and dropped the child into the Dnieper
River. In the morning it was found safe and sound in the local St.
Sophia's Cathedral on the choir gallery, lying under the image of
St. Nicholas. This story brings to mind a tale about an infant saved
by St. Clement of Rome and another Western European legend
about a child who fell into the sea with a precious goblet (see note
25).
The earliest panels depicting this scene date to back to the
late
14"'
and early
15"'
centuries {ill. on p.
187,188).
The Miracle of the Saracen («of the Polovchin»). This story has
a number of parallels in Greek texts. Its «protagonist» is an icon
(«image») of St. Nicholas through which the holy bishop acts as a
347
guarantor for some property, ordering thieves to bring it back and
debtors to return it. Pagans, seeing the power of the saint, begin
to venerate the icon and adopt Christianity. A certain pious
inhabitant of Kiev, having a particular respect for St. Nicholas,
decided to set free his Polovchin slave («Saracen» in Greek vari¬
ants), expecting the latter to pay him ransom. The pagan, not
believing in the power of the Christian saint, decided to deceive
his former owner, but, being thrown down from his horse by some
mysterious force and falling seriously ill, repented and sent some
cattle as his ransom back to Kiev and began constantly praying
before the image of St. Nicholas. The earliest icons depicting this
scene were created in the late
14"'
century {ill. on p.
197-199).
The miracle of the three icons and Patriarch Athanasius. This
legend is preserved only in the Slavonic version. The text is full
of contradictions, so it is difficult to establish the time of the
related events. St. Nicholas appeared before a certain
Theophanes, a pious inhabitant of Constantinople, and ordered
him to go to an icon-painter by the name of Haggai and ask him
to make three images
—
of the Savior, of Our Lady and of the
saint himself and then show the works to the patriarch.
However, Patriarch Athanasius, while blessing the first two pan¬
els, refused to bless the one depicting St. Nicholas on the
grounds that the bishop was a «commoner», an ordinary man
not being worthy of serving a model for an icon. Soon afterwards
the church dignitary found himself on a ship during a mighty
storm and, remembering that the bishop of
Myra
was reputed to
give special protection to sea travelers, prayed to him, survived
the ordeal and later accepted Nicholas as a true saint. The first
representations of this subject appear in Russian icon-painting
in the middle and second half of the
16"'
century, possibly in
1553,
when certain heretics were denounced in Moscow whose
views were influenced by
iconoclasm
and also in connection
with a miracle attributed to a panel depicting St. Nicholas in one
of the capital's churches (ill. on p.
202,203).
The miracle of the lame hoy Nicholas. There lived a boy by the
name Nicholas who was «tortured by demons»; he also suffered
from a sickness of the legs so he could not walk but only crawl.
Once, on St. Nicholas's feast day, he saw some people passing by
with candles in their hands who wanted to attend a liturgy at St.
Nicholas's Church and crawled after them. Soon he met the holy
bishop himself, who asked where he was heading and what was his
illness. After accompanying the boy to the church the saint van¬
ished. Once inside the former saw an image of St. Nicholas, recog¬
nized the elderly man that he had just met and began praying for
348
his help, embracing and kissing the panel. The boy was anointed
with some oil from a lamp that hung before the image and ended
being completely cured. This story can be read in the Menology
of Metropolitan Makari
(mid-lö"1
century). The earliest recorded
painting devoted to the theme dates back to the first half of the
16th century (ill. on p.
207).
This miracle is represented less fre¬
quently than the previously mentioned ones.
Paintings of Ecumenical Councils. Russian icons sometimes
represent the First Ecumenical Council, where St. Nicholas spoke
against the heresy of Arius. One late-14"1 or early-
15th-century
panel from Rostov (ill. p.
208,209)
shows a symmetrical composi¬
tion accompanying this scene which seems to depict the ceremo¬
ny of St. Nicholas being ordained bishop. Here one can see an icon
between the figures of the emperor and the patriarch. This
malees
the whole pictorial scheme remind us of the representations of the
Seventh Ecumenical Council which officially proclaimed the tri¬
umph of iconolatry over
iconoclasm.
The miracle of the Rugodiv icons. In the 17th century, when
Russian iconography adopted a large number of new subjects,
there appeared other paintings depicting miracles connected with
St. Nicholas' images. One fresco, created in
1640,
that decorates
the Church of St. Nicholas Nadein in Yaroslavl, shows the
Rugodiv (Narva) Miracle. In the reign of Ivan the Terrible, in
1558,
during the
Livonian
War, Russian troops, owing to divine
intervention, managed to take the Rugodiv fortress. The Lord
was angry with the impious inhabitants of Narva, one of whom,
being a Lutheran and thus disrespecting holy images, threw an
icon of St. Nicholas into a fire that burned under a caldron where
beer was being prepared. Entering the burning city Russian com¬
manders found totally undamaged images of St. Nicholas, of Our
Lady Hodegetria and of Sts. Cosmas and
Damian
and solemnly
brought them to Moscow (ill. on p.
212,213).
The miracle of the image of St. George
This subject is well known primarily from Greek texts relating
the Life of St. George. A certain Saracen-Moslem wanted to shoot
an arrow at the icon of St. George and in falling it hurt his arm.
The servants of the man, who were Christian, proposed that he
should see a priest. The Saracen did so and asked the priest why
do Christians worship «boards» in their churches, to which the
latter replied that they do not worship boards, but those repre¬
sented on them and in praying before the image of St. George they
beg the holy martyr to intercede for them before God. The priest
later came to see the ailing Moslem with an icon of St. George,
349
held a service and anointed his wound with oil from a lamp that
burned before the panel. After the Saracen was cured, he decided
to be baptized, preached Christianity among the Moslems and
died a martyr. It seems that this subject is the only one involving
icons of universally venerated Christian saints accomplishing
miracles that can be found not only in late Medieval Russian art,
but also in the art of the Byzantine circle, namely in Georgian
late-ll"1 or early-^"'-century frescoes in Ikvi and Pavnisi (ill. on
p.
215).
St. George was venerated as the holy patron of the coun¬
try and his cult was enormously popular there.
In Russia the story of this miracle was well known owing to
translations of the Greek Life of the holy martyr and was men¬
tioned in the traditional church calendar (Prolog) under the date
«April
23».
Panels depicting it were created by the painters of the
Moscow school in the late
15"'
and early
16"'
centuries and also
became popular in Novgorod and in the north. The first extant
examples are icons from the town of Dmitrov, where Prince Yuri
(George) Ivanovich, youngest son of Grand Duke Ivan III,
reigned. One type of iconography devoted to this theme has a full-
length figure in the center, another (more widespread in provin¬
cial schools) depicts the story of St. George and the Dragon (ill.
on p.
217-219,220-221).
Embroidered image of Holy Martyr Demetrius
Beginning in the 14th century in Russian literary tradition
there appears the tale of the «Miracle of the Young Girls of
Thessalonica». When foreign invaders seized Thessalonica they
took captive two girls. The commander of the troops, a Saracen,
who hoped to benefit from the patronage of the Christian saint,
ordered them to embroider the image of St. Demetrius, planning
to carry it as a banner in front of his host and vanquish enemies
with divine help. The pious girls refused, unwilling to partici¬
pate in the desecration of the holy martyr's image by giving it
into the hands of a pagan. They were threatened to be put to
death and finally executed the work, weeping and begging St.
Demetrius to forgive them. At night, when they fell asleep on
the embroidered portrait, St. Demetrius personally carried them
to his basilica in Thessalonica. The image, which was hung over
the altar, later cured demoniacs, the lame and those suffering
from various sicknesses.
"We do not find this story in the Greek descriptions of St.
Demetrius' miracles (see note
105).
Nevertheless there is little
doubt that the legend has Greek provenance. M. Speranski held
the opinion that it was written in Macedonia, possibly in
350
Thessalonica itself. There is a theory that the story emerged
among the inhabitants of that city imprisoned by Arab corsairs
when they seized it in
904.
The pirate chief was a certain Lev from
Trani, a Greek convert to Islam, who may have known about the
veneration of St. Demetrius.
The first extant Russian icons depicting this miracle date back
to the
16"'
century. But it is possible that the panel, commissioned
by the
Boyar
Dimitri
Ivanovich Godunov in
1586
for the pros¬
pering Ipatievski Monastery in Kostroma {ill. on p.
231),
is a
replica of a late-l^'-century work that adorned the Assumption
Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin.
SCENES WITH ICONS IN THE HAGIOGRAPHIC
CYCLES OF RUSSIAN SAINTS
These compositions are centered around the figure of a partic¬
ular saint who is the protagonist of the
hagiographie
cycle. Icons
(Christ, Virgin Mary or other saints) accompany him in his acts
and illustrate his piety. The saints to whom the works are dedi¬
cated pray before the holy images, mentally conversing with them
or experiencing their beneficial presence and their aid.
The
hagiographie
texts that inspired these cycles relate the
deeds of Russian saints who lived in the period prior to the
Mongol invasion (the early era of the evangelization of old
Rus);
those of the
13"'
century, when the fight against the Tartar yoke
was strengthening; as well as the 14th and
15*
centuries, when
many Russian cities were on the rise, when the country was grad¬
ually uniting around Moscow, and when the Russian Orthodox
Church was particularly active, founding many new religious
houses and glorifying monastic life. All these epochs, whatever
the difference, stress the moral, ideal image of the saint, his piety
and his devotion to Christian faith. Icons give strength to mar¬
tyred princes, to monks, to priests, inspiring them and granting
them fortitude to do what they should do as true believers. In
some cases we can see miracles taking place by the saint's tomb,
when divine grace comes not only from the remains themselves,
but also from the icons adorning the shrine.
Holy Princes
Texts describing the lives of Russian princes, whatever the dif¬
ferences in their biographies, usually stress their piety, their true
faith, their concern with spiritual enlightenment of the people,
their bravery and resolution in defending their homeland, their
care for the well-being of their subjects. The oldest examples of
351
this sort of images in painting are l^-century miniatures illus¬
trating the lives of Sts. Boris and
Gleb
(ill. on p.
250,251).
Around the mid-16th century we can note the emergence of a
specific type of iconography of Russian princes, who became
famous in the
13"'
century, a tragic and heroic epoch in the histo¬
ry of the country. The artists who created these works emphasize
not so much the lives and pious deeds of these feudal lords, but
dedicate half or more of the border-scenes to the miracles per¬
formed by their relics. On many occasions in the first, «historical»
part of the pictorial narrative we can note at least a single scene
involving a sacred image with the devout protagonist praying
before it. Quite often the cycle also includes representations of
the people solemnly meeting the prince with icons as he returns
to his domain. The second part, devoted exclusively to miracles
which prove the sanctity of the portrayed, usually represents
icons at least in one border-scene and frequently
—
in many. In
the background of these compositions the artists often paint the
image of the «reliquary» church where the remains of the saint are
being kept (icons showing Prince Alexander Nevski; Yaroslavl
Princes Feodor, David and
Constantine;
Murom Princes
Constantine,
Mikhail and Feodor, ill. on p.
258-263).
A separate
iconographie
group is formed by the images of
Piotr,
a prince from the Golden Horde. According to his Legend
he belonged to the Tartar nobility and was a nephew of Khan
Berke.
Around
1253
he came to Rostov, adopted Christianity and
founded there the Petrovski Monastery in honor of his patron
saint, aided by the miraculous assistance of Sts. Peter and Paul. In
the border-scenes of icons dedicated to him we can see both apos¬
tles appearing before the saint in a dream and expressing support
for his devotion (ill. on p.
254,256-257) —
reminiscent of a story
involving Emperor
Constantine
the Great.
Images of
Piotr,
the prince of Murom and his wife Fevronia
particularly stress their piousness. Before her demise the latter
embroiders an image of some saints for a church (ill. on p.
267).
Monks and bishops
The earliest
hagiographie
scenes involving icons represent
those ecclesiastics of the Russian Orthodox Church, who
became famous in the 14th
—
early 15th centuries. Their Lives are
portrayed in the art of the late
15"'
and
16"'
century, especially
in the
oeuvre
of Dionisi and his followers. According to
Typicons of religious houses and texts of Lives, panels were usu¬
ally present in the cells of the brethren and the art of icon-
painting was regarded as one of the virtues of monastic life.
352
Scenes of brothers creating sacred images are present in compo¬
sitions devoted to Metropolitan
Piotr
(ill. on p.
270, 271).
The
likeness of Hegumen Kirill Belozerski is painted by another
monk
—
Dionisi of Glushitsa (ill. on p.
272, 273).
A separate
group is formed by representations of monks praying before
icons, as well as miraculous visions accompanying this act (for
example, the Virgin appearing before St. Kirill Belozerski, after
which he left the Moscow
Šimonov
Monastery and traveled
north where he founded a new religious house; see ill. on
p.
275-277).
The theme of a miraculous apparition of an icon in
the place where a future monastery is going to be constructed is
present in many 17th and ^"'-century compositions (ill. on
p.
282-284).
We can also note representations of miracles that are per¬
formed by holy monks in the presence of sacred images, through
which they get divine assistance (St. Sergei of Radonezh resur¬
recting a child, ill. on p.
280).
The theme of icons adorning tombs
and their healing power is present in the border-scenes of the
compositions devoted to Metropolitan Aleksi (ill. on p.
281)
and
to St. Varlaam Khutynski.
Holy Fools
The Lives of Russian holy fools contain stories of miraculous
foresights and acts, which were in one way or another aided by
sacred images. Scenes with icons are particularly popular in the
story of St.
Prokopi
of Ustiug (ill. on p.
286-287).
Chapter
4.
Glorification of Icons
In Russian Medieval art there exists a whole number of other
compositions which depict icons. They become popular in the
second half of the
16й'
and especially in the 17th century. One can
see representations of sacred images on church facades or in
their interiors, particularly above altars; as well as over the gates
of fortresses and monasteries. They are also found in composi¬
tions of the Laying of the Robe or the Laying of the Girdle of the
Virgin (ill. on p.
292, 293),
in many border-scenes of
hagio¬
graphie
panels, especially in the 17th century, even if they are not
mentioned in literary sources. The presence of an icon in the
depicted scene testifies to the piety of the portrayed space, to
the truthfulness of Orthodox faith, reminding of Russia as a
Christian power and consequently of its important role in the
Orthodox community. We can mention several types of this
iconography.
353
Icons in the scenes from the Akathist
One of the original features of Russian panels illustrating the
scenes from the Akathist of Virgin Mary is the more frequent
presence of icons. In such compositions sacred images hold a
prominent place (ill. on p.
297-302, 305).
In some cases their
iconography is also quite peculiar.
The Seventh Ecumenical Council
This theme is also popular in Russian art, and it includes rep¬
resentation of icons that are supposed to remind the viewer of the
triumph of iconolatry (fresco in the Ferapontov Monastery,
1502,
certain
lľ^-century
works, ill. on p.
307-308).
Saints praying before icons
If Byzantine art often depicts figures praying before the repre¬
sentations of Christ, Virgin Mary or some saint, in Russia, with its
special emphasis on the holiness of icons, prayer before a sacred
image is a very popular motive.
«Holy city» under the protection of an icon
In the
16"'
and 17th centuries a new type of iconography comes
into existence in Russia
—
it shows a local town (or monastery)
as a holy city with numerous churches and sanctuaries. These
paintings are reminiscent of Byzantine 14th-century frescoes
depicting Constantinople (the capital of the empire also abound¬
ing in churches and sanctuaries) attacked by either Persians or
Avars with St. Michael saving the city.
A separate group is formed by compositions which emerge in
Russian art in the 17th century, but which basically continue the
ancient tradition of glorifying miraculous images of the Virgin.
The representation of the miraculous panel is surrounded by a
wreath of other scenes, which in this case are not illustrations of
its legend, but portraits of saints that personify Russian history;
beneath we can see a picture of a city where this icon became par¬
ticularly famous. Some of these compositions were influenced by
Western European models that came to be known in Russia owing
to Ukrainian and Belorussian engravings (ill. onp.
320,321,323).
Conclusion. Stages of Development
The tradition of iconolatry, which was brought to Russia as
it adopted Christianity, acquired some specific national features
already in the first centuries following its baptism. As early as
the late
11"'
and
12"'
centuries written sources tell us about mir-
354
acles
involving local icons («Miracle of the Saracen» and
«Miracle of the Kiev Infant» from the
hagiographie
cycle devot¬
ed to St. Nicholas). Another tale, dating back to the 12th centu¬
ry, contains an account of the miraculous healing of Prince
Mstislav Vladimirovich performed through a round panel of St.
Nicholas that in
1113
arrived by water to Novgorod from Kiev.
Miracles connected with icons and various events where sacred
images play an important role are described in the Kiev-
Pecherski Paterikon. We know ^"'-century sources mentioning
churches in Novgorod dedicated to St. Mandylion and to St.
Luke, the latter being particularly venerated in connection with
the story that he was the first to paint a likeness of the Virgin.
There is also an extant Novgorodian
12th-century
panel, the first
of such sort in Russian art, showing St. Mandylion.
As in the late 13th and in the first half of the 14th century
Russia was reviving after the Tartar invasion, there emerged
local cults of certain icons (for example, «Our Lady of
Tolga»
and «Our Lady Feodorovskaya»), which later acquired nation¬
wide importance and began to be depicted surrounded by scenes
of miracles performed through them. At that same epoch icons of
the «Holy Face» become increasingly popular, with inscriptions
stressing their significance specifically as the Sacred Image of
Christ, not as just relics
—
Mandylion and Keramion.
A most interesting period of representing icon veneration in
Russian art began in the late Byzantine epoch (late Paleologan
era
—
end of the 14th, first half of the 15th centuries). Russian
masters create not only new compositions of St. Mandylion, but
panels glorifying the image of the Virgin (scenes depicting St.
Luke at work on the likeness of St. Mary with Divine Wisdom
aiding him; the miraculous deliverance of Novgorod with the
help of «Our Lady of the Sign»), Another innovation that we
can note are illustrations of the Akathist of Our Lady, in partic¬
ular, scenes involving prayer before an icon. For the first time
there appear depictions of miracles involving the image of St.
Nicholas, as well as representations reflecting the piety of
Russian princes (Lives of Sts. Boris and
Gleb).
We can suppose
that it is also the time when artists begin painting the miracles
connected with the embroidered image of St. Demetrius. The
mentioned innovations were closely connected with changes in
Byzantine art and with the process of many local motives find¬
ing their reflection in iconography, influenced by Russian tastes
and traditions.
During the first stage of the Post-Byzantine period, in the late
IO'11
and first half of the
16"'
centuries, Russian iconography is fur-
355
ther enriched with new subjects. Some of them reflect the local
view on universally accepted legends concerning sacred images
(the miracle of the panel of St. George), others are inspired by
events of national history («Meeting of the Icon of Our Lady of
Vladimir»). The most interesting innovations are scenes with
icons in
hagiographie
cycles devoted to saints of the Russian
Orthodox Church: Metropolitans
Piotr
and Aleksi, Holy Monks
Sergi
of Radonezh and Kirill Belozerski. These scenes, described
in Russian literary sources in the 14th and the first half of the
15"'
century, are now represented in visual form, stressing the Russian
contribution in supporting Orthodox culture and the role of the
Russian church.
The innovations of the late 14th and lasting up to the first half
of the 16th centuries reflect not only local traits, but also changes
of a more universal character: the Orthodox creed becomes more
elaborate, there is a subtler understanding of its nuances and spe¬
cific features, including those connected with worshipping holy
images. This deepened approach is accompanied with the growing
importance of visual representation, manifesting the desire to
emphasize the idea of worshipping icons with pictorial means that
can influence the mentality of large groups of believers. We may
suppose that one of the factors stimulating this process was not
just the general state of Orthodox spirituality in the years of the
decline of the Byzantine Empire and in the Post-Byzantine era,
but also the necessity of denouncing Russian heretics of the late
15"'
and the first half of the 16th centuries. Compositions that
include icon veneration belonging to this period are some of the
most refined and poetic works of this type created in Russia (pan¬
els of Dionisi's circle, border-scenes of the icon of St. George in
the State Russian Museum.
In the middle and in the second half of the
Іб"1
century, during
the reign of Ivan the Terrible, the iconography of venerating the
holy images becomes in some ways more official and didactic
(famous Russia miraculous panels of the Virgin surrounded with
scenes from their history and of their «acts»;
hagiographie
com¬
positions of Russian holy princes with almost identical represen¬
tations of miracles involving their relics. This may be connected
not only with the idea of strengthening the authority of Russian
autocracy and glorifying the power of Moscow in connection with
the ideological program «Moscow
—
third Rome», but also with
the spiritual confrontation with increasingly influential
Protestantism and its iconoclastic ideas spreading in Europe and
with the necessity to defend the fundamental issues of Orthodoxy
with more energy.
356
Russian iconography of the 17th century is marked by an
enormously wide range of subjects. Many earlier pictorial
schemes, involving icon veneration, are faithfully repeated dur¬
ing this period. Russian masters create whole cycles devoted to
the theme (for example, compositions with the figure of Our
Lady in the center and border-scenes illustrating the history of
different miraculous images of the Virgin). New accents appear
in the iconography of the «Holy Face», for instance, episodes
including the legend of the Holy Towel; its representations are
now included into compositions showing divine patrons of tsars
and princes and the portraits of feudal lords and sovereigns.
Hagiographie
pictorial narratives of the Lives of Christian
saints (universally venerated or local) expand enormously, with
many scenes involving icons included into them. The variety of
figures, of accessories, the wide usage of ornament
—
all this tes¬
tifies to the fact that Russian art is gradually becoming more
alienated from Byzantine tradition. At the same time it becomes
markedly decorative, assuming a very folkloric, fairy-tale air.
The combination of the two trends, the official and the popular
one, of rigorous dogmas and captivating, colorful legends, char¬
acteristic of many works of the Medieval Orthodox world, is
particularly striking in Russian 17th-century compositions
devoted to icon veneration.
Some of the local subjects that further develop in the
17"'
cen¬
tury are scenes of praying before an icon, of a miraculous icon sur¬
rounded by Russian saints with a view of a Russian city under¬
neath, as well as representations of a «holy city» or a monastery
with its churches and shrines. The theme of «glorifying» icons, as
well as other subjects mentioned above, will be present in 18th-
century paintings, and the new nuances in their composition will
not affect the general expressiveness and charm of such works.
357 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Smirnova, Ėngelina Sergeevna 1932- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)103211845 |
| author_facet | Smirnova, Ėngelina Sergeevna 1932- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Smirnova, Ėngelina Sergeevna 1932- |
| author_variant | ė s s ės ėss |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV022943767 |
| callnumber-first | N - Fine Arts |
| callnumber-label | N8189 |
| callnumber-raw | N8189.R9 |
| callnumber-search | N8189.R9 |
| callnumber-sort | N 48189 R9 |
| callnumber-subject | N - Visual Arts |
| classification_rvk | KH 3035 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)173856999 (DE-599)BVBBV022943767 |
| discipline | Slavistik |
| discipline_str_mv | Slavistik |
| era | Geschichte 1300-1700 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1300-1700 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Russland Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Russland |
| id | DE-604.BV022943767 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T18:59:01Z |
| indexdate | 2024-08-24T01:09:39Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 5944312076 5944311878 |
| language | Russian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-016148374 |
| oclc_num | 173856999 |
| open_access_boolean | |
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| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-739 DE-473 DE-BY-UBG |
| physical | 381 S. zahlr. Ill. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2007 |
| publishDateSearch | 2007 |
| publishDateSort | 2007 |
| publisher | Severnyj Palomnik |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Smirnova, Ėngelina Sergeevna 1932- Verfasser (DE-588)103211845 aut "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi Ė. S. Smirnova "Looking at the image painted by the ancient artists ..." "Smotri͡a na obraz drevnikh zhivopist͡sev ..." Moskva Severnyj Palomnik 2007 381 S. zahlr. Ill. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: "Looking at the image painted by the ancient artists ..." (S. 337 - 357) Geschichte 1300-1700 gnd rswk-swf Icons, Russian Christian art and symbolism / Russia Christian art and symbolism Russia Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 gnd rswk-swf Ikone (DE-588)4026532-8 gnd rswk-swf Russland Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd rswk-swf Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 g Ikone (DE-588)4026532-8 s Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 s Geschichte 1300-1700 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016148374&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016148374&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Smirnova, Ėngelina Sergeevna 1932- "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi Icons, Russian Christian art and symbolism / Russia Christian art and symbolism Russia Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 gnd Ikone (DE-588)4026532-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4187640-4 (DE-588)4026532-8 (DE-588)4076899-5 |
| title | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi |
| title_alt | "Looking at the image painted by the ancient artists ..." "Smotri͡a na obraz drevnikh zhivopist͡sev ..." |
| title_auth | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi |
| title_exact_search | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi |
| title_exact_search_txtP | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi |
| title_full | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi Ė. S. Smirnova |
| title_fullStr | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi Ė. S. Smirnova |
| title_full_unstemmed | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi Ė. S. Smirnova |
| title_short | "Smotrja na obraz drevnich živopiscev ..." |
| title_sort | smotrja na obraz drevnich zivopiscev tema pocitanija ikon v iskusstve srednevekovoj rusi |
| title_sub | tema počitanija ikon v iskusstve Srednevekovoj Rusi |
| topic | Icons, Russian Christian art and symbolism / Russia Christian art and symbolism Russia Verehrung (DE-588)4187640-4 gnd Ikone (DE-588)4026532-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Icons, Russian Christian art and symbolism / Russia Christian art and symbolism Russia Verehrung Ikone Russland |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016148374&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=016148374&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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