Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Warszawa
Oficyna Wydawn. Aspra-JR
2006
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. und russ. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 421 S. |
| ISBN: | 8389964597 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | SPIS TREŚCI
WSTĘP
CZĘŚĆ I
POZNAWCZE I WYJAŚNIAJĄCE ASPEKTY PROBLEMATYKI
TOŻSAMOŚCI MIĘDZYNARODOWEJ PAŃSTWA
Rozdział
Tożsamość międzynarodowa państwa
1.
2.
przez pryzmat jego interesów
Rozdział
Złożoność problematyki identyfikacyjnej nowej Rosji
1.
2.
3.
Rozdział
Różnice w interpretacji tożsamości rosyjskiej
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
CZĘŚĆ
SPECYFIKA KOMPONENTÓW TOŻSAMOŚCI ROSYJSKIEJ
Rozdział
Dziedzictwo mocarstwowe i imperialne
1.
2.
3.
mocarstwowo-imperialnej
Rozdział
Geograficzne i geopolityczne oblicze Rosji
1.
2.
3.
Rozdział
Uwarunkowania narodowe i religijne
1.
2.
3.
identyfikacyjnych
4.
Rozdział
Ustrojowy komponent tożsamości Rosji
1.
2.
jako tradycyjne cechy ustrojowe
3.
4.
Rozdział
Wpływ kondycji ekonomicznej na tożsamość
współczesnej Rosji
1.
2.
3.
Rozdział
Uwarunkowania wojskowe procesów identyfikacyjnych Rosji
1.
państwa
2.
międzynarodowej
3.
CZĘŚĆ
WEKTORY MIĘDZYNARODOWEJ AKTYWNOŚCI ROSJI
I ICH ZNACZENIE DLA JEJ TOŻSAMOŚCI
Rozdział
Rewitalizacja wpływów Rosji w przestrzeni poradzieckiej
1.
2.
3.
4.
Rozdział
Zachodni wektor aktywności Rosji
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Rozdział
Azjatycki wektor aktywności Rosji
1.
2.
3.
4.
Rozdział
Poszukiwanie miejsca Rosji w świecie policentiycznym
1.
2.
3.
4.
ZAKOŃCZENIE
BIBLIOGRAFIA
SUMMARY
РЕЗЮМЕ
INDEKS NAZWISK
SUMMARY
Contemporary Russia is
answer the questions: What am I? (self-definition), What is important for
me? (self-definition through the system of values) or What are my aims?
(self-definition through interests and aims). As a state it lacks stability and
self-confidence. It is characterised by axiological
a sense of isolation (alienation complex). Moreover, Russia is preoccupied with
finding its place in the post-Cold War world. Russia s transformation has
caused dramatic tensions in the course of creating a new identity. In a situation
where existing institutions have collapsed, where old values have lost their
validity and no new ones have taken their place, where the state s image is
eroding both in the eyes of its citizens and external observers, and where it is
not easy to face new challenges and threats, there appear difficulties with con¬
scious self-conceptualisation.
In Russia parallel processes of national identification are taking place at the
national-state and international levels. National-state identity is being formed
on the basis of the co-existence of the old with the new, of combining the fea¬
tures of the previous social system with the elements of the new order, and of
attempts to create a new image. At the same time,
symbols plays an important part in building the international image of the state.
This is done by referring to imperial greatness, superpower status, and
ideological expansiveness.
In the first part of the book, consisting of three chapters, the author
deals with the problem of understanding the international identity of a state
and its links with national interests. On the one hand, identity is a theoretical
and methodological issue and, on the other, an existential problem for
participants in social life, including states. The author stresses the dynamics
and cumulativeness of this notion, its dialogkal character and its determinants.
He assumes that the identity of a state is concretised in international relations
through the articulation of its interests, which constitute the primary motivation
for its activities. A state s international identity is the outcome of conscious
actions and influences and not of a destiny or a mission. It is, above all, the
result of belonging to a community of states, with whom it enters into a variety
of relationships.
The Russian state is an arena of dramatic confrontations of ideas and
programmes, especially between the Eurasianists and Atlanticists, democrats,
advocates of
393
imperial
involve a clash of two tendencies: openness to Western ideas and values and
the wish to preserve Russia s unique civilisation . This diversity of views is
a typical reaction to Soviet times when one ideology and one theoretical vision
of social life predominated.
The second, and largest, part of the book consists of six chapters which
describe in detail the elements of Russian identity. The analysis covers the
power politics and imperial heritage of modern Russia, its geographical and
geopolitical attributes, its national and religious conditioning, its political and
economic transformation, as well as the influence of military factors on its
identity-shaping processes in international relations. The Russian Federation is
a unique state due to its size, geopolitical location straddling Europe and Asia,
centuries of imperial expansion, long-standing tradition of authoritarian
regimes, as well as its possession of natural wealth and nuclear weapons,
factors to which the country owes its important position in international
relations. Russia is, first of all, a big world exporter of energy resources and has
one of the world s largest nuclear arsenals. Thus it is both a nuclear and
a natural resource superpower. The nuclear factor has a rather destructive
impact: it reinforces the world s suspiciousness towards Russia. The oil factor
operates conversely: it increases the constructive interest of other states in
Russia.
The two aspects of Russian identity, European in terms of civilisation
and Eurasian with regard to geopolitics, are not conflicting; rather they are
indissolubly linked in one general self-definition. Russia is Europe in Asia
and at the same time Asia in Europe. The problem consists in what use Russia
makes of this unique, immanent
elites ruling Russia is economic and civilisational growth; building democracy
and civil society takes second place. Modern Russia combines formal democratic
institutions with a strong political leadership ensuring the domination of the
state. This creates fears about the return of authoritarian tendencies.
In Part Three, consisting of four chapters, the vectors of Russia s activity in
the international environment are presented. The author reconstructs those
directions of Russian foreign policy which define its international identity. He
analyses the problems of revitalising Russian influence in the post-Soviet space,
and attempts to define Russia s status in its relations with the West, its Asian
interests and its search for an appropriate role in
As a result of the
lost empire, and strong economic and security links, Russia has assumed the
role of sole arbiter and guarantor of stability in the so-called near abroad.
Russia s perception of post-Soviet areas has also been influenced by the
changes in US strategy following the terrorist attack of
394
time Russia has treated its regional policy as a counterbalance to American
aspirations for hegemony.
Russia s long-term interest is to develop normal, constructive cooperation
with the West. However, the Russians treat the West with suspicion, because of
the legacy of ideological confrontation and historical biases. Russia s political
elites harbour a syndrome of encirclement which has been reinforced by the
consecutive losses in the near abroad . The accession of the Baltic states to
NATO and the
have opted for the West, have resulted in a strong psychological complex
reflecting a feeling that vital interests are in danger.
Although the United States is the most attractive and special ally for Russia,
it views Western institutions, particularly NATO and the
and economic partners. Russia seeks good relations with all parties on both
sides of the Atlantic divide. The Russian Federation is a difficult partner for
Western countries and organisations due to its long-standing biases, negative
attitudes, conflicts of interests, and dysfunctional institutional culture. Despite
these problems it is more a partner than a rival. In strategic terms Russia
really wants peace, stability, and fruitful cooperation, despite the fact that it
inspires distrust and fear in the international community, both in the West and
among its closest neighbours, especially in Central Europe.
Russia uses multilateral European bodies to legitimise its interests. It treats
the
and as a forum to assert its special and equal position
The new Russia as a Eurasian state has important interests in Asia. It treats
its Asian policy as a counterweight to potential
affairs as well as to the global influence of the USA. Particularly important
is the partnership with China, which enables coordination of efforts in the
international arena in order to create a common front in today s
world. The Russians acknowledge the growing importance of the Asia-Pacific
region in economic relations, while not neglecting the problems of regional
security. Russia aims at compromise and partnership in its relations with Asian
states. It is an attractive neighbour in Asia due to its natural resources and
military technologies. However, its involvement in Asian affairs is hindered by
its image as a former imperial and colonial power, which has not as yet been
able to settle its disputes through treaties, especially with Japan.
Russians are in the process of re-evaluating their involvement in international
affairs. But they lack a clear idea of what place Russia should occupy in the
global power system. The main challenge for Russia is to overcome the deeply
rooted tendency to play the role of one of the key global decision-makers. This
requires that it stop considering its vital interests in terms of omnipresence
in the world. Russia needs self-limitation. It is a paradox that modern Russia
395
has chosen to assume the role of a regional power, active on a continental scale,
and keeps undertaking tasks befitting a state with global ambitions. Conducting
multi-vector diplomacy, Russia will be able to afford only limited globalism in
the predictable future,
other great powers and accepting the common rules and values of the interna¬
tional community.
|
| adam_txt |
SPIS TREŚCI
WSTĘP
CZĘŚĆ I
POZNAWCZE I WYJAŚNIAJĄCE ASPEKTY PROBLEMATYKI
TOŻSAMOŚCI MIĘDZYNARODOWEJ PAŃSTWA
Rozdział
Tożsamość międzynarodowa państwa
1.
2.
przez pryzmat jego interesów
Rozdział
Złożoność problematyki identyfikacyjnej nowej Rosji
1.
2.
3.
Rozdział
Różnice w interpretacji tożsamości rosyjskiej
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
CZĘŚĆ
SPECYFIKA KOMPONENTÓW TOŻSAMOŚCI ROSYJSKIEJ
Rozdział
Dziedzictwo mocarstwowe i imperialne
1.
2.
3.
mocarstwowo-imperialnej
Rozdział
Geograficzne i geopolityczne oblicze Rosji
1.
2.
3.
Rozdział
Uwarunkowania narodowe i religijne
1.
2.
3.
identyfikacyjnych
4.
Rozdział
Ustrojowy komponent tożsamości Rosji
1.
2.
jako tradycyjne cechy ustrojowe
3.
4.
Rozdział
Wpływ kondycji ekonomicznej na tożsamość
współczesnej Rosji
1.
2.
3.
Rozdział
Uwarunkowania wojskowe procesów identyfikacyjnych Rosji
1.
państwa
2.
międzynarodowej
3.
CZĘŚĆ
WEKTORY MIĘDZYNARODOWEJ AKTYWNOŚCI ROSJI
I ICH ZNACZENIE DLA JEJ TOŻSAMOŚCI
Rozdział
Rewitalizacja wpływów Rosji w przestrzeni poradzieckiej
1.
2.
3.
4.
Rozdział
Zachodni wektor aktywności Rosji
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Rozdział
Azjatycki wektor aktywności Rosji
1.
2.
3.
4.
Rozdział
Poszukiwanie miejsca Rosji w świecie policentiycznym
1.
2.
3.
4.
ZAKOŃCZENIE
BIBLIOGRAFIA
SUMMARY
РЕЗЮМЕ
INDEKS NAZWISK
SUMMARY
Contemporary Russia is
answer the questions: "What am I?" (self-definition), "What is important for
me?" (self-definition through the system of values) or "What are my aims?"
(self-definition through interests and aims). As a state it lacks stability and
self-confidence. It is characterised by axiological
a sense of isolation (alienation complex). Moreover, Russia is preoccupied with
finding its place in the post-Cold War world. Russia's transformation has
caused dramatic tensions in the course of creating a new identity. In a situation
where existing institutions have collapsed, where old values have lost their
validity and no new ones have taken their place, where the state's image is
eroding both in the eyes of its citizens and external observers, and where it is
not easy to face new challenges and threats, there appear difficulties with con¬
scious self-conceptualisation.
In Russia parallel processes of national identification are taking place at the
national-state and international levels. National-state identity is being formed
on the basis of the co-existence of "the old with the new," of combining the fea¬
tures of the previous social system with the elements of the new order, and of
attempts to create a new image. At the same time,
symbols plays an important part in building the international image of the state.
This is done by referring to imperial greatness, superpower status, and
ideological expansiveness.
In the first part of the book, consisting of three chapters, the author
deals with the problem of understanding the international identity of a state
and its links with national interests. On the one hand, identity is a theoretical
and methodological issue and, on the other, an existential problem for
participants in social life, including states. The author stresses the dynamics
and cumulativeness of this notion, its "dialogkal" character and its determinants.
He assumes that the identity of a state is concretised in international relations
through the articulation of its interests, which constitute the primary motivation
for its activities. A state's international identity is the outcome of conscious
actions and influences and not of a destiny or a mission. It is, above all, the
result of belonging to a community of states, with whom it enters into a variety
of relationships.
The Russian state is an arena of dramatic confrontations of ideas and
programmes, especially between the Eurasianists and Atlanticists, democrats,
advocates of
393
imperial
involve a clash of two tendencies: openness to Western ideas and values and
the wish to preserve "Russia's unique civilisation". This diversity of views is
a typical reaction to Soviet times when one ideology and one theoretical vision
of social life predominated.
The second, and largest, part of the book consists of six chapters which
describe in detail the elements of Russian identity. The analysis covers the
power politics and imperial heritage of modern Russia, its geographical and
geopolitical attributes, its national and religious conditioning, its political and
economic transformation, as well as the influence of military factors on its
identity-shaping processes in international relations. The Russian Federation is
a unique state due to its size, geopolitical location straddling Europe and Asia,
centuries of imperial expansion, long-standing tradition of authoritarian
regimes, as well as its possession of natural wealth and nuclear weapons,
factors to which the country owes its important position in international
relations. Russia is, first of all, a big world exporter of energy resources and has
one of the world's largest nuclear arsenals. Thus it is both a nuclear and
a natural resource superpower. The nuclear factor has a rather destructive
impact: it reinforces the world's suspiciousness towards Russia. The oil factor
operates conversely: it increases the constructive interest of other states in
Russia.
The two aspects of Russian identity, European in terms of civilisation
and Eurasian with regard to geopolitics, are not conflicting; rather they are
indissolubly linked in one general self-definition. Russia is "Europe in Asia"
and at the same time "Asia in Europe." The problem consists in what use Russia
makes of this unique, immanent
elites ruling Russia is economic and civilisational growth; building democracy
and civil society takes second place. Modern Russia combines formal democratic
institutions with a strong political leadership ensuring the domination of the
state. This creates fears about the return of authoritarian tendencies.
In Part Three, consisting of four chapters, the vectors of Russia's activity in
the international environment are presented. The author reconstructs those
directions of Russian foreign policy which define its international identity. He
analyses the problems of revitalising Russian influence in the post-Soviet space,
and attempts to define Russia's status in its relations with the West, its Asian
interests and its search for an appropriate role in
As a result of the
lost empire, and strong economic and security links, Russia has assumed the
role of sole arbiter and guarantor of stability in the so-called "near abroad."
Russia's perception of post-Soviet areas has also been influenced by the
changes in US strategy following the terrorist attack of
394
time Russia has treated its regional policy as a counterbalance to American
aspirations for hegemony.
Russia's long-term interest is to develop normal, constructive cooperation
with the West. However, the Russians treat the West with suspicion, because of
the legacy of ideological confrontation and historical biases. Russia's political
elites harbour a syndrome of "encirclement" which has been reinforced by the
consecutive losses in the "near abroad". The accession of the Baltic states to
NATO and the
have opted for the West, have resulted in a strong psychological complex
reflecting a feeling that vital interests are in danger.
Although the United States is the most attractive and special ally for Russia,
it views Western institutions, particularly NATO and the
and economic partners. Russia seeks good relations with all parties on both
sides of the Atlantic divide. The Russian Federation is a difficult partner for
Western countries and organisations due to its long-standing biases, negative
attitudes, conflicts of interests, and dysfunctional institutional culture. Despite
these problems it is more a "partner" than a "rival." In strategic terms Russia
really wants peace, stability, and fruitful cooperation, despite the fact that it
inspires distrust and fear in the international community, both in the West and
among its closest neighbours, especially in Central Europe.
Russia uses multilateral European bodies to legitimise its interests. It treats
the
and as a forum to assert its "special" and "equal" position
The new Russia as a Eurasian state has important interests in Asia. It treats
its Asian policy as a counterweight to potential
affairs as well as to the global influence of the USA. Particularly important
is the partnership with China, which enables coordination of efforts in the
international arena in order to create a common front in today's
world. The Russians acknowledge the growing importance of the Asia-Pacific
region in economic relations, while not neglecting the problems of regional
security. Russia aims at compromise and partnership in its relations with Asian
states. It is an attractive neighbour in Asia due to its natural resources and
military technologies. However, its involvement in Asian affairs is hindered by
its image as a former imperial and colonial power, which has not as yet been
able to settle its disputes through treaties, especially with Japan.
Russians are in the process of re-evaluating their involvement in international
affairs. But they lack a clear idea of what place Russia should occupy in the
global power system. The main challenge for Russia is to overcome the deeply
rooted tendency to play the role of one of the key global decision-makers. This
requires that it stop considering its vital interests in terms of "omnipresence"
in the world. Russia needs self-limitation. It is a paradox that modern Russia
395
has chosen to assume the role of a regional power, active on a continental scale,
and keeps undertaking tasks befitting a state with global ambitions. Conducting
multi-vector diplomacy, Russia will be able to afford only "limited globalism" in
the predictable future,
other great powers and accepting the common rules and values of the interna¬
tional community. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| any_adam_object_boolean | 1 |
| author | Bieleń, Stanisław 1953- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)103544011 |
| author_facet | Bieleń, Stanisław 1953- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Bieleń, Stanisław 1953- |
| author_variant | s b sb |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV022252386 |
| callnumber-first | D - World History |
| callnumber-label | DK510 |
| callnumber-raw | DK510.764 |
| callnumber-search | DK510.764 |
| callnumber-sort | DK 3510.764 |
| callnumber-subject | DK - Russia, Soviet Union, Former Soviet Republics, Poland |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)70282668 (DE-599)BVBBV022252386 |
| format | Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Aufsatzsammlung |
| geographic | Russia (Federation) Foreign relations Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Russia (Federation) Foreign relations Russland |
| id | DE-604.BV022252386 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T16:39:58Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T20:53:23Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 8389964597 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015463156 |
| oclc_num | 70282668 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 421 S. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | Oficyna Wydawn. Aspra-JR |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Bieleń, Stanisław 1953- Verfasser (DE-588)103544011 aut Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej Stanisław Bieleń Warszawa Oficyna Wydawn. Aspra-JR 2006 421 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. und russ. Sprache Außenpolitik National characteristics, Russian Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd rswk-swf Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd rswk-swf Russia (Federation) Foreign relations Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content Russland (DE-588)4076899-5 g Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 s Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015463156&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015463156&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Bieleń, Stanisław 1953- Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej Außenpolitik National characteristics, Russian Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4041282-9 (DE-588)4072885-7 (DE-588)4076899-5 (DE-588)4143413-4 |
| title | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej |
| title_auth | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej |
| title_exact_search | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej |
| title_full | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej Stanisław Bieleń |
| title_fullStr | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej Stanisław Bieleń |
| title_full_unstemmed | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej Stanisław Bieleń |
| title_short | Tożsamość międzynarodowa Federacji Rosyjskiej |
| title_sort | tozsamosc miedzynarodowa federacji rosyjskiej |
| topic | Außenpolitik National characteristics, Russian Nationalbewusstsein (DE-588)4041282-9 gnd Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Außenpolitik National characteristics, Russian Nationalbewusstsein Internationale Politik Russia (Federation) Foreign relations Russland Aufsatzsammlung |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015463156&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015463156&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT bielenstanisław tozsamoscmiedzynarodowafederacjirosyjskiej |