W rytmie sikinnis: studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Łódź
Wydawn. Uniw. Łódzkiego
2006
|
| Ausgabe: | Wyd. 1. |
| Schriftenreihe: | Rozprawy Habilitacyjne Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: In the rhytm of sikinnis |
| Beschreibung: | 302 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 8371719469 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | In the rhytm of sikinnis.
Study on allusion and overtones
in Greek satyr-play
(Summary)
This dissertation is an attempt to present the evolution of the satyric genre ever since it
appeared in the theatre due to Pratinas of Phlius (what happened according to our knowledge at the
decline of the VI century b. C.) until the Hellenistic age during which the satyr-play had its
renaissance.
Our research materials have been limited to two main literary works: The Cyclops
-
a complete Euripidean specimen that survived and fragments of Sophocles The Searchers.
Many quotations from other ancient testimonies are useful as well, especially from Athenaeus
Deiphnosophistai, also scholia to various authors and their works. We also may refer to the lexicon
of Hesychios. Basing on the extant plays of Euripides and Sophocles we endeavour to prove the
existence of
a v/í
comica
hidden in allusions and overtones which, more or less, were readable for
the Athenian audience whereas nowadays are less intelligible without proper elucidation and
explanation.
We cannot study the evolution of the satyric genre without indicating its characteristics which
stand a resultant of genetic conditionings and of forms given by poets who have defined literary
topos,
Henceforth such issues are discussed in chapter I: (a) the genesis of the satyr-play,
(b) reasons for its appearance in the Athenian theatre and also
-
basing on fragments (c) of the
extant satyric works of the classical period
-
the features (d) which determined the specificity of
the genre.
Crucial information on the origins of the satyric drama is found in chapter VI of Aristotle s
Poetics (1449a) where the philosopher writes that tragedy had developed from the satyr-play-
-like (ek satyrikou). This notation leads to the conclusion that satyrikon which Aristotle mentions
(a) was a ritual spectacle performed during the festival of Dionysus, therefore its contents were
episodes from the god s life, (b) also the actors were his worshippers dressed up as satyrs, the
language (c) of such a spectacle was funny as well as it was placed (d) outside the city on an open
area, what was a result of its unofficial character. This fragment of the Poetics suggests
a connection between satyrikon and dithyramb
-
a literary genre which written sources allude to
the chorus of satyrs. According to tradition the creator of the dithyramb was Arion of Methymna.
Ancient testimonies (especially by Herodotus and in Liber Sudd) occasion to presume that Arion
created the dithyramb
—
the music and the words
-
as a composition with a defined subject, that he
prepared choral performances to which he arranged the choreography and make-up. We may
assume that in his dithyrambic spectacle Arion exercised a religious model of an unofficial
Dionysian celebration, a certain kind of satyrikon, which appeared in different parts of the Greek
world. The poet gave it an artistic form and content and introduced the chorus of satyrs
-
an
unofficial element at that time put into an official spectacle. From the combination of the
276
dithyramb and
satyrìkon
derives the satyric drama which owes the first feature to its dramatic
dialogue and the second one to its dramatic narration and chorus of satyrs which lasted through the
existence of this genre. The introduction of the satyr-play to the Athenian theatre has been ascribed
by ancient scientists to Pratinas of Phlius (a city on the
Péloponnèse).
Basing on an analysis of
ancient sources and
iconographie
documents we may presume that Pratinas made his first
performance not so long after
520
b. C. The fact that the poet came from a Dorian city had an
influence on the rise of the opinion about Dorian sources of the satyric genre. We may assume that
if the satyric-play had been completely imported from the Dorian Phlius and if there hadn t been
any religious or social grounds in Athens from which such a spectacle could have originated, then
it would have been very difficult for this genre to gain approval of the Athenian audience. If we
were to regard the appearance of the satyric drama in the Athenian theatre as a result of a religious
conservatism of the audience that demanded Dionysian elements back to spectacles, then we
would have to admit that Pratinas who suggested a new kind of performance also referred to the
presence of satyrs in religious rituals
-
an idea well indurated in the mind of the Athenians. Drama
in the
forni
proposed by Pratinas must have had elements of spectacles that were presented in the
Péloponnèse
at that time for it could not have originated ex nihilo. It must have also been based on
unofficial forms of ritual performances which were held in Attica in honour of Dionysus so this
way it could have referred to the religious tradition indurated in the Athenian mind. Therefore the
satyr-play could have been a resultant of the Attica and Peloponnesian kind of
satyrìkon.
The suggested chronology of the introduction of the satyric drama impairs the scientific
opinion dominant for longer than the half of the twentieth century that the satyr-play was the forth
element of the tetralogy ever since it appeared in the Athenian theatre. It seems that this genre was
introduced to dramatic Dionysian celebrations from
10
to
20
years after tragedy. It must have
gained a lot of popularity in order to receive the possibility of being included to the tragic agon as
its integral part which probably took place in
502—501
b. C
after the reorganization of the City
Dionysia.
Ancient sources give many explanations to the reasons for the appearance of the satyric
drama in the Theatre of Dionysus. According to Horace
(Ars
Poetica
220—224)
the satyr-play was
a kind a magnet that attracted the audience bessotted by wine. Paraphrasing Horace s quotation
Diomedes (I
491, 4-12 Keil)
and Marius Victorinus (VI
81, 37-82, 9 Keil)
noticed the need of an
intellectual relaxation in the audience after an absorbing seriousness presented in tragedy.
Demetrios
called the satyric drama a tragedy at play
(De elocutìone
169).
The definition
certainly represents the opinion on the character of the satyr-play and its specific humour. Basing
on Plutarch s testimonies (Quaest. Conv. I,
1, 5),
Zenobius and Liber
Suda
we may come to the
conclusion that the satyr drama was introduced to the Athenian theatre on the demanding of the
audience since tragedy lost its Dionysian element i.e. funny character and content. We may
presume that the initiation of a new kind of spectacle had a social-political character as a result of
the strategy of the sons of Peisistratus in order to gain support for their authorities among the
people of Attica as well as it was a political gesture towards the
Péloponnèse
where Pratinas came
from.
Analysis of the extant fragments of the satyric drama, especially those of Aeschylus,
Sophocles and Euripides enable us to distinguish characteristic features of the genre. Scientists
classify these elements of the satyr-play in reference to the criterion of content for they regard
thematic schematism as an important distinguishing mark. It is worth to supplement the thematic
classification proposed by W.
Steffen,
R.
Seaford,
L. Paganelli
and P. Voelke with other issues:
(1)
Travesty of known mythical plots as a source of humour.
(2)
Simplicity of tnythos.
(3)
An
impulsive tone and very often with indecent elements.
(4)
Allusions to actual events, social-moral
occurrences with a satirical character as well.
(5)
Presence of didactic-moralistic elements which
appear for example in a gnomic form.
(6)
Location of action; in many perfonnances the plot
277
develops far away from urbanized places such as in the mountains, at the seaside, areas hard to
reach, the borders of fields, far away from people and in other words such locations usually
associated with satyrs.
(7)
Short form of the play.
(8)
Peculiarity of metre and language; the same
metres were used as in tragedy although modified with greater ease according to special generic
requirements; the language is distinguished with simplicity, a richness of common phrases and
colloquialisms especially in parts of the satyrs and Silenus. On the other hand a highly tragic tone
remains with relatively serious characters.
(9)
Specificity of performing a satyric drama with
reference to the characters costumes (the actors of a satyr-play were dressed in costumes similar
to those of tragic actors as for the choristers were nearly naked as all they wore were characteristic
fur shorts
-
peridzoma, equipped in erected phalluses and short horse-tails; on their faces they
wore masks with horse-ears, flat noses and bushy beards) and stage action with its noticeable and
typical satyric dance called sikinnis (very impulsive, dynamic, full of sudden gestures of hands and
legs, leaps, knee bending and stamping).
In chapter II a detailed study is lead on Sophocles Searchers. The content of this drama is
based on the myth known from the fourth Homeric Hymn to Hermes. Even today scientists haven t
yet found one good answer to the question whether Sophocles patterned after the Homeric version
or not. Therefore the main purpose of our research is to support the hypothesis that the Hymn to
Hermes could have been an inspiration for the Athenian tragedian as well as to prove that this
satyr-play was not only an indispensable modification of the Homeric plot but an intended artistic
imitation.
In both works the development of the plot of the same mythical episode
-
the then of
Apollo s cattle committed by the young Hermes
—
differs quite a lot. Analogies resolve themselves
into such features:
(1)
A humorous treating of the tale although literary testimonies argue the myth
about the theft of cows not to be funny at all in early tradition [when Antoninus
Liberalis
mentions
literary sources of the myth he also quotes Hesiod s Catalogue of women which content could not
be funny. However
Pausanias
(VII,
20, 4)
mentions Alcaeus song (fr.
308
b Loebel-Page)
which
extant fragment refers to a sublime tone].
(2)
The connection of two mythical themes into one
whole: the theft of Apollo s cows and the inventing of the lyre (the theme of constructing the lyre
is a typical etiological tale while the theft of the god s cattle and the decisive trick employed on the
searchers bear traits of folk tales); it is uncertain exactly when did this contamination take place
but basing on later transmissions on mythology those of
Philostratus
(Eikones
I.
26),
Antoninus
Liberális
(23)
and Appolodorus (Bibl. Ill
12)
it is clear that these two themes needn t be
thoroughly connected.
(3)
Subtle lexical allusions and humorous reminiscences to the language of
the Homeric hymns. This last analogy leads to the conclusion that the tragedian who created the
form of linguistic comicality had to bear in mind the fact that the Athenian audience knew very
well the imitated work and was able to understand the allusions to which referred to the originals.
Analysis of the content of the Searchers
is carried on two levels: the pragmatics of staging
and the semantics of implication. Reconstructing the staging of drama we must first of all consider
its decorations. Naturally, the stage conventions of the classical theatre excluded an abundance of
scenography. Nevertheless certain elements must have been present especially if they had an
insignificant part in the plot. In the Searchers a very important
scénographie
element was
pagos
~ a hill (on which the chorus of satyrs climb) as well as the entrance to the cave where the nymph
comes from. According to the content of the play it appears that when the satyrs try to entice the
nymph from the cave, they act very boisterously jumping and stamping around. However, as
J· Harrison assumes, this doesn t mean that the cave had to be underground for it seems that the
entrance to the cave was imitated by a central door skene and the hill was brought up by a platform
with stairs. The chorus would have to begin their search of the stolen cattle on the orchestra, then
So up the steps on the platform where the satyrs jump and stamp and provoke the nymph to come
°M; she appears in the central door of the skene and rebukes the satyrs. The description of
278
particular scenes of the play is the main theme of our studies on the staging practice of Sophocles
dramas. Our suggestions of explaining certain
controvertible
questions deserve an emphasis.
1.
The damaged beginning of the drama has caused a pointless hypothesis about a lost
prologue and that the play introduces the audience in
medias
res. If Apollo s rhesis was given
from the roof of the skene
-
theologeion
the audience knew the actor was playing god. Requisites
being characteristic attributes of the god completed the information. We may presume that Apollo
was dressed fancy and equipped in a bow and wreath on his head so the audience could have easily
identified the character even before the actor spoke.
2.
The god s loud voice provokes Silenus arrival. It is difficult to define the exact moment
when he appears. Undoubtedly Silenus heard Apollo s rhesis for he uses the same expressions as
the god and he needn t have had to be present on the stage area during the god s monologue.
However in order to sustain the illusion of reality he should be present at the moment when Apollo
shows the reward in front of him.
3.
The matter of freedom which Apollo promises the Silenus in reward for finding his cattle
evoked a major discussion among scientists. The interpretation of the text allows us to accept the
fact that as Sophocles introduces the motif of freedom in his play he also refers to a certain
thematic convention of the satyric drama. It is possible as well that in Apollo s pompous
declaration of giving the Silenus freedom lies a funny allusion to the indurated in human mentality
desire for a careless existence in wealth which enables living a good life. The presented
conclusions lead to the recognition of the absence of the slavery motif in the plot of the Searchers.
4.
The chorus awareness of the agreement between Apollo and the Silenus, after the god
leaves the stage and the satyrs appear has excited the scientists doubts. The answer to this
problem lies in the convention of the play. The audience knows in detail the agreement between
Apollo and Silenus and assumes that the chorus must be aware of this fact as well. Therefore it is
also possible that in the imagination of the spectators the chorus may be situated nearby the place
of action though it isn t physically present on the orchestra. The spectator accustomed to theatrical
fiction has no need at visualizing certain obvious facts.
5.
After Silenus prays to the goddess Tyche and to the guide daimon (v.
79-82)
it isn t
obvious to whom he refers his invocation (v.
83-85).
One of the possible addresses are the satyrs
for only they are present on the orchestra. As for Silenus himself awaits an answer to his
invocation (v.
91)
which was expressed in the same manner as Apollo s proclamation with one
only difference that his call for help sounds pompously whereas the promised gratification is
incommensurable to the reward offered by the god. In result Silenus who tries to look as a more
excellent personality in the eyes of his sons becomes grotesquely amusing and ridiculous.
6.
There is no doubt in the division of the chorus (v.
100-220)
in the great scene of hunting
however scientists do not agree on the number of the half-choruses. The answer is given in v.
105
in which we may find an explanation to the situation: two groups of satyrs find cattle tracks and
because they are not sure what to do they ask a third group which is situated nearby perhaps a bit
behind. The number of half-choruses, from a visual point, had secondary meaning to the spectator
although the stage organization required precise choreographic an-angements. The final result of
spontaneous animation was important. The satyrs who were probably scattered around the whole
orchestra looked for the animal tracks shouting and screaming at each other what must have given
the impression of total chaos.
7.
The noun rhoibdos (murmur) which may be found on the margin of the text of the play
written on a papyrus between the lines
113
and
114
is verisimilarly no staging indicator, just like it
was suggested by K. Robert and A. C. Pearson. However it is hard to say what meaning it had
according to the copyist s intention.
8.
The ambiguity of the semantics of the noun hrchnos which appears in the Silenus speech
(v.
132-135)
effect of diversity of interpretation of this fragment of the scene. The root korchn-
279
means in general something rough and hoarse. E.
Siegmann
gave the noun kerchnos the meaning
knaggy stick . We must agree that such a requisite as a stick in an old man s hand who the
Silenus tried to imitate during his discussion with Apollo (v.
47-49)
and during his rhesis (v.
154-
155)
is not only possible but even highly required. Furthermore the image of an old man who leans
on a stick and dashes in hope to gain the valuable reward could be of additional comic value.
Nevertheless the scene in which an old father reproves his adult sons and eagerly waves with his
knaggy stick would be very effective. Another argument for Siegmann s suggestion could be the
author s inclination to lexical experiments in constructing verbal comicality which may be
manifested in the fonnulation of neologisms or in substituting proper names of notions or objects
with others which, in this case makes the visualization of a stylistic procedure much more readable
for the audience.
The considerations exposed further on in this chapter tend to emphasize values of Sophocles
play hidden under a narrative level and to interpret the implications and overtones.
1.
Allusions to the events
ofthat
time appear in Apollo s rhesis which stands a compilation of
an official proclamation and a personal announcement. We may also find a possible connotation
with the practice of giving golden wreaths to citizens as a reward as well as a reference to
a colonizing expedition.
2.
Moralistic elements are mainly manifested in the manner of creating the characters
although the Silenus satyric characteristics do not differ much from the popular imagination.
Apollo s appearance may be regarded as a projection of an anti-ethical model.
3.
We may notice a contamination of the tragic manner with colloquial speech in the
linguistic sphere. Silenus and the satyrs speak usually the colloquial language unless they are in
a situation in which they have to strive from the ordinary manner of expression and in their speech
we may find tragic and epic elements. The literary language, characteristic for Apollo and Cyllene
is not free of colloquial elements and neologisms which seem to
confimi
the thesis on a parody of
the tragic manner. A linguistic stylization serves the constructing of verbal comicality. We also
notice an element characteristic for the satyrical genre which is the presence of professional
terminology considering the construction of instruments and in reference to cattle breeding as well
as
írom
other fields of profession.
A thorough and multifarious analysis of Euripides Cyclops is contained in chapter III. The
tragedian found basic material in Odysseus story from chapter IX of the Odyssey (v.
105-242).
Euripides modified the Homeric model because of three essential reasons: the requirements of the
satyric genre; staging conditions; the intellectual, social and political meaning of the play. It is
fascinating how Euripides magnificently combines elements of adaptation which depend on
dramatic and theatrical conventions with modifications inspired by a propagandist concept. It is
worth to lay emphasis on certain differences between the epic and the dramatic version.
1.
The change of place of action in reference to Homer s version in which the Cyclopes lived
in a fairy tale land which geographical connotations are lost within the myth. Euripides places the
Cyclopes in Sicily. This island is not a typical epic localization however it is not a result of the
author s fantasy. We may consider here an intentional reference to a parallel variant of the myth.
2.
The Silenus as well as the chorus of satyrs presence who are provided with typical
features which manifest in their behaviour and attitudes has a crucial significance for the plot and
causes deviation from the Homeric version. The Silenus and the satyrs are Polyphemus servants
-
a fact which situates the Cyclopes on a higher sociological position. At the same time this
primitive individual is in possession of cattle (in addition to the Homeric version which mentions
only herds of sheep and goat).
3.
The Homeric Odysseus becomes aware of Polyphemus cannibal inclinations post factum
whereas in Euripides play this information is given by the Silenus. Immediate retreat is
impossible for Odysseus is in need of water and food and the payment is to be wine which is the
280
Silenus
and the satyrs favourite drink. In the Euripidean version they haven t had wine for a very
long time because the instant maturation of grapevine has been intentionally omitted by the author.
In result wine was unknown in the land of the Cyclopes. The funny scene in which the relished on
wine Silenus who incites to purchase samples (v.
150)
gives an image of a typical satyr: a bawdy
drunkard who would do anything for a bottle of wine.
4.
There is a scene in the Cyclops, which is quite rare in extant Greek classical drama where
four
personae agentes
participate actively at the same time: the Cyclops, Odysseus, the Silenus
and the chorus of satyrs (perhaps represented by a corypheus, v.
253-276).
5.
The events described in the epos take place within three days and two nights whereas in the
drama the action must be condensed. It seems useless to search for a logical arrangement of time
in Euripides play; the chronological commotion that is evident in v.
213-214
(the satyrs look at
the stars as the Cyclops demands his breakfast) allows us to notice a comic aprosdoketon. The
time of day is not important for the action is placed in a temporal vacuum which can be freely
modelled and preformed.
6.
In the Odyssey the Cyclops cave is closed with a large stone and the events take place in
the dark whereas in the drama the action is placed on an open area. In the play Euripides opened
the Cyclop s cave and joined it with the area. There is no stone baring the exit and according to the
directory note at v.
487
Polyphemus loud drunken singing is heard from the inside of the cave. As
Odysseus can leave the cave whenever he wants the blinding of Polyphemus is not necessary as to
save his life. Instead it becomes an act of revenge for impiety. The seeming irrational idea to leave
Odysseus friends in the cave of the Cyclops has a very serious explanation; the Greeks must stay
in order to help Odysseus take revenge on the Cyclops. This allows us emphasize a typical for the
genre picture of the satyrs: as coward and incapable of any creative action in face of danger.
Since the text of the Cyclops has survived in whole it is clearly justified to accept another
method of analyzing the theatrical realization of this drama than in the Searchers. It is useless to
discuss precisely certain scenes for the content of the play is very readable for modern readers.
Nevertheless we find certain problematic pieces in this drama which have evoked a scientific
discussion on the subject of its practical realization. The whole plot of the drama takes place in
front of Polyphemus cave at the feet of Mount Etna in Sicily. The central door of the skene
imitates the entrance to the cave where on both sides the view of mountains must have been
painted. The scenography in the Cyclops is supplemented by stage accessories: buckets or through
(v.
29
and v.
46-47)
and cauldron. As we may presume Polyphemus points at this last requisite as
he mocks at Odysseus (v.
342-344).
It is worth paying noticing another object which Euripides
uses to build a subtle joke: the rakes with which the Silenus appears in the prologue as he
complains that he has to clean the Cyclops house with them.
The parodos of the chorus is a typical pastoral song which adjusts perfectly to the rural
character of the satyric drama. Within three parts: strophe, ephymnion and
antistrophe
the chorus
speaks to a sheep running away, a ram jumping aside the herd and another one standing aside the
rest of the animals in the theatre. The problem considers the physical presence of animals in the
theatre. It seems that those in favour of staging experiments that were manifested by presenting
live animals in the theatre of Dionysus must have forgotten about the stage illusion of this kind of
theatre and they look for realism in those places where it is technically impossible. It is hard to
imagine sheep playing their roles in accordance to the indications of the director of the play; if we
were to accept the fact that live animals were present then we would have to accept as well that
they behaved according to the words of the song of the chorus: one sheep was climbing on rocks
(v.
43)
a ram was setting off on a slope wetted by dew (v.
49-50)
and the rest of the herd was
moving towards the door of the skene. It is much easier to agree with the idea of people dressed up
as animals. But also here doubts arise: if there was a group of performers for animal roles then
there should have been a staff of prospoloi too. This way a group of performers in the Cyclops
would have been expanded.
281
The problem of live animals in the theatre appears again in the scene in which the Silenus
who is dying of thirst for wine is ready to sell Polyphemus ownership and carries out of the cave
shackled lambs and cheese (v.
188-190).
An experienced Athenian spectator accustomed to stage
fiction inscribed in the convention of this theatre who perfectly knew the epic model parodied by
Euripides had no need of the presence of visual tricks that appeared in order to activate the
spectator s imagination and to convince him to the illusive presence of animals and servants.
Especially when both had no influence on the structure of the plot the pastoral song seems to
emphasize the bucolic atmosphere in the drama whereas the reference to servants stresses
Polyphemus material status. These functions are realized perfectly in the words of the Silenus and
the satyrs and don t need any procedures what would be hard to present. However it is worth
noticing that many requisites have been used in the staging of the play: through for animals,
a copper cauldron, the Silenus rakes, baskets with cheese, the dummies of lambs and a goblet
brought by Odysseus (v.
145
and
151).
In the first song of the
epodos
the satyrs spread before the spectators a picture of
a bacchio
komos and they contrast this happy event with their currently bad situation (v.
76-81).
The
goatskin chlajna which appears in the satyr s complaint becomes a symbol of their unhappy
position. Justifiable is the suspicion that the goatskin chlajnas could have been used in Euripides
drama to emphasize the new role of the satyrs as shepherds which is a certain sign of metastasis
ponon (Searchers, v.
223).
It is an additional element to their traditional costume which usually
consisted on masks and characteristic peridzoma. The matter of the costumes of the chorus brings
us to a fascinating although impossible in an explicit solution the problem of Polyphemus clothes
in Euripides play. The actor performing this role wasn t a giant for sure but perhaps a big, stuffed
costume suggested the audience his tremendous physis. A mask with a very large opening for the
mouth and a deep throat may have assumed the appearance of a cannibal. However interesting is
the question which of the Cyclops double nature was emphasized by the costume whether the
barbarian or the civilized.
From the analysis of Sophocles Searchers results that dancing and in general dynamics of
movement and gestures is typical for satyrs whereas the Silenus parts are relatively static: they are
limited to a hurried arrival on the orchestra and the same leaving in the end of the extant fragment
of the drama with a more or less lively gesticulation. In the Cyclops we may find infontiation
suggesting greater vigour of the old
Pappasylen: in
the scene when Odysseus gives him the desired
wine and the old satyr sings and dances joyfully (v.
156-157).
The opened entrance to the cave furthers frequent entering and leaving it by the actors. This
way stage movement is intensified and the plot gains dramatic effect. The Silenus goes in the cave
the first time (after v.
147)
in order to carry out cheese and bound lambs for the newcomers
(v.
188-190).
Then Odysseus friends are pushed in by Polyphemus (after v.
346)
and a moment
later the famous hero himself enters the inhospitable household to witness the Cyclops horrible
banquet. With him enters the Silenus as well who follows Odysseus after a goblet of wine (after v.
355).
With the last words of the song of the chorus (v.
356-374)
Odysseus leaves the cave to tell
about the events that occurred inside and to present to the chorus his plan what to do next. In the
scene of the Greek s escape once again the entrance to the cave becomes a place for creating a
comic effect. The pantomimic gestures of the Greeks running away under the Cyclops nose as
well as the stichomythia carried on between Polyphemus and the chorus must have evoked an
expected reaction of the audience.
The analysis of the multifarious ideology in Euripides drama and the abundance of
references to his times completed the last part of the chapter in which we discuss the Cyclops.
During the following considerations the god s continuous presence in the play is stressed. Its
mythical basis is connected with Dionysus. Euripides managed to return to traditional Dionysian
sources of the satyric performance and combine it with the mature form of the genre. The presence
of many elements which regard the
topos
of the drama is noticeable:
282
1.
The manner of describing the Silenus and the satyrs as unkind, malicious, lascivious and
cowardly.
2.
The theme of a slave and his cruel master.
3.
A fine kind of the proton heurema motif.
4.
The sphere of techne in professional terminology from such fields as gastronomy, sailing,
ship constructing and shepherding.
5.
Sexual accents.
6.
Gnomae and sententiae,
7.
Elements of common language.
8.
References to generally know literary works.
If we will add to these features vigorous stage movement which we may guess in many parts
of the plot then a model example of satyric drama is revealed which takes place in an area far away
from the civilization of the
polis.
The originality of Euripides drama is evidenced by its deeper layer that is hidden under the
overcoat of slapstick and ridicule: an intensive ideological propaganda and a political message. In
Polyphemus rhesis the tragedian represents in caricature the extreme tendencies of sophistry of
those days which has diminished knowledge to empty rhetoric and eristic proficiency. It has also
questioned the established cosmogonist order and has treated with contempt traditional religious
virtues. It has supplied the oligarchic propaganda with arguments on the law of the stronger and on
hedonistic materialism as well as it has popularized hesychia which was disastrous for democratic
institutions. It has also devalued the sense and meaning of
nomos
extolling physis to a higher rank.
Euripides who was an intellectual and whose opinions have undergone changes (what may be
observed in his extant works) could not tolerate the extreme of theory of the second sophistic
generation especially since it has become an instrument in the hands of demagogues in political
struggles.
In Cyclops Euripides speaks of matters of politics; the glorification of the Trojan War which
confronted the Greek world with the barbarian; war for the liberty of Hellas at the threat of the
invasion of the eastern empire. All these topics show the tragedian s concern connected with the
Persian expansionism.
There are many points related to the political reality of that time. We may find them in
Euripides avoidance of the traditional attacks on Menelaos and Helen. The tragedian as a real
Athenian democrat noticed the danger which could have originated from the agreement between
Sparta and Persia. Suppressing polemic accents towards Sparta and showing the barbarians in
a worse light the poet declared for pan-Hellenic alliance against Persia. And finally what is the
most important political problem in his drama are the echoes of the Sicilian conflict. Subordinating
the Homeric myth to an
anti
Sicilian propaganda proves how important these events were to him.
The victory over Polyphemus who stands the caricature of the national features of the Sicilians
-
from Gorgian eloquence through sophisticated gastronomy to despotic politics of Syracuse
-
allows us to seek in Euripides drama a message towards hearts rising .
The final part of this dissertation describes the satyric dramas which have emerged after the
classical period. It is known that the satyric play was very popular in IV and III century b. C.
Epigraphic testimonies confirm that since
384
b. C
old tragedy and old satyric drama
(IG
II
2318)
were played in the Athenian theatre. From the inscriptions documenting the City Dionysia in
the years
341-339 (IG
II
2320)
results that after the reorganization of the theatrical spectacles
Athenians performed one satyric drama as an introduction to the competition.
The fact that the satyr-play overtook three tragedies written by other authors indicates the
laxity of connections between these genres. Simultaneously with the obtainment or recovery of
this autonomy the satyric drama takes over the form and jokes of Old Comedy: personal attacks,
ridicule of prominent representatives in politics, culture, philosophy as well as elements of the
283
parabasis. Without
penetrating the political, social and cultural conditions which have an
influence on the transformation of the genre we must stress that it converges in time with a gradual
passage of the civilization of the
polis
to the Hellenistic. Noticeable are the relations with new
genres such as: pastoral poetry, romance and short stories. However we must remember that the
contamination of literary genres distinguishes the literature of the Alexandrian period.
Nevertheless basing on Sositeos works we may notice the return to classical forms of genre. In the
Hellenistic satyric drama two forms coexist: old and new, tradition and innovation, a certain kind
of mixture in which noticeable are sophisticated techniques and a programmatic aspiration for
originality.
A characteristic element of the satyric genre is the permanence of the chorus which modern
tragedy and comedy reduced to a lyrical-musical intermezzo between one and another epeisodion.
It is irrelative to the plot of the show and stands a regular stressed extant requisite. As we may
assume the chorus of satyrs still have a relative connection with the plot and appears in new roles
for example as Persian wizards in Python s
Agen.
However it is possible that innovations were
introduced to the chorus of satyrs as a result of the substitution of the mythical themes by political
and cultural.
The transformation of the satyric drama must have been also influenced by the manner of
presenting the characters. Classical authors cared for dignity of the positive hero which in contrast
to the satyrs stupidity created a comic effect. Hellenistic satyrists as in Old Comedy mocked the
heroes who were at an equal level like the satyrs. A confirmation to this hypothesis which
defacto
is slightly shown in the preserved fragments could be the lines from
Ars
Poetica in
which Horace
advises not to humiliate a god and hero by mocking them as if they were on the level of insolent
satyrs (v.
225-229).
A selective survey of the extant fragments of such authors as (presented in chronological
order)
-
Astydamas Minor, Dionysus Major, Timocles, Python, Lycophron, Sositheus
-
pictures
the direction of the transformation of the satyric drama. Virtuosity and sophisticated composition
typical for Alexandrian poetry adduce one of the directions of the transformation of the satyric
drama. On one hand we may notice the tendency to connect its classical model with other genres
and its predilection for a kind of literary amusement (Astydamas Heracles, Dionysius Hunger,
Sositheus Daphnis or Lityerses and the anonymous Atlas). On the other hand however we may
easily observe the pervasion of the works with current contents and themes taken from life
(Timocles Ikarioi, Python s
Agen, Lycophron s
Menedemos)
which cause that drama oscillated
between the satyric genre and Old Comedy.
We cannot deny that the satyric drama though in a short time of period went through a long
way evolving from the hyporchema of Pratinas through Euripides ideological propaganda in
content and classical in form version to the shape given by Hellenistic poets. The satyric drama
survived as long as the chorus of satyrs appeared in their characteristic peridzoma no matter
whether they played the role of Persian wizards, the pupils of the philosopher Menedem or the
servants of the cruel Lityerses. The satyrs have always excited the audience s laugh accomplishing
this way their essential function.
Spis
tresei
Przedmowa
................................................................ 7
Uwagi wstępne
............................................................ 9
Rozdział
1.
Dramat satyrowy
................................................. 17
1.1.
Geneza
............................................................ 17
1.2.
Cel i funkcje dramatu satyrowego
....................................... 37
1.3.
Dziedzictwo sztuki satyrowej
.......................................... 46
1.4.
Cechy dramatu satyrowego
............................................ 81
Rozdział
2.
Tropiciele Sofoklesa
............................................... 97
2.1.
Sofoklesowa wersja mitu o Hermesie w świetle innych źródeł literackich
........ 97
2.2.
Obrazy sceniczne w Tropicielach
....................................... 110
2.3.
Semantyka podtekstów w Tropicielach
................................... 145
Rozdział
3.
Cyklop Eurypidesa
................................................ 177
3.1.
Udramatyzowana wersja epickiej baśni o Cyklopie
......................... 177
3.2.
Warstwa pragmatyczna inscenizacji Cyklopa
.............................. 194
3.3.
Warstwa aluzyjna w Cyklopie Eurypidesa
................................. 207
Poklasyczne oblicze gatunku satyrowego
......................................... 251
In the
rytm
oîsikinnis.
Study on allusions and overtones in Greek satyr-play (Summary)
..... 275
Bibliografía
............................................................___ 285
Indeks autorów i tytułów dramatów satyrowych
................................... 293
Indeks autorów starożytnych
.................................................. 295
Indeks autorów współczesnych
................................................ 299
Indeks rzeczowy
............................................................ 301
Wykaz ilustracji
............................................................ 303
Od Redakcji
............................................................... 305
|
| adam_txt |
In the rhytm of sikinnis.
Study on allusion and overtones
in Greek satyr-play
(Summary)
This dissertation is an attempt to present the evolution of the satyric genre ever since it
appeared in the theatre due to Pratinas of Phlius (what happened according to our knowledge at the
decline of the VI century b. C.) until the Hellenistic age during which the satyr-play had its
renaissance.
Our research materials have been limited to two main literary works: The Cyclops
-
a complete Euripidean specimen that survived and fragments of Sophocles' The Searchers.
Many quotations from other ancient testimonies are useful as well, especially from Athenaeus'
Deiphnosophistai, also scholia to various authors and their works. We also may refer to the lexicon
of Hesychios. Basing on the extant plays of Euripides and Sophocles we endeavour to prove the
existence of
a v/í
comica
hidden in allusions and overtones which, more or less, were readable for
the Athenian audience whereas nowadays are less intelligible without proper elucidation and
explanation.
We cannot study the evolution of the satyric genre without indicating its characteristics which
stand a resultant of genetic conditionings and of forms given by poets who have defined literary
topos,
Henceforth such issues are discussed in chapter I: (a) the genesis of the satyr-play,
(b) reasons for its appearance in the Athenian theatre and also
-
basing on fragments (c) of the
extant satyric works of the classical period
-
the features (d) which determined the specificity of
the genre.
Crucial information on the origins of the satyric drama is found in chapter VI of Aristotle's
Poetics (1449a) where the philosopher writes that tragedy had developed from "the satyr-play-
-like" (ek satyrikou). This notation leads to the conclusion that satyrikon which Aristotle mentions
(a) was a ritual spectacle performed during the festival of Dionysus, therefore its contents were
episodes from the god's life, (b) also the actors were his worshippers dressed up as satyrs, the
language (c) of such a spectacle was funny as well as it was placed (d) outside the city on an open
area, what was a result of its unofficial character. This fragment of the Poetics suggests
a connection between satyrikon and dithyramb
-
a literary genre which written sources allude to
the chorus of satyrs. According to tradition the creator of the dithyramb was Arion of Methymna.
Ancient testimonies (especially by Herodotus and in Liber Sudd) occasion to presume that Arion
created the dithyramb
—
the music and the words
-
as a composition with a defined subject, that he
prepared choral performances to which he arranged the choreography and make-up. We may
assume that in his dithyrambic spectacle Arion exercised a religious model of an unofficial
Dionysian celebration, a certain kind of satyrikon, which appeared in different parts of the Greek
world. The poet gave it an artistic form and content and introduced the chorus of satyrs
-
an
unofficial element at that time put into an official spectacle. From the combination of the
276
dithyramb and
satyrìkon
derives the satyric drama which owes the first feature to its dramatic
dialogue and the second one to its dramatic narration and chorus of satyrs which lasted through the
existence of this genre. The introduction of the satyr-play to the Athenian theatre has been ascribed
by ancient scientists to Pratinas of Phlius (a city on the
Péloponnèse).
Basing on an analysis of
ancient sources and
iconographie
documents we may presume that Pratinas made his first
performance not so long after
520
b. C. The fact that the poet came from a Dorian city had an
influence on the rise of the opinion about Dorian sources of the satyric genre. We may assume that
if the satyric-play had been completely imported from the Dorian Phlius and if there hadn't been
any religious or social grounds in Athens from which such a spectacle could have originated, then
it would have been very difficult for this genre to gain approval of the Athenian audience. If we
were to regard the appearance of the satyric drama in the Athenian theatre as a result of a religious
conservatism of the audience that demanded Dionysian elements back to spectacles, then we
would have to admit that Pratinas who suggested a new kind of performance also referred to the
presence of satyrs in religious rituals
-
an idea well indurated in the mind of the Athenians. Drama
in the
forni
proposed by Pratinas must have had elements of spectacles that were presented in the
Péloponnèse
at that time for it could not have originated ex nihilo. It must have also been based on
unofficial forms of ritual performances which were held in Attica in honour of Dionysus so this
way it could have referred to the religious tradition indurated in the Athenian mind. Therefore the
satyr-play could have been a resultant of the Attica and Peloponnesian kind of
satyrìkon.
The suggested chronology of the introduction of the satyric drama impairs the scientific
opinion dominant for longer than the half of the twentieth century that the satyr-play was the forth
element of the tetralogy ever since it appeared in the Athenian theatre. It seems that this genre was
introduced to dramatic Dionysian celebrations from
10
to
20
years after tragedy. It must have
gained a lot of popularity in order to receive the possibility of being included to the tragic agon as
its integral part which probably took place in
502—501
b. C
after the reorganization of the City
Dionysia.
Ancient sources give many explanations to the reasons for the appearance of the satyric
drama in the Theatre of Dionysus. According to Horace
(Ars
Poetica
220—224)
the satyr-play was
a kind a magnet that attracted the audience bessotted by wine. Paraphrasing Horace's quotation
Diomedes (I
491, 4-12 Keil)
and Marius Victorinus (VI
81, 37-82, 9 Keil)
noticed the need of an
intellectual relaxation in the audience after an absorbing seriousness presented in tragedy.
Demetrios
called the satyric drama a "tragedy at play"
(De elocutìone
169).
The definition
certainly represents the opinion on the character of the satyr-play and its specific humour. Basing
on Plutarch's testimonies (Quaest. Conv. I,
1, 5),
Zenobius' and Liber
Suda
we may come to the
conclusion that the satyr drama was introduced to the Athenian theatre on the demanding of the
audience since tragedy lost its Dionysian element i.e. funny character and content. We may
presume that the initiation of a new kind of spectacle had a social-political character as a result of
the strategy of the sons of Peisistratus in order to gain support for their authorities among the
people of Attica as well as it was a political gesture towards the
Péloponnèse
where Pratinas came
from.
Analysis of the extant fragments of the satyric drama, especially those of Aeschylus,
Sophocles and Euripides enable us to distinguish characteristic features of the genre. Scientists
classify these elements of the satyr-play in reference to the criterion of content for they regard
thematic schematism as an important distinguishing mark. It is worth to supplement the thematic
classification proposed by W.
Steffen,
R.
Seaford,
L. Paganelli
and P. Voelke with other issues:
(1)
Travesty of known mythical plots as a source of humour.
(2)
Simplicity of tnythos.
(3)
An
impulsive tone and very often with indecent elements.
(4)
Allusions to actual events, social-moral
occurrences with a satirical character as well.
(5)
Presence of didactic-moralistic elements which
appear for example in a gnomic form.
(6)
Location of action; in many perfonnances the plot
277
develops far away from urbanized places such as in the mountains, at the seaside, areas hard to
reach, the borders of fields, far away from people and in other words such locations usually
associated with satyrs.
(7)
Short form of the play.
(8)
Peculiarity of metre and language; the same
metres were used as in tragedy although modified with greater ease according to special generic
requirements; the language is distinguished with simplicity, a richness of common phrases and
colloquialisms especially in parts of the satyrs and Silenus. On the other hand a highly tragic tone
remains with relatively serious characters.
(9)
Specificity of performing a satyric drama with
reference to the characters' costumes (the actors of a satyr-play were dressed in costumes similar
to those of tragic actors as for the choristers were nearly naked as all they wore were characteristic
fur shorts
-
peridzoma, equipped in erected phalluses and short horse-tails; on their faces they
wore masks with horse-ears, flat noses and bushy beards) and stage action with its noticeable and
typical satyric dance called sikinnis (very impulsive, dynamic, full of sudden gestures of hands and
legs, leaps, knee bending and stamping).
In chapter II a detailed study is lead on Sophocles' Searchers. The content of this drama is
based on the myth known from the fourth Homeric Hymn to Hermes. Even today scientists haven't
yet found one good answer to the question whether Sophocles patterned after the Homeric version
or not. Therefore the main purpose of our research is to support the hypothesis that the Hymn to
Hermes could have been an inspiration for the Athenian tragedian as well as to prove that this
satyr-play was not only an indispensable modification of the Homeric plot but an intended artistic
imitation.
In both works the development of the plot of the same mythical episode
-
the then of
Apollo's cattle committed by the young Hermes
—
differs quite a lot. Analogies resolve themselves
into such features:
(1)
A humorous treating of the tale although literary testimonies argue the myth
about the theft of cows not to be funny at all in early tradition [when Antoninus
Liberalis
mentions
literary sources of the myth he also quotes Hesiod's Catalogue of women which content could not
be funny. However
Pausanias
(VII,
20, 4)
mentions Alcaeus' song (fr.
308
b Loebel-Page)
which
extant fragment refers to a sublime tone].
(2)
The connection of two mythical themes into one
whole: the theft of Apollo's cows and the inventing of the lyre (the theme of constructing the lyre
is a typical etiological tale while the theft of the god's cattle and the decisive trick employed on the
searchers bear traits of folk tales); it is uncertain exactly when did this contamination take place
but basing on later transmissions on mythology those of
Philostratus
(Eikones
I.
26),
Antoninus
Liberális
(23)
and Appolodorus (Bibl. Ill
12)
it is clear that these two themes needn't be
thoroughly connected.
(3)
Subtle lexical allusions and humorous reminiscences to the language of
the Homeric hymns. This last analogy leads to the conclusion that the tragedian who created the
form of linguistic comicality had to bear in mind the fact that the Athenian audience knew very
well the imitated work and was able to understand the allusions to which referred to the originals.
Analysis of the content of the Searchers
'
is carried on two levels: the pragmatics of staging
and the semantics of implication. Reconstructing the staging of drama we must first of all consider
its decorations. Naturally, the stage conventions of the classical theatre excluded an abundance of
scenography. Nevertheless certain elements must have been present especially if they had an
insignificant part in the plot. In the Searchers' a very important
scénographie
element was
pagos
~ a hill (on which the chorus of satyrs climb) as well as the entrance to the cave where the nymph
comes from. According to the content of the play it appears that when the satyrs try to entice the
nymph from the cave, they act very boisterously jumping and stamping around. However, as
J· Harrison assumes, this doesn't mean that the cave had to be underground for it seems that the
entrance to the cave was imitated by a central door skene and the hill was brought up by a platform
with stairs. The chorus would have to begin their search of the stolen cattle on the orchestra, then
So up the steps on the platform where the satyrs jump and stamp and provoke the nymph to come
°M; she appears in the central door of the skene and rebukes the satyrs. The description of
278
particular scenes of the play is the main theme of our studies on the staging practice of Sophocles'
dramas. Our suggestions of explaining certain
controvertible
questions deserve an emphasis.
1.
The damaged beginning of the drama has caused a pointless hypothesis about a lost
prologue and that the play introduces the audience in
medias
res. If Apollo's rhesis was given
from the roof of the skene
-
theologeion
the audience knew the actor was playing god. Requisites
being characteristic attributes of the god completed the information. We may presume that Apollo
was dressed fancy and equipped in a bow and wreath on his head so the audience could have easily
identified the character even before the actor spoke.
2.
The god's loud voice provokes Silenus' arrival. It is difficult to define the exact moment
when he appears. Undoubtedly Silenus heard Apollo's rhesis for he uses the same expressions as
the god and he needn't have had to be present on the stage area during the god's monologue.
However in order to sustain the illusion of reality he should be present at the moment when Apollo
shows the reward in front of him.
3.
The matter of freedom which Apollo promises the Silenus in reward for finding his cattle
evoked a major discussion among scientists. The interpretation of the text allows us to accept the
fact that as Sophocles introduces the motif of freedom in his play he also refers to a certain
thematic convention of the satyric drama. It is possible as well that in Apollo's pompous
declaration of giving the Silenus freedom lies a funny allusion to the indurated in human mentality
desire for a careless existence in wealth which enables living a good life. The presented
conclusions lead to the recognition of the absence of the slavery motif in the plot of the Searchers.
4.
The chorus' awareness of the agreement between Apollo and the Silenus, after the god
leaves the stage and the satyrs appear has excited the scientists' doubts. The answer to this
problem lies in the convention of the play. The audience knows in detail the agreement between
Apollo and Silenus and assumes that the chorus must be aware of this fact as well. Therefore it is
also possible that in the imagination of the spectators the chorus may be situated nearby the place
of action though it isn't physically present on the orchestra. The spectator accustomed to theatrical
fiction has no need at visualizing certain obvious facts.
5.
After Silenus prays to the goddess Tyche and to the guide daimon (v.
79-82)
it isn't
obvious to whom he refers his invocation (v.
83-85).
One of the possible addresses are the satyrs
for only they are present on the orchestra. As for Silenus himself awaits an answer to his
invocation (v.
91)
which was expressed in the same manner as Apollo's proclamation with one
only difference that his call for help sounds pompously whereas the promised gratification is
incommensurable to the reward offered by the god. In result Silenus who tries to look as a more
excellent personality in the eyes of his sons becomes grotesquely amusing and ridiculous.
6.
There is no doubt in the division of the chorus (v.
100-220)
in the great scene of hunting
however scientists do not agree on the number of the half-choruses. The answer is given in v.
105
in which we may find an explanation to the situation: two groups of satyrs find cattle tracks and
because they are not sure what to do they ask a third group which is situated nearby perhaps a bit
behind. The number of half-choruses, from a visual point, had secondary meaning to the spectator
although the stage organization required precise choreographic an-angements. The final result of
spontaneous animation was important. The satyrs who were probably scattered around the whole
orchestra looked for the animal tracks shouting and screaming at each other what must have given
the impression of total chaos.
7.
The noun rhoibdos (murmur) which may be found on the margin of the text of the play
written on a papyrus between the lines
113
and
114
is verisimilarly no staging indicator, just like it
was suggested by K. Robert and A. C. Pearson. However it is hard to say what meaning it had
according to the copyist's intention.
8.
The ambiguity of the semantics of the noun hrchnos which appears in the Silenus' speech
(v.
132-135)
effect of diversity of interpretation of this fragment of the scene. The root korchn-
279
means in general something rough and hoarse. E.
Siegmann
gave the noun kerchnos the meaning
"knaggy stick". We must agree that such a requisite as a stick in an old man's hand who the
Silenus tried to imitate during his discussion with Apollo (v.
47-49)
and during his rhesis (v.
154-
155)
is not only possible but even highly required. Furthermore the image of an old man who leans
on a stick and dashes in hope to gain the valuable reward could be of additional comic value.
Nevertheless the scene in which an old father reproves his adult sons and eagerly waves with his
knaggy stick would be very effective. Another argument for Siegmann's suggestion could be the
author's inclination to lexical experiments in constructing verbal comicality which may be
manifested in the fonnulation of neologisms or in substituting proper names of notions or objects
with others which, in this case makes the visualization of a stylistic procedure much more readable
for the audience.
The considerations exposed further on in this chapter tend to emphasize values of Sophocles'
play hidden under a narrative level and to interpret the implications and overtones.
1.
Allusions to the events
ofthat
time appear in Apollo's rhesis which stands a compilation of
an official proclamation and a personal announcement. We may also find a possible connotation
with the practice of giving golden wreaths to citizens as a reward as well as a reference to
a colonizing expedition.
2.
Moralistic elements are mainly manifested in the manner of creating the characters
although the Silenus' satyric characteristics do not differ much from the popular imagination.
Apollo's appearance may be regarded as a projection of an anti-ethical model.
3.
We may notice a contamination of the tragic manner with colloquial speech in the
linguistic sphere. Silenus and the satyrs speak usually the colloquial language unless they are in
a situation in which they have to strive from the ordinary manner of expression and in their speech
we may find tragic and epic elements. The literary language, characteristic for Apollo and Cyllene
is not free of colloquial elements and neologisms which seem to
confimi
the thesis on a parody of
the tragic manner. A linguistic stylization serves the constructing of verbal comicality. We also
notice an element characteristic for the satyrical genre which is the presence of professional
terminology considering the construction of instruments and in reference to cattle breeding as well
as
írom
other fields of profession.
A thorough and multifarious analysis of Euripides' Cyclops is contained in chapter III. The
tragedian found basic material in Odysseus' story from chapter IX of the Odyssey (v.
105-242).
Euripides modified the Homeric model because of three essential reasons: the requirements of the
satyric genre; staging conditions; the intellectual, social and political meaning of the play. It is
fascinating how Euripides magnificently combines elements of adaptation which depend on
dramatic and theatrical conventions with modifications inspired by a propagandist concept. It is
worth to lay emphasis on certain differences between the epic and the dramatic version.
1.
The change of place of action in reference to Homer's version in which the Cyclopes lived
in a fairy tale land which geographical connotations are lost within the myth. Euripides places the
Cyclopes' in Sicily. This island is not a typical epic localization however it is not a result of the
author's fantasy. We may consider here an intentional reference to a parallel variant of the myth.
2.
The Silenus' as well as the chorus of satyrs' presence who are provided with typical
features which manifest in their behaviour and attitudes has a crucial significance for the plot and
causes deviation from the Homeric version. The Silenus and the satyrs are Polyphemus' servants
-
a fact which situates the Cyclopes on a higher sociological position. At the same time this
primitive individual is in possession of cattle (in addition to the Homeric version which mentions
only herds of sheep and goat).
3.
The Homeric Odysseus becomes aware of Polyphemus' cannibal inclinations post factum
whereas in Euripides' play this information is given by the Silenus. Immediate retreat is
impossible for Odysseus is in need of water and food and the payment is to be wine which is the
280
Silenus'
and the satyrs' favourite drink. In the Euripidean version they haven't had wine for a very
long time because the instant maturation of grapevine has been intentionally omitted by the author.
In result wine was unknown in the land of the Cyclopes. The funny scene in which the relished on
wine Silenus who "incites to purchase samples" (v.
150)
gives an image of a typical satyr: a bawdy
drunkard who would do anything for a bottle of wine.
4.
There is a scene in the Cyclops, which is quite rare in extant Greek classical drama where
four
personae agentes
participate actively at the same time: the Cyclops, Odysseus, the Silenus
and the chorus of satyrs (perhaps represented by a corypheus, v.
253-276).
5.
The events described in the epos take place within three days and two nights whereas in the
drama the action must be condensed. It seems useless to search for a logical arrangement of time
in Euripides' play; the chronological commotion that is evident in v.
213-214
(the satyrs look at
the stars as the Cyclops demands his breakfast) allows us to notice a comic aprosdoketon. The
time of day is not important for the action is placed in a temporal vacuum which can be freely
modelled and preformed.
6.
In the Odyssey the Cyclops' cave is closed with a large stone and the events take place in
the dark whereas in the drama the action is placed on an open area. In the play Euripides opened
the Cyclop's cave and joined it with the area. There is no stone baring the exit and according to the
directory note at v.
487
Polyphemus' loud drunken singing is heard from the inside of the cave. As
Odysseus can leave the cave whenever he wants the blinding of Polyphemus is not necessary as to
save his life. Instead it becomes an act of revenge for impiety. The seeming irrational idea to leave
Odysseus' friends in the cave of the Cyclops has a very serious explanation; the Greeks must stay
in order to help Odysseus take revenge on the Cyclops. This allows us emphasize a typical for the
genre picture of the satyrs: as coward and incapable of any creative action in face of danger.
Since the text of the Cyclops has survived in whole it is clearly justified to accept another
method of analyzing the theatrical realization of this drama than in the Searchers. It is useless to
discuss precisely certain scenes for the content of the play is very readable for modern readers.
Nevertheless we find certain problematic pieces in this drama which have evoked a scientific
discussion on the subject of its practical realization. The whole plot of the drama takes place in
front of Polyphemus' cave at the feet of Mount Etna in Sicily. The central door of the skene
imitates the entrance to the cave where on both sides the view of mountains must have been
painted. The scenography in the Cyclops is supplemented by stage accessories: buckets or through
(v.
29
and v.
46-47)
and cauldron. As we may presume Polyphemus points at this last requisite as
he mocks at Odysseus (v.
342-344).
It is worth paying noticing another object which Euripides
uses to build a subtle joke: the rakes with which the Silenus appears in the prologue as he
complains that he has to clean the Cyclops' house with them.
The parodos of the chorus is a typical pastoral song which adjusts perfectly to the rural
character of the satyric drama. Within three parts: strophe, ephymnion and
antistrophe
the chorus
speaks to a sheep running away, a ram jumping aside the herd and another one standing aside the
rest of the animals in the theatre. The problem considers the physical presence of animals in the
theatre. It seems that those in favour of staging experiments that were manifested by presenting
live animals in the theatre of Dionysus must have forgotten about the stage illusion of this kind of
theatre and they look for realism in those places where it is technically impossible. It is hard to
imagine sheep playing their roles in accordance to the indications of the director of the play; if we
were to accept the fact that live animals were present then we would have to accept as well that
they behaved according to the words of the song of the chorus: one sheep was climbing on rocks
(v.
43)
a ram was setting off on a "slope wetted by dew" (v.
49-50)
and the rest of the herd was
moving towards the door of the skene. It is much easier to agree with the idea of people dressed up
as animals. But also here doubts arise: if there was a group of performers for animal roles then
there should have been a staff of prospoloi too. This way a group of performers in the Cyclops
would have been expanded.
281
The problem of live animals in the theatre appears again in the scene in which the Silenus
who is dying of thirst for wine is ready to sell Polyphemus' ownership and carries out of the cave
shackled lambs and cheese (v.
188-190).
An experienced Athenian spectator accustomed to stage
fiction inscribed in the convention of this theatre who perfectly knew the epic model parodied by
Euripides had no need of the presence of visual tricks that appeared in order to activate the
spectator's imagination and to convince him to the illusive presence of animals and servants.
Especially when both had no influence on the structure of the plot the pastoral song seems to
emphasize the bucolic atmosphere in the drama whereas the reference to servants stresses
Polyphemus' material status. These functions are realized perfectly in the words of the Silenus and
the satyrs and don't need any procedures what would be hard to present. However it is worth
noticing that many requisites have been used in the staging of the play: through for animals,
a copper cauldron, the Silenus' rakes, baskets with cheese, the dummies of lambs and a goblet
brought by Odysseus (v.
145
and
151).
In the first song of the
epodos
the satyrs spread before the spectators a picture of
a bacchio
komos and they contrast this happy event with their currently bad situation (v.
76-81).
The
goatskin chlajna which appears in the satyr's complaint becomes a symbol of their unhappy
position. Justifiable is the suspicion that the goatskin chlajnas could have been used in Euripides'
drama to emphasize the new role of the satyrs as shepherds which is a certain sign of metastasis
ponon (Searchers, v.
223).
It is an additional element to their traditional costume which usually
consisted on masks and characteristic peridzoma. The matter of the costumes of the chorus brings
us to a fascinating although impossible in an explicit solution the problem of Polyphemus' clothes
in Euripides' play. The actor performing this role wasn't a giant for sure but perhaps a big, stuffed
costume suggested the audience his tremendous physis. A mask with a very large opening for the
mouth and a deep throat may have assumed the appearance of a cannibal. However interesting is
the question which of the Cyclops' double nature was emphasized by the costume whether the
barbarian or the civilized.
From the analysis of Sophocles' Searchers results that dancing and in general dynamics of
movement and gestures is typical for satyrs whereas the Silenus' parts are relatively static: they are
limited to a hurried arrival on the orchestra and the same leaving in the end of the extant fragment
of the drama with a more or less lively gesticulation. In the Cyclops we may find infontiation
suggesting greater vigour of the old
Pappasylen: in
the scene when Odysseus gives him the desired
wine and the old satyr sings and dances joyfully (v.
156-157).
The opened entrance to the cave furthers frequent entering and leaving it by the actors. This
way stage movement is intensified and the plot gains dramatic effect. The Silenus goes in the cave
the first time (after v.
147)
in order to carry out cheese and bound lambs for the newcomers
(v.
188-190).
Then Odysseus' friends are pushed in by Polyphemus (after v.
346)
and a moment
later the famous hero himself enters the inhospitable household to witness the Cyclops' horrible
banquet. With him enters the Silenus as well who follows Odysseus after a goblet of wine (after v.
355).
With the last words of the song of the chorus (v.
356-374)
Odysseus leaves the cave to tell
about the events that occurred inside and to present to the chorus his plan what to do next. In the
scene of the Greek's escape once again the entrance to the cave becomes a place for creating a
comic effect. The pantomimic gestures of the Greeks running away under the Cyclops' nose as
well as the stichomythia carried on between Polyphemus and the chorus must have evoked an
expected reaction of the audience.
The analysis of the multifarious ideology in Euripides' drama and the abundance of
references to his times completed the last part of the chapter in which we discuss the Cyclops.
During the following considerations the god's continuous presence in the play is stressed. Its
mythical basis is connected with Dionysus. Euripides managed to return to traditional Dionysian
sources of the satyric performance and combine it with the mature form of the genre. The presence
of many elements which regard the
topos
of the drama is noticeable:
282
1.
The manner of describing the Silenus and the satyrs as unkind, malicious, lascivious and
cowardly.
2.
The theme of a slave and his cruel master.
3.
A fine kind of the proton heurema motif.
4.
The sphere of techne in professional terminology from such fields as gastronomy, sailing,
ship constructing and shepherding.
5.
Sexual accents.
6.
Gnomae and sententiae,
7.
Elements of common language.
8.
References to generally know literary works.
If we will add to these features vigorous stage movement which we may guess in many parts
of the plot then a model example of satyric drama is revealed which takes place in an area far away
from the civilization of the
polis.
The originality of Euripides' drama is evidenced by its deeper layer that is hidden under the
overcoat of slapstick and ridicule: an intensive ideological propaganda and a political message. In
Polyphemus' rhesis the tragedian represents in caricature the extreme tendencies of sophistry of
those days which has diminished knowledge to empty rhetoric and eristic proficiency. It has also
questioned the established cosmogonist order and has treated with contempt traditional religious
virtues. It has supplied the oligarchic propaganda with arguments on the law of the stronger and on
hedonistic materialism as well as it has popularized hesychia which was disastrous for democratic
institutions. It has also devalued the sense and meaning of
nomos
extolling physis to a higher rank.
Euripides who was an intellectual and whose opinions have undergone changes (what may be
observed in his extant works) could not tolerate the extreme of theory of the second sophistic
generation especially since it has become an instrument in the hands of demagogues in political
struggles.
In Cyclops Euripides speaks of matters of politics; the glorification of the Trojan War which
confronted the Greek world with the barbarian; war for the liberty of Hellas at the threat of the
invasion of the eastern empire. All these topics show the tragedian's concern connected with the
Persian expansionism.
There are many points related to the political reality of that time. We may find them in
Euripides' avoidance of the traditional attacks on Menelaos and Helen. The tragedian as a real
Athenian democrat noticed the danger which could have originated from the agreement between
Sparta and Persia. Suppressing polemic accents towards Sparta and showing the barbarians in
a worse light the poet declared for pan-Hellenic alliance against Persia. And finally what is the
most important political problem in his drama are the echoes of the Sicilian conflict. Subordinating
the Homeric myth to an
anti
Sicilian propaganda proves how important these events were to him.
The victory over Polyphemus who stands the caricature of the national features of the Sicilians
-
from Gorgian eloquence through sophisticated gastronomy to despotic politics of Syracuse
-
allows us to seek in Euripides' drama a message "towards hearts rising".
The final part of this dissertation describes the satyric dramas which have emerged after the
classical period. It is known that the satyric play was very popular in IV and III century b. C.
Epigraphic testimonies confirm that since
384
b. C
"old tragedy and old satyric drama"
(IG
II
2318)
were played in the Athenian theatre. From the inscriptions documenting the City Dionysia in
the years
341-339 (IG
II
2320)
results that after the reorganization of the theatrical spectacles
Athenians performed one satyric drama as an introduction to the competition.
The fact that the satyr-play overtook three tragedies written by other authors indicates the
laxity of connections between these genres. Simultaneously with the obtainment or recovery of
this autonomy the satyric drama takes over the form and jokes of Old Comedy: personal attacks,
ridicule of prominent representatives in politics, culture, philosophy as well as elements of the
283
parabasis. Without
penetrating the political, social and cultural conditions which have an
influence on the transformation of the genre we must stress that it converges in time with a gradual
passage of the civilization of the
polis
to the Hellenistic. Noticeable are the relations with new
genres such as: pastoral poetry, romance and short stories. However we must remember that the
contamination of literary genres distinguishes the literature of the Alexandrian period.
Nevertheless basing on Sositeos' works we may notice the return to classical forms of genre. In the
Hellenistic satyric drama two forms coexist: old and new, tradition and innovation, a certain kind
of mixture in which noticeable are sophisticated techniques and a programmatic aspiration for
originality.
A characteristic element of the satyric genre is the permanence of the chorus which modern
tragedy and comedy reduced to a lyrical-musical intermezzo between one and another epeisodion.
It is irrelative to the plot of the show and stands a regular stressed extant requisite. As we may
assume the chorus of satyrs still have a relative connection with the plot and appears in new roles
for example as Persian wizards in Python's
Agen.
However it is possible that innovations were
introduced to the chorus of satyrs as a result of the substitution of the mythical themes by political
and cultural.
The transformation of the satyric drama must have been also influenced by the manner of
presenting the characters. Classical authors cared for dignity of the positive hero which in contrast
to the satyrs' stupidity created a comic effect. Hellenistic satyrists as in Old Comedy mocked the
heroes who were at an equal level like the satyrs. A confirmation to this hypothesis which
defacto
is slightly shown in the preserved fragments could be the lines from
Ars
Poetica in
which Horace
advises not to humiliate a god and hero by mocking them as if they were on the level of insolent
satyrs (v.
225-229).
A selective survey of the extant fragments of such authors as (presented in chronological
order)
-
Astydamas Minor, Dionysus Major, Timocles, Python, Lycophron, Sositheus
-
pictures
the direction of the transformation of the satyric drama. Virtuosity and sophisticated composition
typical for Alexandrian poetry adduce one of the directions of the transformation of the satyric
drama. On one hand we may notice the tendency to connect its classical model with other genres
and its predilection for a kind of literary amusement (Astydamas' Heracles, Dionysius' Hunger,
Sositheus' Daphnis or Lityerses and the anonymous Atlas). On the other hand however we may
easily observe the pervasion of the works with current contents and themes taken from life
(Timocles' Ikarioi, Python's
Agen, Lycophron's
Menedemos)
which cause that drama oscillated
between the satyric genre and Old Comedy.
We cannot deny that the satyric drama though in a short time of period went through a long
way evolving from the hyporchema of Pratinas through Euripides' ideological propaganda in
content and classical in form version to the shape given by Hellenistic poets. The satyric drama
survived as long as the chorus of satyrs appeared in their characteristic peridzoma no matter
whether they played the role of Persian wizards, the pupils of the philosopher Menedem or the
servants of the cruel Lityerses. The satyrs have always excited the audience's laugh accomplishing
this way their essential function.
Spis
tresei
Przedmowa
. 7
Uwagi wstępne
. 9
Rozdział
1.
Dramat satyrowy
. 17
1.1.
Geneza
. 17
1.2.
Cel i funkcje dramatu satyrowego
. 37
1.3.
Dziedzictwo sztuki satyrowej
. 46
1.4.
Cechy dramatu satyrowego
. 81
Rozdział
2.
Tropiciele Sofoklesa
. 97
2.1.
Sofoklesowa wersja mitu o Hermesie w świetle innych źródeł literackich
. 97
2.2.
Obrazy sceniczne w Tropicielach
. 110
2.3.
Semantyka podtekstów w Tropicielach
. 145
Rozdział
3.
Cyklop Eurypidesa
. 177
3.1.
Udramatyzowana wersja epickiej baśni o Cyklopie
. 177
3.2.
Warstwa pragmatyczna inscenizacji Cyklopa
. 194
3.3.
Warstwa aluzyjna w Cyklopie Eurypidesa
. 207
Poklasyczne oblicze gatunku satyrowego
. 251
In the
rytm
oîsikinnis.
Study on allusions and overtones in Greek satyr-play (Summary)
. 275
Bibliografía
._ 285
Indeks autorów i tytułów dramatów satyrowych
. 293
Indeks autorów starożytnych
. 295
Indeks autorów współczesnych
. 299
Indeks rzeczowy
. 301
Wykaz ilustracji
. 303
Od Redakcji
. 305 |
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| author | Zalewska-Jura, Hanna 1962- |
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| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)749761954 (DE-599)BVBBV022250992 |
| edition | Wyd. 1. |
| format | Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Hochschulschrift |
| id | DE-604.BV022250992 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T16:39:35Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T20:53:22Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 8371719469 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015461784 |
| oclc_num | 749761954 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 302 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2006 |
| publishDateSearch | 2006 |
| publishDateSort | 2006 |
| publisher | Wydawn. Uniw. Łódzkiego |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Rozprawy Habilitacyjne Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego |
| spelling | Zalewska-Jura, Hanna 1962- Verfasser (DE-588)1277662088 aut W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym Hanna Zalewska-Jura Wyd. 1. Łódź Wydawn. Uniw. Łódzkiego 2006 302 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Rozprawy Habilitacyjne Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: In the rhytm of sikinnis Euripides <ca 485-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Sophocles <496-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Dramat grecki - historia i krytyka - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Satyrowie (mitologia grecka) - w literaturze - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Anspielung (DE-588)4133177-1 gnd rswk-swf Subtext (DE-588)7586248-7 gnd rswk-swf Satyrspiel (DE-588)4179175-7 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content Satyrspiel (DE-588)4179175-7 s Anspielung (DE-588)4133177-1 s DE-604 Subtext (DE-588)7586248-7 s Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015461784&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015461784&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Zalewska-Jura, Hanna 1962- W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym Euripides <ca 485-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Sophocles <496-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Dramat grecki - historia i krytyka - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Satyrowie (mitologia grecka) - w literaturze - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Anspielung (DE-588)4133177-1 gnd Subtext (DE-588)7586248-7 gnd Satyrspiel (DE-588)4179175-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4133177-1 (DE-588)7586248-7 (DE-588)4179175-7 (DE-588)4113937-9 |
| title | W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym |
| title_auth | W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym |
| title_exact_search | W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym |
| title_exact_search_txtP | W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym |
| title_full | W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym Hanna Zalewska-Jura |
| title_fullStr | W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym Hanna Zalewska-Jura |
| title_full_unstemmed | W rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym Hanna Zalewska-Jura |
| title_short | W rytmie sikinnis |
| title_sort | w rytmie sikinnis studium nad warstwa aluzji i podtekstow w greckim dramacie satyrowym |
| title_sub | studium nad warstwą aluzji i podtekstów w greckim dramacie satyrowym |
| topic | Euripides <ca 485-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Sophocles <496-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Dramat grecki - historia i krytyka - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Satyrowie (mitologia grecka) - w literaturze - rozprawy akademickie jhpk Anspielung (DE-588)4133177-1 gnd Subtext (DE-588)7586248-7 gnd Satyrspiel (DE-588)4179175-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Euripides <ca 485-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie Sophocles <496-406 a.C.> - krytyka i interpretacja - rozprawy akademickie Dramat grecki - historia i krytyka - rozprawy akademickie Satyrowie (mitologia grecka) - w literaturze - rozprawy akademickie Anspielung Subtext Satyrspiel Hochschulschrift |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015461784&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015461784&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT zalewskajurahanna wrytmiesikinnisstudiumnadwarstwaaluzjiipodtekstowwgreckimdramaciesatyrowym |