"Četverta svoboda": vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Ukrainian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Kyïv
Vyd. K.I.S.
2006
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., ukrain. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 83 S. |
| ISBN: | 9667048500 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804136240924065792 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Зміст
1.
2.
2.1.
2.2.
2.3.
3.
3.1.
десять років «дипломатичних реверансів»
3.1.1.
3.1.2.
3.2.
3.2.1.
3.2.2.
4.
виклики й відповіді
4.1.
4.2.
4.3.
4.3.1.
4.3.2.
4.3.3.
та транскордонною злочинністю
4.3.4.
4.4.
4.4.1.
4.4.2.
4.4.3.
5.
6.
6.
On
bour of the enlarged
Slovakia and Hungary joined the Union. This created new challenges
-
EUresponded to these challenges with the European Neighbourhood
Policy (ENP), which is concerned primarily with the internal secu¬
rity of the
countering and containment of soft threats emanating from
the European neighbourhood ; and (b) diminishment of these threats
by bridging the economic, political and cultural gap between the pros¬
perous and democratic
and authoritarian neighbours . While the
first strategy, the neighbouring countries are obviously more inter¬
ested in the second. The discrepancy is settled or at least cushioned
by negotiations over the action plans, the main instruments of the
ENP, prepared by the
Ukraine, however, has more reason to be dissatisfied with the ENP.
From the Ukrainian point of view, rather than facilitating inclusion,
the ENP excludes Ukraine from Europe proper. This stands in con¬
tradiction not only to Ukraine s stated strategic goal of full
bership, but also poses a challenge to Ukraine s identity that has
historicallyevolved under permanent threat of
the nation s alleged Europeanness a sort of a life belt or means to
legitimize and secure its cultural andpolitical emancipation. The Eu¬
ropeans, who tend to ignore this sensitive issue, do not
understand its symbolic importance for Ukraine. For many Ukraini¬
ans, the denial ofUkraine s European prospects is to deny, or under¬
mine, their identity, an implicit attempt to throw them back into the
82
Russian Eurasian bag and, worse, to cynically settle relationswith
Russia at Ukraine s expense.
The new Ukrainian government, which replaced a highly corrupt
and uncooperative regime in early
much-needed reforms and expects broad assistance from the
within the framework of the eventual Association Agreement, simi¬
lar to those envisaged for the Western Balkans. So far, however, the
EU
Herzegovina, and still insists on cooperation with Ukraine within the
ENP. The Ukrainian government, after some wavering, took a prag¬
matic stance on the issue. While still firmly rejecting the ENP as
politically incompatible with Ukraine s
the Action Plan with
sions with Brussels and to make a pragmatic use of the (primarily
economic) opportunities envisaged in the document.
The three-year Action Plan seems to be a good instrument for
preparing Ukraine to fulfil the criteria for
same time, it can be a good test for the new Ukrainian government,
of its capability, competence, and commitment to the declared
values and policies. The Action Plan, however, pays little attention to
the facilitation of movement of persons through the new EU-Ukraine
border. The issue is of paramount importance for both sides, and
should be tackled regardless of Ukraine s eventual accession to the
EU.
problems.
First, the
metrical, steps to facilitate their visa policies towards one another.
While Ukraine can lift
for
in the middle to long term, after Ukraine fulfils some clearly defined
conditions. In the short term, the
ans access to visas by (a) increasing the number of consulates and
improving their work; (b) granting more long-term multientry visas
to all applicants with positive records of previous trips to the
( American model); (c) granting Ukrainians free visas ( Polish
model); and (d) granting visas to second-time visitors at ports of
entry after the computerized
fully in place.
Résumé
Second,
fighting
so on. Ukraine should pay special attention to its borders with
Moldova, Belarus, and especially Russia, which are virtually unpro¬
tected. The
address daunting security issues by (a) providing Ukraine with mod¬
ern equipment for border surveillance and control of documents; (b)
training personnel; (c) sharing databases with law enforcement agen¬
cies; (d) assisting government bodies and-
refugeesfrom third countries; and (e) strongly supporting Ukraine s
negotiations with third countries on
Third, the
vide Ukrainians with limited access to the
limited labour migration to the
legal steps should be undertaken by both sides; (b) real needs and
capacities of both the donor and recipient countries should be esti¬
mated and carefullymonitored; and (c) the respective governments
and
pel unsubstantiated fears of a mass influx of Ukrainian immigrants
to the West and promote a rational and informed approach to the
sensitive issue.
And fourth, the
Sovietophile anti-Western biases in Ukraine and Moscow-centric anti-
Ukrainian biases in the West. All these stereotypes have been deeply
embedded in respective societies throughout history and may seri¬
ously complicate EU-Ukraine cooperation and rapprochement.
The full English text is available in:
299/FaciIitatingJhe_Free_Movement_of_PeopIe_within_the_Framework_
of_EU_8211_Ukraine.pdf.
|
| adam_txt |
Зміст
1.
2.
2.1.
2.2.
2.3.
3.
3.1.
десять років «дипломатичних реверансів»
3.1.1.
3.1.2.
3.2.
3.2.1.
3.2.2.
4.
виклики й відповіді
4.1.
4.2.
4.3.
4.3.1.
4.3.2.
4.3.3.
та транскордонною злочинністю
4.3.4.
4.4.
4.4.1.
4.4.2.
4.4.3.
5.
6.
6.
On
bour of the enlarged
Slovakia and Hungary joined the Union. This created new challenges
-
EUresponded to these challenges with the European Neighbourhood
Policy (ENP), which is concerned primarily with the internal secu¬
rity of the
countering and containment of 'soft threats' emanating from
the'European neighbourhood'; and (b) diminishment of these threats
by bridging the economic, political and cultural gap between the pros¬
perous and democratic
and authoritarian 'neighbours'. While the
first strategy, the neighbouring countries are obviously more inter¬
ested in the second. The discrepancy is settled or at least cushioned
by negotiations over the action plans, the main instruments of the
ENP, prepared by the
Ukraine, however, has more reason to be dissatisfied with the ENP.
From the Ukrainian point of view, rather than facilitating inclusion,
the ENP excludes Ukraine from Europe proper. This stands in con¬
tradiction not only to Ukraine's stated strategic goal of full
bership, but also poses a challenge to Ukraine's identity that has
historicallyevolved under permanent threat of
the nation's alleged'Europeanness' a sort of a life belt or means to
legitimize and secure its cultural andpolitical emancipation. The Eu¬
ropeans, who tend to ignore this sensitive issue, do not
understand its symbolic importance for Ukraine. For many Ukraini¬
ans, the denial ofUkraine's European prospects is to deny, or under¬
mine, their identity, an implicit attempt to throw them back into the
82
Russian 'Eurasian' bag and, worse, to cynically settle relationswith
Russia at Ukraine's expense.
The new Ukrainian government, which replaced a highly corrupt
and uncooperative regime in early
much-needed reforms and expects broad assistance from the
within the framework of the eventual Association Agreement, simi¬
lar to those envisaged for the Western Balkans. So far, however, the
EU
Herzegovina, and still insists on cooperation with Ukraine within the
ENP. The Ukrainian government, after some wavering, took a prag¬
matic stance on the issue. While still firmly rejecting the ENP as
politically incompatible with Ukraine's
the Action Plan with
sions with Brussels and to make a pragmatic use of the (primarily
economic) opportunities envisaged in the document.
The three-year Action Plan seems to be a good instrument for
preparing Ukraine to fulfil the criteria for
same time, it can be a good test for the new Ukrainian government,
of its capability, competence, and commitment to the declared
values and policies. The Action Plan, however, pays little attention to
the facilitation of movement of persons through the new EU-Ukraine
border. The issue is of paramount importance for both sides, and
should be tackled regardless of Ukraine's eventual accession to the
EU.
problems.
First, the
metrical, steps to facilitate their visa policies towards one another.
While Ukraine can lift
for
in the middle to long term, after Ukraine fulfils some clearly defined
conditions. In the short term, the
ans' access to visas by (a) increasing the number of consulates and
improving their work; (b) granting more long-term multientry visas
to all applicants with positive records of previous trips to the
('American' model); (c) granting Ukrainians free visas ('Polish'
model); and (d) granting visas to second-time visitors at ports of
entry after the computerized
fully in place.
Résumé
Second,
fighting
so on. Ukraine should pay special attention to its borders with
Moldova, Belarus, and especially Russia, which are virtually unpro¬
tected. The
address daunting security issues by (a) providing Ukraine with mod¬
ern equipment for border surveillance and control of documents; (b)
training personnel; (c) sharing databases with law enforcement agen¬
cies; (d) assisting government bodies and-
refugeesfrom third countries; and (e) strongly supporting Ukraine's
negotiations with third countries on
Third, the
vide Ukrainians with limited access to the
limited labour migration to the
legal steps should be undertaken by both sides; (b) real needs and
capacities of both the donor and recipient countries should be esti¬
mated and carefullymonitored; and (c) the respective governments
and
pel unsubstantiated fears of a mass influx of Ukrainian immigrants
to the West and promote a rational and informed approach to the
sensitive issue.
And fourth, the
Sovietophile anti-Western biases in Ukraine and Moscow-centric anti-
Ukrainian biases in the West. All these stereotypes have been deeply
embedded in respective societies throughout history and may seri¬
ously complicate EU-Ukraine cooperation and rapprochement.
The full English text is available in:
299/FaciIitatingJhe_Free_Movement_of_PeopIe_within_the_Framework_
of_EU_8211_Ukraine.pdf. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
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| spelling | Rjabčuk, Mykola Jurijovyč 1953- Verfasser (DE-588)129739871 aut The European neighbourhood policy and beyond "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy Mykola Rjabčuk Kyïv Vyd. K.I.S. 2006 83 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., ukrain. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd rswk-swf Freizügigkeit (DE-588)4128501-3 gnd rswk-swf Ukraine (DE-588)4061496-7 gnd rswk-swf Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 b Freizügigkeit (DE-588)4128501-3 s Ukraine (DE-588)4061496-7 g DE-604 Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015457519&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015457519&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Rjabčuk, Mykola Jurijovyč 1953- "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd Freizügigkeit (DE-588)4128501-3 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)5098525-5 (DE-588)4128501-3 (DE-588)4061496-7 |
| title | "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy |
| title_alt | The European neighbourhood policy and beyond |
| title_auth | "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy |
| title_exact_search | "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy |
| title_exact_search_txtP | "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy |
| title_full | "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy Mykola Rjabčuk |
| title_fullStr | "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy Mykola Rjabčuk |
| title_full_unstemmed | "Četverta svoboda" vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy Mykola Rjabčuk |
| title_short | "Četverta svoboda" |
| title_sort | cetverta svoboda vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miz ukrainoju ta jevropejsʹkym sojuzom problemy i perspektyvy |
| title_sub | vilʹnyj ruch ljudej miž Ukraïnoju ta Jevropejsʹkym Sojuzom - problemy i perspektyvy |
| topic | Europäische Union (DE-588)5098525-5 gnd Freizügigkeit (DE-588)4128501-3 gnd |
| topic_facet | Europäische Union Freizügigkeit Ukraine |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015457519&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015457519&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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