Zgodbe in pričevanja: Slovenci na Švedskem
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Slovenian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Ljubljana
Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU
2001
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache. - Literaturverz. S. 365 - 369 |
| Beschreibung: | 369 S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9616358286 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | VSEBINA
SEZNAM
STOCKHOLM
ZGODBA ARHIVSKEGA
V STOCKHOLMU
GÖTEBORG...........................................................................................................87
ZGODBA ARHIVSKEGA
V GOTEBORGU
LANDSKRONA
ZGODBA ARHIVSKEGA
VLANDSKRONI
Slovenski kulturni klub Triglav................................................................
Kulturno društvo Slovenija
Slovensko kulturno društvo Lipa
NAZAJ
ZGODBA
ORGANIZIRANA DEJAVNOST
Ustanavljanje slovenskih kulturnih
Koordinacijski odbor slovenskih kulturnih društev na
in
Slovenski kulturni festivali oziroma Slovenska kulturna srečanja
Dopolnilna šola slovenskega jezika
Naš glas
Slovenske radijske
Slovenska katoliška misija na
VSAKDANJE ŽIVLJENJE POSAMEZNIKA
Resocializacija
odnosu do etničnega porekla
DODATEK
MASS EMIGRATION FROM THE SLOVENE ETHNIC AREA
WITH EMPHASIS ON THE SITUATION OF SLOVENES IN SWEDEN
Emigration from the Slovene ethnic area
Migration conditions in Western Europe after the Second World War
Slovenes in Sweden
ONE-DIMENSIONAL CONCEPTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY VERSUS
HETEROGENEITY OF ETHNIC IDENTITY AMONG EMIGRANTS
LITERATURA
SEZNAM
ALJA
AJDIGOLČMAN
RADAPIŠLER
BORIS ŠAVS
VIKTOR ŠKRINJAR
ZVONE PODVINSKI
MARIJAPEROVIČ
MARIJA DRAKSLER
IVANKA MELIHEN
ERIKA
MILOJKA GORJUP
SLÁVKO GVARDJANČIČ
JANEZ SLABANJA
OTONTURNŠEK
ŠTEFKABERGH
AVGUŠTINABUDJA
OLGABUDJA
GABRIJELA KARLIN
LEOPOLD KARLIN
SIMON KARLIN
VIOLETA
ZDRAVKO MURŠAK
RENATA ŠTEFANIČ
ROMAN VERTOVEC
MASS EMIGRATION FROM THE SLOVENE
ETHNIC AREA WITH EMPHASIS ON THE
SITUATION OF SLOVENES IN SWEDEN214
EMIGRATION FROM THE SLOVENE ETHNIC AREA
Movements and processes within the Slovene ethnic area have throughout history
been connected to and conditioned by events in the wider European area. The
people who emigrated from the Slovene ethnic area were to a greater or lesser
extent caught up in broader European migration processes; they were also affec¬
ted by colonial conquest and the accompanying genocide and ethnocide perpe¬
trated against non-European peoples. Thus the great wave of emigration from the
Slovene ethnic area at the turn of the century was part of the European wave, or
more precisely the Slavic and Mediterranean wave, which began growing in the
1890s.
Even before the start of mass emigration from the Slovene ethnic area people
were setting off to seek work in the Austrian provinces of Austro-Hungary, Croa¬
tia,
are records of women departing for Egypt where they sought work as wet nurses or
maids. There was also a mass departure of miners to Westphalia and the Rhine-
land.
In the second half of the
seas. In South America they settled mainly in Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela and
Mexico. Most people in this period, however, emigrated to the countries of North
America, i.e. Canada and the USA, which from the 1890s until the FirstWorld War
was seen by Slovenes as a kind of land of plenty .
The First World War put a stop to mass emigration to the USA. US immigra¬
tion policy was already extremely restrictive, right up until
tion of the quota system which almost brought mass immigration to a complete
halt.210 After America had closed its doors, Slovene emigrants turned to Canada
and the countries of South America.
214
No
215In
living in the USA. Three years later this was followed by the Johnson-Reed Act
which was even more restrictive, setting a quota of
nality as shown by the population census of
325
Mass Emigration from the Slovene Ethnic Area with Emphasis on the Situation of Slovenes in Sweden
In the years before the economic crisis the currents of Slovene emigration
gradually turned towards Europe, particularly France, Belgium and Holland. Slo¬
vene miners from the Rhine-Westphalia region also moved to these countries,
since Germany was seriously weakened economically after the War.
The world economic crisis and
World War, had a powerful influence on European migrations. The war raging
across the whole of Europe, the camps, the exodus towards the countries of We¬
stern Europe and then on across the ocean, caused a considerable mixing of peo¬
ple within the European area. Then, at the end of the war and the division into
blocs, this exodus was joined by migrations resulting from the powerful psychosis of
fear of the new political authorities. The prevailing estimate is that during this pe¬
riod around
na and in the USA, Canada, Australia and the countries of Western Europe.
In the
ders (before this illegal crossings of the border had taken place), the main body
switched to the countries of Western Europe.217 This is the period of organized
emigration
of conventions agreed with certain countries the provision of workers was taken
over by the Institutes of Employment. By
to be found necessary to limit the emigration of educated and qualified workers,
for whom the demand was greatest. The employment service therefore changed
its policy in the direction of a conscious reduction of the emigration of this group.
As part of this policy the Institutes decided only to accept applications from em¬
ployers which related to unskilled workers, and applications for workers of other
levels of qualification only when they related to professions where there was a
surplus (Stare
2IliData on the number of people to leave Slovenia after the Second World War is held in:
Arhiv
217
increasingly towards the countries of Western Europe
Switzerland, Italy
of our people (Stare
approximately
was
were
and several thousand in other countries)
te since in some cases whole families lived abroad while the census material only traced
people who were actively employed. Non-active family members (children, housewives,
dependants) were not included (Stare
census of the Slovene population counted
i.e. in the countries of Western Europe: Holland,
land,
pointed out that at least in Sweden, where this was permitted, a large number of Slove¬
nes had already taken Swedish citizenship and were not included in the census.
326
,
for those profiles of which there was a domestic shortage. Soon they began sen¬
ding abroad mainly unemployed unqualified workers and genuinely surplus pro¬
files
People who emigrated during this period were treated as economic migrants
and for them the special (political) term
ced. This designation was the result of efforts to make it appear that people were
only going abroad for work on a temporary basis, and that they would return after
a short period. Simultaneously, the term fitted in perfectly with the immigration
policies of European countries at the time: Germany, for example, where they
were referred to as guest workers
as foreign workers
drare)
cal fancy of the governing structure at home, but also a (potential) practical inte¬
rest
surplus earnings in domestic progress. At the same time official policy coincided
with the wishes of emigrating individuals who believed that they were only leaving
their homes for a few years and would soon be returning. They were only going
abroad to earn the money that would enable them to improve their standard of
living.
In the past the term used in Slovenia in relation to Slovenes in Sweden was migrant wor¬
kers or workers doing temporary work abroad. How would you comment on this?
We had to be given a name. They had to call us something. This was the name used by the
media, and
The Swedes immediately accepted us as immigrants and not as people working abroad tempo¬
rarily, although I think that a lot of people came here wanting to be temporary workers abroad.
This wish survived a long time, and while it lasted people did not integrate particularly well
into Swedish society.
Europe, in Slovenia and in Sweden, that the people who stayed here were immigrants. I think
that Slovenes, especially after fifteen years, began to feel that they were immigrants. You can
see this from the fact that they started taking Swedish citizenship. I don t believe that they
become Swedish citizens because of the conflicts starting in Yugoslavia but because they had
The difference in the way of describing the people who emigrated to different countries
of Western Europe points to the differences in attitudes towards them both in immigra¬
tion policy and in general life, This can also be seen in the principles of granting citi¬
zenship. Particularly in. the countries of Western Europe and countries colonized by
British or Americans there was a high level of intolerance and stigmatization of differen¬
ce. The stigmatization of immigrants in this societies or cultures was closely connected
the hierarchization of races or hierarchization within the white race while taking ac¬
count of religious and ethnic factors. Unlike these societies, certain countries were con¬
siderably more tolerant of difference, for example the countries of Latin America, and
Sweden, where multiculturalism was practiced.
327
Mass Emigralion from
begun to feel like immigrants and wanted to have a voice in elections so that they could
influence all areas of life in Sweden
By the middle of the
made that the expected temporary nature of the migration was changing into
permanent emigration. Later events and the results of certain research only serve
to confirm these objections.220
The situation of Slovenes differed according to the policy of the country to
which they had emigrated, and at the same time on international relations and on
specific bilateral agreements signed during this period by Yugoslavia.221 In the
Yugoslavia signed a Bilateral Agreement on Employment and a Convention on
Social Security with several countries. The first social security agreement was sig¬
ned with France in
ce between the wars (Svetek
ments with other countries,222 including Sweden. Before looking in more detail at
the settlement of Slovenes in Sweden let us take a look at migration conditions in
Western Europe.
21!)These two statements are part of an interview I conducted in Sweden in the autumn of
1995
skrona.
grants in Sweden. The work was essentially connected to the preparations for a doctoral
thesis entitled Multiculturality in Migration Situations.
220
ding and that it does not correspond to the planned policy. He warns that a considerab¬
le section of Slovene temporary emigrants could become permanent emigrants. He sta¬
tes that certain research results raise the question of whether it is right to use the expres¬
sion economic migrants working abroad temporarily . The percentage of returning
migrants is unsuitably low. With temporary migration (according to predicted figures)
in
number was only
cord with the planned policy (Klinar
221
this time were treated as Yugoslavs. As history has already shown us, even at this time
many countries did not take ethnicity into account in censuses. Instead they followed
the nation principle according to which citizenship was taken as the definition of natio¬
nality (ethnicity)
ber of Slovenes who emigrated at that time. An additional problem is the fact that we do
not have access to Yugoslav archives held in former Yugoslav embassies.
222By
Sweden, West Germany, Holland, Belgium, Luxembourg and Australia. Social security
conventions were also signed with all these countries (Stare
also signed a bilateral agreement on employment with New Zealand
and by
1977,108).
ment to the workers of the co-signatory to the agreement, free payment of contributions
from one country to the other, security for family members who remained at home, to
328
Mass Emigration from
MIGRATION CONDITIONS IN WESTERN EUROPE AFTER THE
SECOND WORLD WAR
The year
Europe, since this was the year of the formation of the EEC. The first steps were
made towards creating a common labor market, which culminated in an agree¬
ment at the end of the
of the six members of the Community had revived their economies; the exception
was Italy which was an immigrant country and not an emigrant country
1989,9-10).
more developed nations which meant, among other things, an open-door immi¬
gration policy (Klinar
tion which lasted until the
Treaty of Rome223 which increased discrimination between immigrants.224 At the
beginning of the
Western Europe, and certainly at least the same number of family members living
with them
migration, the oil crisis arrived, with deep economic consequences. In one sense
this could already be described as the start of the economic recession. In the new
conditions the
tual
turns and
tion immigrants. All further migration was conditioned by the requirements of
the immigrant countries. After
a result of families reuniting, natural accretion and illegal immigration.
In
grant countries and the further influx of foreign workers was halted. In the years
that followed the immigration that occurred was primarily family immigration
(Heršak
efforts began to try and make the immigrants who remained integrate into the
new society; in other words an integrational immigration policy.225 The changes to
be paid for by the co-signatory country, payment of child benefit including for children
living in the home country; in short it was a legal combining of the two countries in the
area of social security, which was regarded as uniform for this area (Svetek
asu
free movement and equality in employment of citizens of EEC member states in other
EEC countries. The passing of an agreement within the EEC on internal migrants
meant that the position of external migrants worsened. Additionally the question of
the citizenship of internal migrants lost all meaning
224
hand and on the other, Africans, Spanish, Turks, Portuguese, Greeks and Yugoslavs,
who are outside the EEC (Klinar
mDuring this period immigration theories began to be developed in immigration socie-
329
Mass
the immigration policies of the Western European countries completely destro¬
yed the model of temporary work abroad . They put a stop to the rotation of
workers between the immigrant country and the emigrant country and, in a way,
put workers in a similar situation to emigrants in the past.
In the
growth of neo-conservatism in the immigrant countries, and of a new right wing
and right-wing radicalism. Xenophobia was increasingly present.220 This is a phe¬
nomenon which can be traced both in Western Europe and the USA.227 Increa¬
singly alarming were the results of public opinion research into the attitude of the
native population towards foreign workers. They show that native populations were
not in favor of immigrants and their assimilation.228
For European migrations in the
ties. People who were positively selected and who remained
extensions (or not) of temporary permits, complications in obtaining rights to social
security, restriction of rights, discrimination, unemployment, threats. The principle of
immigration means abandoning the idea of forced assimilation (e.g. France) or com¬
pulsory return (e.g. Germany). Other factors to fall into this context include the reuni¬
ting of immigrant families, the bilingual education of immigrant children, the permit¬
ting of certain political activities to immigrants, the development of immigrant ethnic
communities (Klinar
can be more effective than forced assimilation (Klinar
^ Xenophobia does not only appear because of economic crises and unemployment, but
also stems from the fear of foreigners and is inherent in different ways in collective
(clan) consciousnesses. Structural discrimination
ves
which foreigners are guilty for everything , in which it is their turn to be scapegoats
(Mesić
227
The source of American neo-conservatism was the liberal tradition. At a given moment
neo-conservatism can be very close to neo-liberalism, above all on economic issues. In
other respects, however, neo-conservatism is a sort of revived traditionalism, i.e. prima¬
rily in ethnic, cultural and political questions where the basis is represented by moral
authority, public support, myth, religion and nationalism, localism
262).
228
the least favorably disposed towards immigrants and their assimilation. Rose analyzed
this research and arrived at the following conclusions: the French are prejudiced against
immigrants, and want to make them French. The Germans oppose the integration of
immigrants. The status of
but in no way believe that they could become as the Germans are. the Swiss are fairly ill-
disposed towards immigrants (Klinar
scandalous treatment of foreign workers, calling them the blacks of Europe. It details
their exploitation, the difficult work that they do, the impossible living conditions, the
lack of provision of social and economic rights, and so on. A similar report comes from
the journalist Ronald Payne writing in The Sunday Telegraph. He reports on the pheno¬
mena of racism, discrimination, and exploitation at work which mainly affect immi¬
grants who have entered the country illegally (Klinar
330
Mass Emigration from
conditions was introduced. The neo-liberal immigration policy of the
1970s
rous forced
strong.
The situation of Slovene immigrants in Sweden was only linked indirectly to
these conditions, since Sweden was not a member of the EEC; at the same time the
position of Slovene (or rather Yugoslav) workers was regulated by a convention
which the two countries had agreed in
(Hribar
ges and improvements were prepared but the convention was not ratified before
Slovenia began its movement for independence and in the end all the new agree¬
ments collapsed. ^1 Slovenia s achievement of independence has left Slovenes in
Sweden in a somewhat uncertain position. The situation has also changed since
Sweden became a member of the European Union. People are afraid that Sweden
will join the countries that have introduced normative differentiation between
immigrants from
In the future three types of immigrants will exist in Slovenia: immigrants with Swedish
citizenship, immigrants without Swedish citizenship from the
Swedish citizenship from outside the
concluding part of our look at the European situation has brought us already to
the Swedish issue. In order to better understand the situation, however, let us first
look at the processes of settlement and the life of Slovenes in Sweden and return
later to the problems indicated
2211
porary permits, complications in obtaining rights to social security, restriction of rights,
discrimination, unemployment, threats, etc. (Klinar
2:111
The first is quoted in the text and the second
231
provisions of the former Yugoslavia. Information suggests that Slovenia will take on and
sign the convention on social security of the former Yugoslavia but all the proposals for
changes to the convention which were agreed in
Yugoslav authorities in
existing convention is as regards health insurance during periods of residence in the
home country.
lations must while staying in Slovenia themselves pay for medical services, but if they go
to Italy or Austria medical services are paid for by the social bodies of these countries,
since there is no appropriate convention with Sweden. (Hribar
331
Mass Emigralion from the Slovene Ethnic Area with Emphasis on
SLOVENES IN SWEDEN232
Slovenes began emigrating to Sweden after the Second World War, more precisely
from the beginning of the
emigrated during this period, although certain individuals also emigrated later.
Sweden, as a country, was neutral during the War and was not directly affected by
the maelstrom of war. Its economy developed a great deal during this time, and
even more so after the war ended, when most countries of Europe were in ruins (I
do not propose to go into an analysis of this). Thus by the
cial sectors urgently needed workers.233
Do you still remember how it was when we came to Sweden in the
was raising its standard of living and all that was missing here was a work force, they
welcomed us with open arms. Who wouldn t be pleased with the skilled craftsmen and educa¬
ted young people who arrived with knowledge paid for in their own homeland! There was
room everywhere: in the factories, in trade, in offices and at the universities.
their first courses in Swedish as dishwashers in the restaurants whose owners they are today.
(...)
wings carry us. Because immigrants were valued everywhere because of their industriousness,
because we had the support of the press and the whole of society, and because we quickly began
to feel at home.
started accepting less and less economic immigrants, while the number of political immi¬
grants, or refugees, grew: Greeks, Chileans, Cambodians, Assyrians, Syrians, Eritreans, Ira¬
nians. Economic immigrants were soon integrated into society, but the refugees were forced to
live for several years in special settlements. Ordinary immigrants earn money and pay taxes,
but the refugees do not have work permits and receive welfare from the state. Economic immi-
232
stants. When the powerful Counter-Reformation swept Austria, including the Slovene
ethnic area (at the end of the 1570s), it forced many Protestants to flee. They dispersed
around northern Europe and even reached the Scandinavian countries. Some people
believe that the ancestor of the Swedish poet Carl Snoilsky was one of these Protestants.
In this regard Snoilsky even corresponded with Anton
concrete evidence about his roots.
This is only mentioned as a curiosity, since the present section on Sweden will focus
mainly on conditions among Slovene immigrants after the Second World War.
2:13
Scandinavians, mostly Finns but then also Norwegians and Danes, and Germans, Czechs,
Poles, Italians, Spanish, Portuguese, Greeks and Turks. A large number of people also
came from Asian, African and Latin American countries
interesting to note that at the turn of the century Sweden was a country of emigration,
with emigrants mainly crossing the ocean. This can still be sensed today in the Swedish
attitude to the USA, in the same way that Slovenes today still have a stereotypical picture
of America, the land of milk and honey .
332
Mass Emigration from
grants never have enough time, while the refugees are destroyed by inactivity and waiting for
residence permits.
In January
we took the total number of people from Yugoslavia including wives, children and
parents this number would go up to
1967
venes. By proceeding from this figure one author states that there were
venes in Sweden (Jermol
the fact that emigration from Slovenia reached its peak at the end of the
This wave gradually came to a halt during the
that the conclusion presented is a somewhat risky one in that it takes the situation
before
years later
work in Sweden
nek
1990s
This figure, however, does not take into account the fact that in the period from
the first immigrations to the
thus were not included in the census; some also have dual nationality. We might
then say that the estimates from the
thousand, are more realistic. Among the immigrants themselves the opinion pre¬
vailed that six or seven thousand came to Sweden (in the first generation). Many
later returned home. Those who stayed started families in Sweden and today already
have grandchildren (the third generation). Slovenes in Sweden estimate that the
number of Slovenes of all generations, including those who have switched natio¬
nality, is from nine to twelve thousand.
Slovenes dispersed fairly widely around Sweden, but it could be said that the
majority settled in the south, mainly in the
strial centers and coastal towns (shipyards) where there was the greatest demand for
workers. In contrast to the other Yugoslav workers they were very dispersed in tlaeir
settlement and tried to integrate themselves as quickly as possible into the Swedish
way of life, although at the same time maintaining contacts with each other in their
private life (mainly social life and meetings at weekends). F. Stare
that in comparison with other European countries one characteristic of Sweden was
that though it accepted smaller numbers of Slo ene workers they included the most
highly qualified workers and people from the learned professions.234
2:MThis was also characteristic of the United Kingdom (Stare
be stressed here that the figures come from research conducted at the beginning of the
1970s
differently than today. Likewise a lower level of education was required for the learned
professions.
333
Mass Emigralion from the
In the
did not yet have an official immigration policy.
Well, for example, at that time, when I arrived, Sweden did not actually have a policy for
immigrants. I came here just as though I had gone from Ljubljana to
the police station and told them where you lived and where you worked. This was written
down. Only a year or two later did it get to the point where we got work permits. Before that it
wasn t necessary. At that time an immigrant, whether he was a Swede
ne from the south of Europe or elsewhere, went to the police station, where this was arranged.
There was nothing at that time, no social support for immigrants. When you arrived you took
work, and an apartment, and lived like an ordinary citizen with all the rights the Swedes had.
That was very good. When they began setting up state institutions for immigrants
mistake
arriving in different ways. Even today officials haven t mastered the problem
when they don t know all the people? The Swedes don t know people because they don t have the
experience. Even today they don t know how to assess why the people who come to Sweden
actually come here. This causes a lot of misunderstanding or misunderstandings in the immi¬
grant question
was a mistake to found a state institution. This should still be regulated, controlled by the
police, because they know people better than psychologists do. An experienced policeman recogni¬
zes the deadbeats and the whores. He knows how to
sense, he doesn t lock someone up straight-away but can
up institutions, papers appear, matters are resolved in offices and nobody knows the people they
are dealing with, they don t meet them and they never even see them. These people work in their
own way, they can lie to the authorities, deceive them, bend the laws, etc. The position of
foreigners in Sweden is now pretty bad (Boris Savs, personal interview).
In
formed. This was a time when immigrants were already organizing themselves and
beginning to set up immigrants associations based on nationality. This was also
the year the Jugoslovanskazveza, orYugoslav Union, was founded (Leskovec
The Slovenes formed the first independent Slovene cultural society in
na.
policy to the immigrants organizing themselves.
The
mainly with central immigrants organizations. Later, the financing of the activi¬
ties of associations and societies was done by an established network, which meant
that immigrants not involved in organizations were left out.235 The funds alloca-
¿x
and minorities who themselves work for their ethnic and cultural existence. Thus immi¬
grants such as the Germans, Danes and Norwegians, who are not organized and do
nothing to ensure their survival as a language and cultural group, cannot count on
social help (Hribar
334
Mass Emigration from
ted by the
that the Union received a specific part of the grants for administration, and a part
of the remaining funds was specified for central activities. The
that the Union should have certain services
secretar) ,
(Leskovec
In
gration policy. These could be condensed into the following concepts: equality,
free choice and cooperation. After this more financial assistance was made avai¬
lable to immigrants societies operating as cultural societies, and for radio, televi¬
sion, and the publishing of informative newspapers. Assistance was given to all
organizations which tried to present their culture in the Swedish medium and
supported closer integration of immigrants with the Swedes. At the beginning of
the
the function of analyzing the results of Swedish immigration policy and on the
basis of the results propose improvements. In
Municipalities gave municipalities a recommendation and guidelines for distribu¬
ting help to immigrants organizations.237 These had to fulfill prescribed condi¬
tions™ if they wanted to receive financial assistance. In a way this assistance was
designed for specific purposes, mainly assistance with setting-up, assistance with a
particular activity and assistance with individual projects. The level of funds given
21il In
den. The committee also included representatives from immigrants organizations. Af¬
ter four years the committee came up with the following weighty proposals:
-
greater emphasis on the transfer of cultural riches from immigrants former countries;
-
to relinquish their old citizenship;
-
with the rights of Swedes.
-
former home and then return again to Sweden.
The Swedish authorities, however, did not accept a single one of these proposals. (Le¬
skovec
2:17
their basic organizations or other cultural-social organizations which did not combine
to form district organizations or associations. The latter were additionally financed at
the regional or national level. Among Slovenes applications were made at his level for
financial assistance for a society but also for individual organizations or sections which
could be set up within a society (folklore, choirs, drama sections, etc.)
be purely independent organizations.
8:18
and cultural, and not party political. At least half of the members had to be immigrants.
Each organization had to have its own statute. Their work had to be dedicated to immi¬
grants and based on democratic principles (Hribar
335
Mass Emigration from the
to organizations in this way varied from municipality to municipality and depen¬
ded on the policy and economic strength of the individual municipality. In addi¬
tion to municipal grants there were also regional grants. These related to regional
organizations
and the Finns
ties at the regional level were to financed to a large extent. As well as municipal
and regional financing there was also state financing. The
stance to associations of immigrants organizations specifically for their basic acti¬
vities (for the work of the secretariat, the necessary meetings, assemblies and con¬
ferences). The National Youth Office financed youth activities. There was also an
assistance council for informative newspapers (immigrants informative newspa¬
pers) and the National Institute for Culture, which, at the national level, cofinan-
ced cultural festivals, manifestations, and the printing of books and cultural news¬
papers240 (Hribar
In
no longer for a specific purpose but were tied to membership. The minimum
number of members necessary for a grant was a thousand members paying a mem¬
bership fee (individual not family). In this way immigrants societies received a
specific amount, tied to the number of members, but they could use it as they
chose (Leskovec
As well as cofinancing the social and cultural activities of immigrants associa¬
tions at various levels the Swedish state also supported the introduction of radio
and television programs for immigrants in their own languages. Swedish language
courses were organized for immigrants who had arrived in the
1970s
gram of Swedish schools. The language was taught by teachers accredited and
employed by the Swedish state.
In
municipal and regional assemblies. The right to vote was given to those who ap¬
peared on population register by
23U On the basis of the recommendations and guidelines of the Association of Swedish Mu¬
nicipalities district organizations were financed if they had at least
from
ties in the district (Hribar
24(1
Naš glas,
research in Sweden, that
was mainly the fact that
Sweden (and therefore must be financed as such) and not an independent cultural
newspaper.
241
immigrants, frequently during paid working hours. The teachers were mainly Swedes
and we Slovenes learnt the language alongside Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, Turks and
others. It was not easy but it worked.
336
Mass
in Sweden for the last three years and had turned
municipalities held informative meetings where the immigrants were explained
the Swedish system, the competencies of the municipalities and regions242 and the
electoral system itself (Volitve so
1977,281).
A comparison of the Swedish immigrant policy described above with the posi¬
tion of immigrants in other Western European countries can help to show why the
term multiculturalism began to be publicly used. The term itself is very contenti¬
ous. The first problem is in trying to define more precisely what it actually means.
Analysis shows us how complicated the problem is, especially when we look at it in
its broader, world dimensions. Nevertheless, whatever the answer, Swedish immi¬
grant policy is a soft one.
critical of the conditions under which they live, but we should be aware that they
are taking for granted the existing conditions and building from there, rather
than speaking from a position where there is an aggravated assimilation policy
and intolerance. There are numerous objections that the Swedish policy is se¬
cretly assimilatory and that under its influences the cultures of immigrants are
drowning in the dominant culture. Anthropological research into the processes
of adaptation to new cultural environments has shown that every cultural contact
necessarily leads to a change in both cultures, especially if the contact extends
across generations. The only question is as to the relationship between the mino¬
rity and majority (dominant) culture when the changes came about. The fact is
that processes of adaptation to a new culture are inevitable. The fact that they
occur is not proof of the violence of one culture towards an other
even say that the isolation of a culture (ghettoization) is more proof of such a
relationship. Many people made the point in interviews that the immigrant cultu¬
res have through time had a fundamental influence on the Swedish way of life and
changed many Swedish elements.
As we have already said, many Slovenes arrived at a time before Sweden had
an official immigrant policy. There was no national immigrant institute. Learning
Swedish was a problem for individuals and there were no organized courses for
immigrants. Likewise there was notyet a Convention on Social Security or a Bilate¬
ral Agreement on Employment between Yugoslavia and Sweden. In
242
277
sing support, family guidance centers, health protection in schools, anti-alcoholism cam¬
paigns, traffic and recreation. The assembly elects an executive board which supervises
the work of various councils. Likewise, in the regional assembly (Sweden had
gions), which is directly elected, an executive board is appointed under whose control
the following councils fall: the council for the treatment and care of patients, the em¬
ployees council, the education and culture council, the social council, the dental care
council, the construction/procurement council and the traffic council (Volitve so
nami
337
Mass Emigration from
vention on Social security was signed. The Convention was a specific one, with
regard to the conventions Yugoslavia had signed with most European countries.
There are similarities in the agreements signed with Sweden, Switzerland and Nor¬
way.243 With these countries the principle of independent contributions assessment
was agreed. Because of the special nature of the Swiss and Swedish systems of
social security, these two countries do not count the Yugoslav pension period but
at the same time the condition is met for claiming extended Yugoslav invalidity
and retirement insurance if the insured person decides to do so. (Svetek
81).
remained. The greatest deficiency relates to health insurance during a period of
residence back in Slovenia. In the case of illness people employed in Sweden must
themselves pay the costs of medical services. They can only reduce these costs if
they have travel insurance taken out in Sweden244 (Hribar
1990,38).
The Bilateral Agreement on Employment and the Convention on Social secu¬
rity thus partially settled the position of Slovene workers in Sweden. As we have
seen, a number of open questions and unresolved situations remained. Slovenes
also gradually began integrating into the Swedish way of life in other ways than
just through employment.245 We have already mentioned that Slovenes dispersed
to different areas and did not settle closely together in one place.240 Perhaps this
243
for example, the right to permanent (long-term) contributions is determined by Swe¬
dish insurance according to its own regulations independent of Yugoslav insurance pe¬
riods. These rights
to a specified period of residence in Sweden, and again to a specific shorter period
directly before making the pension claim (Svetek
in health insurance, contributions covering accidents at work or vocational illnesses,
and child benefits.
244This is the consequence of various views which the two countries advocated. Sweden
took the position that the position that it paid the costs of health insurance for all re¬
gardless of whether they were in employment. Yugoslavia on the other hand advocated
the employment principle, i.e. that it pays the costs of health insurance for employees
and their families. (Hribar
24r The information that follows about the organization of Slovenes in Sweden, was taken,
unless marked otherwise, from archive material which is the property of Slovene immi¬
grant societies in Stockholm, Gothenburg and
a partial archive of the Coordination Committee of Slovene Societies which was part of
the burg and
tion Committee Slovene Societies which was part of the Yugoslav Union and the new
umbrella organization of the Slovene Association after Slovene societies left the Yugo¬
slav Association. The photocopies of the documents used are part of the archive of the
Slovene Emigration Institute at the Scientific Research Center of the Slovene Academy
of Arts and Sciences. A further source of information was the newspaper of the Slovene
societies in Sweden,
the archive mentioned.
ш їп
338
Mass Emigration from the
was the reason that the first society was organized in
tively small town which meant that people were not so dispersed. This was follo¬
wed at the beginning of the
where a greater number of Slovenes lived. In
was founded in Gothenburg, with a Slo ene section that in fact only existed on
paper. In March
year the
lishment of the general founding committee of the France
Cultural Society in Gothenburg. In December
in
two societies were active in
the
venija
ciety in
to a halt owing to a shortage of members). The most recent Slovene society in
Sweden is the Slovene-Swedish Society in
All the societies were defined as cultural societies. Their main goal24 1 was to
cultivate Slovene culture and Slovene language and transfer them to subsequent
generations. The founding general committee had to obtain a communal (muni¬
cipal) licence, make identification cards for members and draw up the standing
orders or statute of the society. All material also had to be translated into Swedish.
After
palities a recommendation and guidelines for providing help to immigrants orga¬
nizations, one of the most important criteria was that the activity should be of
general importance. The work of the societies was supposed to be social and cultu¬
ral and not party political. At least half the members had to be immigrants. Every
organization had to have its own statute. Their work had to be dedicated to immi¬
grants and be based on democratic principles (Hribar,
employment, an apartment, and ensure one s minimal living conditions. On the other
hand we can see from archive material that the apartments were small and uncomfor¬
table... but at least they were apartments. In Slovenia at this time there were a great
many problems both with housing and with employment.
im In October
was the
time the choir was the society s main activity (Budja
шІп
there were nine Slovene immigrants societies operating in Sweden. They combine to
form the Slovene Union.
249
Gothenburg denned its basic purposes when it was founded: it was supposed to concen¬
trate on the area of culture, education, entertainment and assistance to members. It was
politically neutral. Its operation was supposed to be free from all political influence and
it was not supposed to cooperate with political parties in political campaigns or manife¬
stations
339
Mass
material also provides us with the information that there was a specified minimum
membership of
1983,5).
in which their members could meet regularly. In many places they premises were
rented from the municipality and converted by volunteers into premises suitable
for the various sections of the society.250
Parallel with the appearance of individual societies was the appearance of a
tendency for them to forge mutual connections. In
Slovene societies in Sweden took place, resulting in the foundation of the Com¬
munity of Slovene Societies. The following year this was renamed (at the Slovene
Festival in Stockholm) the Coordination Committee of Slovene Societies- 1 (Kra-
gelj
mittee joined the Yugoslav Union252 and thus all Slovene societies became part of
the Yugoslav Union. Joining the Union was to a large degree the consequence of
practical interest connected with the financing of immigrant organizations by the
Swedish state. More detailed analysis would probably also reveal ideological rea¬
sons (this is purely the opinion of the author) linked to the ideology of brother¬
hood and unity which permeated Yugoslavia at that time. The organizational struc¬
ture of the Yugoslav Union was such that its members could put themselves for¬
ward for funds at all the legally established levels of the Swedish state (municipa¬
lity, region, state)
municipal level by societies and other cultural organizations, and at the regional
level by regional organizations. The Yugoslav Union was financed at the state level
(SIV).
no longer purpose-oriented but linked to membership, the leadership of the Yu¬
goslav Union allotted funds according to its own criteria, which did not take into
account the membership of individual societies. The division of funds among in-
w At the end of the
individual societies began organizing themselves into active youth organizations.
251
The first was in
Societies in Sweden
the name Coordination in the available material. The second renaming happened in
1984
Societies in Sweden. This was supposed to give more independent status to those socie¬
ties which operated within the framework of the Yugoslav Union
however the proposal was not accepted. The title Coordination Committee of Slovene
Societies in Sweden remained in use until the societies left the Yugoslav Union, at which
point the Committee was abolished and replaced by the Union of Slovene Societies in
Sweden.
252
different Yugoslav nationalities in Sweden,
professional communities. The total number of members of all these organizations was
20,000
340
Mass Emigration from the Slovene Ethnic
dividual coordination committees within the Yugoslav Union caused serious quar¬
rels and was one of the main reasons the Macedonians and Slovenes left the Union
altogether. The first disagreements began in the middle of the
sed year by year. Thus in
L· behaving like a tyrannical stepmother sitting with her plump behind on the funds she has
got from the Swedes and which are intended for specific purposes. She roosts on them as
though she has sweated for them herself or as though she has denied herself, and wags her
finger at her naughty stepdaughter Slovenia who would like to have —just think
festival just for herself where she can sing and dance in her own way...
1988,9).
The Slovenes were not the only ones to find themselves in this position. It was
a similar story with the Macedonian coordination committee and its societies. As a
reaction to the situation, from which there was no way out, the Macedonian coor¬
dination committee left the Yugoslav Union when its society representatives once
again supported the resolution at the general assembly at the end of
The coordination committee of Macedonian societies (MKO) passed a resolution at its own
general assembly last year in which it demanded fairer division of the funds the Yugoslav
Union gets for its operations. The Yugoslav Union gets
According to Article
MKO should receive
way of comparison: the Slovene coordination committee
has approximately
Just over a year later the Slovenes also left the Yugoslav Union and founded
the Union of Slovene Societies in Sweden.253 Although financial disputes were not
г5ЅАѕ
he states:
the regional organizations of the Yugoslav Union which are behaving like some kind of
authority, threatening to denounce them, trying to prevent Slovenes for going on pilgri¬
mage to
events, etc. Stressing total equality at the expense of Slovenes, undervaluing Slovene
language and culture, egotistically appropriating funds for our cultural development
here... From the joint budget of the Yugoslav Union, which in the past year amounted
to
organizational work ourselves without payment while the unnecessary bureaucracy of
the Yugoslav Union is gobbling up the rest of the money. This money is ours too, given
by the Swedish state, but the Yugoslav Union has it at its disposal
Further on he proposed that the Slovenes should leave the Yugoslav Union as soon as
possible and found an independent Association of Slovene Societies in Sweden. The
first steps in this direction were only taken in March
resolutions of the meeting of the Coordination Committee was the demand that the
Yugoslav Union gave the Coordination Committee a proportionally appropriate share
of the funds for various projects and for administration
341
Mass Emigration from
the only reason for leaving
they were among the most important.
The Slovene societies in Sweden, as I have already said, united together in the
Coordination Committee. Because Slovenes were very dispersed and the distances
between individual societies were great, this was the best way to maintain contacts
and help for individual societies. The operation of all the societies was tied to
cultural life. As well as annual society events which took place within individual
societies or were held jointly by two neighboring societies, the Slovenes, or rather
all Slovene societies in Sweden, had the annual Slovene Cultural Festival. The first
meeting of all Slovene societies was in
the following year the second cultural festival took place in Stockholm. The next
festival was in
tural festival was taken over by a different society, but all took part in the event,
with their own programs. During the time of the festival there was also usually a
meeting of the Coordination Committee. At the meeting which coincided with
the 7 1 Slovene Cultural Festival
future festivals every two years
beginning of the
Festival the Slovene Meeting
Every year the Slovenes also took an active part in the cultural meetings of the
Yugoslav Union. However, dissatisfaction grew from year to year with the attitude
of the majority towards the cultural items prepared by the Slovenes, with the result
that in the end they decided not to participate in these events any more.
and unity. We would advise it to educate its lively audience a little, who hissed our Slovene
spots at the Yugoslav events, who ill-humoredly stamped their feet when Slovene was spoken,
or at best ignored it.
This attitude, which was also mirrored in the attitude of the Yugoslav Union
towards the Slovene language in everyday life, on radio, television and in the Yu¬
goslav newspaper, further incensed the Slovenes.
The Slovene language was always at the forefront of society activities. It played
an even more important role in the efforts of the Coordination Committee, in
conjunction with teachers of Slovene and the editors of
ved in radio and television programs. In the
take off, parallel efforts began to start Slovene language instruction. The first Slo¬
vene lessons were held on society premises. Later the teaching of the mother ton¬
gue was transferred to Swedish schools.254
2!И
count by the Swedish authorities except in the teaching of the mother tongue. The
Yugoslav Union did very little in the way of addressing this issue..
342
Mass Emigration from
So through the Slovene Society I soon got the opportunity to teach Slovene in Stockholm. I
came into contact with the Slovene Society, that was in
school at the Society and I aho began work there. Slowly, because this was the beginning of
teaching mother tongues in Sweden in general, and together with this, when it developed, I
started teaching mother tongues full time. First in Uppsala, as a teacher of Serbo-Croat, and
then Slovene, and then several years as a teacher of Slovene in Stockholm.
A full-time teacher. Does that mean that you were
Only Swedish institutions. Our institutions
very strict where it came to this, and they did not allow us to import Slovene teachers. They
controlled teacher training and who could teach Slovene. So.
societies anymore but moved to Swedish schooh. What we had before in the societies was on a
completely volunteer basis. Later, in the schools, it was different. Until a student enrolled for
the subject it was possible on a volunteer basis, but as soon as he enrolled it became a compul¬
sory subject and attendance was compulsory.
Do you remember when, what year, the teaching of the mother tongue moved from societies to
Swedish schools?
Roughly
At the end of the
The way teaching was done, the place and time, changed over the years as diffe¬
rent laws were passed, but the mother tongue was always taught by teachers selec¬
ted by Swedish institutions and paid for their work by the Swedish state
1981:7).
tions for obtaining a permit as a mother tongue teacher were:
a) the candidate must have appropriate pedagogical training from their home
country, e.g. at a teacher training center, pedagogical high school, pedagogi¬
cal college or university and at least six terms of practical work in a Swedish
school, teaching at least fifteen hours a week;
b) the candidate must have graduated from a Teacher Training College in Swe¬
den, with a specialization in the mother tongue. Some teachers acquired this
permit on the basis of attestations and certificates of doubtful worth and very
poor knowledge of Slovene and the history and geography of the Socialist Fe¬
deral Republic of Yugoslavia and its republics
In
taught without them, which is to say that one third of Slovene language teachers
in Sweden had permits
In November
ne Teachers
had
Slovene language teaching was organized in all three major regions (Stockholm,
343
Mass Emigralion from
Gothenburg and
singborg, Ängleholm, Alvesta, Växjö, Nybro and Norrköping.
worked
with children and their parents. After this year they had
teaching
This was extremely demanding for teachers of Slovene, since the Slovenes were
dispersed over a wide area, sometimes in a radius of several tens of kilometers from
a center. Just visiting all the students took a lot of time. The teacher thus has quite
a lot of work to visit all the students who fall into his area. Because Slovene families,
unlike certain other immigrant families, tend not to isolate themselves in ghettos,
teachers usually have one student per school or in exceptional cases two or more.
They are obliged to teach
at Swedish schools, but these just do their work while one teacher of Slovene fre¬
quently has up to
I combined working in the bank with working as a mother language teacher, because my
health was no longer good enough got me to be able to drive around all the schools as in
previous years. At that time I would drive for example from Uppsala to the southern suburbs
of Stockholm, which is approximately
wanted to combine. To give up part of my teaching and take part-time work in a bank.
Unfortunately the bank slowly went under and I lost that job. Soon I also realized that I
could no longer do either job and they put me on a temporary invalidity pension. I retired two
years ago
The number of students taking Slovene lessons has fallen over the years. In
1989
1989,38).
of the Coordination Committee because it only had six members left and had not
met for several years
By the
ze the teaching of mother tongues. The pressures increased in the
certain changes were made. For Slovene lessons, which were very poorly attended,
but in conditions where there were a lot of numerically strong immigrant groups
in Sweden (the more there are, the more the funds have to be divided up), every
pressure or change represented the danger of abolishment. Thus in
that there was a proposal to hold mother tongue lessons on Saturdays and a pro¬
posed minimum of five students in the group.
failed to get together a group of at least five students then the municipality was not
obliged to provide mother tongue lessons
proposal fell through, but the second part, relating to the number of students,
soon came into force. In
of students to seven.
344
Mass Emigration from the Slovene ElhnkArea with Emphasis on
You also attend Slovene lessons. When did you start learning Slovene?
As soon as I started going to Swedish school. Then I had one hour a week
How did the Slovene lessons happen?
When I started going, for six years or so, they had Slovene in the Society as well. There were
fifteen of us. Mihaela and
started teaching at the schools.
First off you had Slovene in the Society s premises
Swedish schools in the Stockholm area
Yes, that s right.
And what happened after six years
Then they stopped it altogether in the Societies and the teachers went round the different
schools.
Do you know why it changed
Because Sweden started saving money. This was cheaper for them. Because right now we are
having a lot of problems financing Slovene. The Swedes want to abolish these lessons. There
is still Serbo-Croat, the Greeks have Greek. We have one hour of Slovene a week, otherwise we
have the same timetable as the other students.
So the Slovene school at the Society finished and now this happens at various schools? Before
we were saying that there is one condition that must be met for language programs and that
is that a certain number of students must enroll for the subject to be allowed?
Now, for the last two or three years, the rule has been that you have to have at least five
students in a group. At the high school I go to there are five of us and elsewhere where they
have Slovene lessons there are the same number. If there aren t enough then they can t have
Slovene. From this year onwards there is supposed to be a new condition, seven students in a
group.
What if you go to a school where not enough students enroll for Slovene
you can t have Slovene lessons?
Yes, unless you go to the other side of the city.
But you can go to another school?
Yes.
How is Slovene teaching organized
one more hour of school than your classmates, or can you give up some other subject?
It s up to you. You can choose it instead of German or as an extra lesson. I have it as an extra
lesson.
345
Mass Emigration from the
Is this the same for all immigrants
Yes, for everyone. If they want. Usually students choose an hour of their language instead of
German or French, but they can
interview).
Parallel to support for mother language learning Sweden also introduced fi¬
nancing for the immigrant press and radio and television programs. When the
Slovene Society was founded in Stockholm it began publishing
at the founding meeting of the Coordination Committee,
the newspaper of all Slovene societies in Sweden. It was defined as a cultural news¬
paper. As such it received financial support from the National Cultural Institute.
Since than it has appeared without interruption. In the mid-eighties there were
serious divisions on the editorial board (especially in attitudes towards the Yugo¬
slav Union) and the outcome was a new newspaper
ted by the long-serving editor of
before it folded. As well as
where they worked for several years on the Slovene page. Because of the events
already mentioned, and a worsening in relations between the Slovene societies
and the Yugoslav Union, interest in cooperation waned on both sides towards the
end of the
In
gan to take shape. This was intended for Yugoslav immigrants.2 5 Part of these
programs were in the beginning intended for Slovenes living in Sweden. From
time to time Slovene culture was presented on TV, or a report on the activities of
Slovene immigrants. But by
were getting fewer and fewer
had disappeared completely from television screens.
In
Radio Law, and broadcasts are controlled by the Radio Council. The main princi¬
ple is freedom of speech and information. The other important provisions are:
1.
2.
also immigrants); how much and in what form depends on the business policy
of the radio directors and financial capabilities
The Slovene editorial board has been a constituent part of the Yugoslav edito¬
rial board right from the start, with one part-time post on the board
255
devoted
four immigrant languages. The Yugoslavs got
program in Slovene was tied to the allocation of time among the various Yugoslav lan¬
guages. However as one writer states
Yugoslav television program from the managers of Swedish television.
346
Mass Emigration from the Slovene Ethnic Area with Emphasis on
1991,45 ).
ged over the years but were, as with the television program, tied to relations within
the Yugoslav editorial board and only via that to Swedish radio policy. The Yugo¬
slav immigrants had a daily half-hour procedure on
regional stations, where Slovene items were only rarely heard (Hribar
For a long time Slovene programs
(15
also a fifteen-minute children s program
jor changes took place in
change in the time of broadcast. From now on there would be one 20-mmute
broadcast a week on Saturday afternoons
unfavorable time since Saturdays in Sweden are family days .
Personally I listen to very few Slovene broadcasts because the time set aside for Slovene pro¬
grams does not fit in with the tempo of Swedish life. They are on Saturdays when family life
in Sweden is most intensive and nobody is going to make that apriority unless all the mem¬
bers of the family are Slovenes. So I listen very little to Slovene radio. I should also say that
you have to watch the time very carefully because the Slovene program only lasts a quarter of
an hour. On the other hand I read all I can in Slovene. All the newspapers. I subscribe to
Delo
Do you listen to Slovene
No.
Why
Mainly because I don t have time. I m usually not at home when they re on. I don t know,
also the program s only ten to fifteen minutes long and on Saturday
personal interview).
Great changes have also taken place in Swedish media policy as regards televi¬
sion. The immigrants television program
responsible for it have reduced the program time to just one hour and adapted it
for immigrants from all continents.
covers the expectations and wishes of one seventh of the Swedish population.
(Moramo biti glasnejši
We can see from the information presented that at the end of the
tions worsened within the Yugoslav Union, of which the Slovene societies in Swe¬
den were part. Likewise there has been a worsening of the relations of official
policy towards immigrants. Because of the ever increasing number of immigrants
or immigrants organizations, the approved funds have to go further and further,
and at the same time there has been a reduction in the actual initial subsidy which
Sweden sets aside for immigrants. The position of Slovenes in Sweden has been
made even more difficult by events in Yugoslavia and Slovenia s achievement of
347
Mass Emigration from the
independence. Even before this, the Coordination Council of Slovene Societies
left the Yugoslav Union and the same day founded the Association of Slovene
Societies in Sweden, but for several years this was not formally recognized. At this
period individual grants could only be competed for by individual societies at the
municipal level (although the municipalities also cut subsidies for immigrant acti¬
vities), while the state funding level
Association had to carry out formal recognition procedures, meet all the prescri¬
bed criteria and thus only in autumn
first grant from
cing
cultural newspaper. It presents itself as the newspaper of all Slovene societies in
Sweden, and as a society newspaper should therefore also finance itself. The Asso¬
ciation has temporarily resolved the complication surrounding financing by pro¬
viding funds for
made preparations to try and get back the status of cultural newspaper.
A further point is that the
especially after it was recognized by Sweden, was an uncertain time for immigrants.
In a way they were left waiting for the old Yugoslav treaties to be ratified or new
ones signed. Many opted, during this uncertain time, to switch citizenship.
348
|
| adam_txt |
VSEBINA
SEZNAM
STOCKHOLM
ZGODBA ARHIVSKEGA
V STOCKHOLMU
GÖTEBORG.87
ZGODBA ARHIVSKEGA
V GOTEBORGU
LANDSKRONA
ZGODBA ARHIVSKEGA
VLANDSKRONI
Slovenski kulturni klub Triglav.
Kulturno društvo Slovenija
Slovensko kulturno društvo Lipa
NAZAJ
ZGODBA
ORGANIZIRANA DEJAVNOST
Ustanavljanje slovenskih kulturnih
Koordinacijski odbor slovenskih kulturnih društev na
in
Slovenski kulturni festivali oziroma Slovenska kulturna srečanja
Dopolnilna šola slovenskega jezika
Naš glas
Slovenske radijske
Slovenska katoliška misija na
VSAKDANJE ŽIVLJENJE POSAMEZNIKA
Resocializacija
odnosu do etničnega porekla
DODATEK
MASS EMIGRATION FROM THE SLOVENE ETHNIC AREA
WITH EMPHASIS ON THE SITUATION OF SLOVENES IN SWEDEN
Emigration from the Slovene ethnic area
Migration conditions in Western Europe after the Second World War
Slovenes in Sweden
ONE-DIMENSIONAL CONCEPTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY VERSUS
HETEROGENEITY OF ETHNIC IDENTITY AMONG EMIGRANTS
LITERATURA
SEZNAM
ALJA
AJDIGOLČMAN
RADAPIŠLER
BORIS ŠAVS
VIKTOR ŠKRINJAR
ZVONE PODVINSKI
MARIJAPEROVIČ
MARIJA DRAKSLER
IVANKA MELIHEN
ERIKA
MILOJKA GORJUP
SLÁVKO GVARDJANČIČ
JANEZ SLABANJA
OTONTURNŠEK
ŠTEFKABERGH
AVGUŠTINABUDJA
OLGABUDJA
GABRIJELA KARLIN
LEOPOLD KARLIN
SIMON KARLIN
VIOLETA
ZDRAVKO MURŠAK
RENATA ŠTEFANIČ
ROMAN VERTOVEC
MASS EMIGRATION FROM THE SLOVENE
ETHNIC AREA WITH EMPHASIS ON THE
SITUATION OF SLOVENES IN SWEDEN214
EMIGRATION FROM THE SLOVENE ETHNIC AREA
Movements and processes within the Slovene ethnic area have throughout history
been connected to and conditioned by events in the wider European area. The
people who emigrated from the Slovene ethnic area were to a greater or lesser
extent caught up in broader European migration processes; they were also affec¬
ted by colonial conquest and the accompanying genocide and ethnocide perpe¬
trated against non-European peoples. Thus the great wave of emigration from the
Slovene ethnic area at the turn of the century was part of the European wave, or
more precisely the Slavic and Mediterranean wave, which began growing in the
1890s.
Even before the start of mass emigration from the Slovene ethnic area people
were setting off to seek work in the Austrian provinces of Austro-Hungary, Croa¬
tia,
are records of women departing for Egypt where they sought work as wet nurses or
maids. There was also a mass departure of miners to Westphalia and the Rhine-
land.
In the second half of the
seas. In South America they settled mainly in Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela and
Mexico. Most people in this period, however, emigrated to the countries of North
America, i.e. Canada and the USA, which from the 1890s until the FirstWorld War
was seen by Slovenes as a kind of 'land of plenty'.
The First World War put a stop to mass emigration to the USA. US immigra¬
tion policy was already extremely restrictive, right up until
tion of the quota system which almost brought mass immigration to a complete
halt.210 After America had closed its doors, Slovene emigrants turned to Canada
and the countries of South America.
214
No
215In
living in the USA. Three years later this was followed by the Johnson-Reed Act
which was even more restrictive, setting a quota of
nality as shown by the population census of
325
Mass Emigration from the Slovene Ethnic Area with Emphasis on the Situation of Slovenes in Sweden
In the years before the economic crisis the currents of Slovene emigration
gradually turned towards Europe, particularly France, Belgium and Holland. Slo¬
vene miners from the Rhine-Westphalia region also moved to these countries,
since Germany was seriously weakened economically after the War.
The world economic crisis and
World War, had a powerful influence on European migrations. The war raging
across the whole of Europe, the camps, the exodus towards the countries of We¬
stern Europe and then on across the ocean, caused a considerable 'mixing' of peo¬
ple within the European area. Then, at the end of the war and the division into
blocs, this exodus was joined by migrations resulting from the powerful psychosis of
fear of the new political authorities. The prevailing estimate is that during this pe¬
riod around
na and in the USA, Canada, Australia and the countries of Western Europe.
In the
ders (before this illegal crossings of the border had taken place), the main body
switched to the countries of Western Europe.217 This is the period of organized
emigration
of conventions agreed with certain countries the provision of workers was taken
over by the Institutes of Employment. By
to be found necessary to limit the emigration of educated and qualified workers,
for whom the demand was greatest. The employment service therefore changed
its policy in the direction of a conscious reduction of the emigration of this group.
'As part of this policy the Institutes decided only to accept applications from em¬
ployers which related to unskilled workers, and applications for workers of other
levels of qualification only when they related to professions where there was a
surplus' (Stare
2IliData on the number of people to leave Slovenia after the Second World War is held in:
Arhiv
217
increasingly towards the countries of Western Europe
Switzerland, Italy
of our people (Stare
approximately
was
were
and several thousand in other countries)
te since in some cases whole families lived abroad while the census material only traced
people who were actively employed. Non-active family members (children, housewives,
dependants) were not included (Stare
census of the Slovene population counted
i.e. in the countries of Western Europe: Holland,
land,
pointed out that at least in Sweden, where this was permitted, a large number of Slove¬
nes had already taken Swedish citizenship and were not included in the census.
326
,
for those profiles of which there was a domestic shortage. Soon they began sen¬
ding abroad mainly unemployed unqualified workers and genuinely surplus pro¬
files
People who emigrated during this period were treated as economic migrants
and for them the special (political) term
ced. This designation was the result of efforts to make it appear that people were
only going abroad for work on a temporary basis, and that they would return after
a short period. Simultaneously, the term fitted in perfectly with the immigration
policies of European countries at the time: Germany, for example, where they
were referred to as guest workers
as foreign workers
drare)
cal fancy of the governing structure at home, but also a (potential) practical inte¬
rest
surplus earnings in domestic progress. At the same time official policy coincided
with the wishes of emigrating individuals who believed that they were only leaving
their homes for a few years and would soon be returning. They were only going
abroad to earn the money that would enable them to improve their standard of
living.
In the past the term used in Slovenia in relation to Slovenes in Sweden was migrant wor¬
kers or workers doing temporary work abroad. How would you comment on this?
We had to be given a name. They had to call us something. This was the name used by the
media, and
The Swedes immediately accepted us as immigrants and not as people working abroad tempo¬
rarily, although I think that a lot of people came here wanting to be temporary workers abroad.
This wish survived a long time, and while it lasted people did not integrate particularly well
into Swedish society.
Europe, in Slovenia and in Sweden, that the people who stayed here were immigrants. I think
that Slovenes, especially after fifteen years, began to feel that they were immigrants. You can
see this from the fact that they started taking Swedish citizenship. I don't believe that they
become Swedish citizens because of the conflicts starting in Yugoslavia but because they had
"'"The difference in the way of describing the people who emigrated to different countries
of Western Europe points to the differences in attitudes towards them both in immigra¬
tion policy and in general life, This can also be seen in the principles of granting citi¬
zenship. Particularly in. the countries of Western Europe and countries colonized by
British or Americans there was a high level of intolerance and stigmatization of differen¬
ce. The stigmatization of immigrants in this societies or cultures was closely connected
the hierarchization of races or hierarchization within the white race while taking ac¬
count of religious and ethnic factors. Unlike these societies, certain countries were con¬
siderably more tolerant of difference, for example the countries of Latin America, and
Sweden, where 'multiculturalism' was practiced.
327
Mass Emigralion from
begun to feel like immigrants and wanted to have a voice in elections so that they could
influence all areas of life in Sweden
By the middle of the
made that the expected temporary nature of the migration was changing into
permanent emigration. Later events and the results of certain research only serve
to confirm these objections.220
The situation of Slovenes differed according to the policy of the country to
which they had emigrated, and at the same time on international relations and on
specific bilateral agreements signed during this period by Yugoslavia.221 In the
Yugoslavia signed a Bilateral Agreement on Employment and a Convention on
Social Security with several countries. The first social security agreement was sig¬
ned with France in
ce between the wars (Svetek
ments with other countries,222 including Sweden. Before looking in more detail at
the settlement of Slovenes in Sweden let us take a look at migration conditions in
"Western Europe.
21!)These two statements are part of an interview I conducted in Sweden in the autumn of
1995
skrona.
grants in Sweden. The work was essentially connected to the preparations for a doctoral
thesis entitled Multiculturality in Migration Situations.
220
ding and that it does not correspond to the planned policy. He warns that a considerab¬
le section of Slovene temporary emigrants could become permanent emigrants. He sta¬
tes that certain research results raise the question of whether it is right to use the expres¬
sion 'economic migrants working abroad temporarily'. The percentage of returning
migrants is unsuitably low. With temporary migration (according to predicted figures)
in
number was only
cord with the planned policy (Klinar
221
this time were treated as Yugoslavs. As history has already shown us, even at this time
many countries did not take ethnicity into account in censuses. Instead they followed
the nation principle according to which citizenship was taken as the definition of natio¬
nality (ethnicity)
ber of Slovenes who emigrated at that time. An additional problem is the fact that we do
not have access to Yugoslav archives held in former Yugoslav embassies.
222By
Sweden, West Germany, Holland, Belgium, Luxembourg and Australia. Social security
conventions were also signed with all these countries (Stare
also signed a bilateral agreement on employment with New Zealand
and by
1977,108).
ment to the workers of the co-signatory to the agreement, free payment of contributions
from one country to the other, security for family members who remained at home, to
328
Mass Emigration from
MIGRATION CONDITIONS IN WESTERN EUROPE AFTER THE
SECOND WORLD WAR
The year
Europe, since this was the year of the formation of the EEC. The first steps were
made towards creating a common labor market, which culminated in an agree¬
ment at the end of the
of the six members of the Community had revived their economies; the exception
was Italy which was an immigrant country and not an emigrant country
1989,9-10).
more developed nations which meant, among other things, an open-door immi¬
gration policy (Klinar
tion which lasted until the
Treaty of Rome223 which increased discrimination between immigrants.224 At the
beginning of the
Western Europe, and certainly at least the same number of family members living
with them
migration, the oil crisis arrived, with deep economic consequences. In one sense
this could already be described as the start of the economic recession. In the new
conditions the
tual
turns and
tion immigrants. All further migration was conditioned by the requirements of
the immigrant countries. After
a result of families reuniting, natural accretion and illegal immigration.
In
grant countries and the further influx of foreign workers was halted. In the years
that followed the immigration that occurred was primarily 'family immigration'
(Heršak
efforts began to try and make the immigrants who remained integrate into the
new society; in other words an integrational immigration policy.225 The changes to
be paid for by the co-signatory country, payment of child benefit including for children
living in the home country; in short it was a legal combining of the two countries in the
area of social security, which was regarded as uniform for this area' (Svetek
asu
free movement and equality in employment of citizens of EEC member states in other
EEC countries. The passing of an agreement within the EEC on 'internal migrants'
meant that the position of 'external migrants' worsened. Additionally the question of
the citizenship of 'internal migrants' lost all meaning
224
hand and on the other, Africans, Spanish, Turks, Portuguese, Greeks and Yugoslavs,
who are outside the EEC (Klinar
'mDuring this period immigration theories began to be developed in immigration socie-
329
Mass
the immigration policies of the Western European countries completely destro¬
yed the model of 'temporary work abroad'. They put a stop to the 'rotation' of
workers between the immigrant country and the emigrant country and, in a way,
put workers in a similar situation to emigrants in the past.
In the
growth of neo-conservatism in the immigrant countries, and of a new right wing
and right-wing radicalism. Xenophobia was increasingly present.220 This is a phe¬
nomenon which can be traced both in Western Europe and the USA.227 Increa¬
singly alarming were the results of public opinion research into the attitude of the
native population towards foreign workers. They show that native populations were
not in favor of immigrants and their assimilation.228
For European migrations in the
ties. People who were positively selected and who remained
extensions (or not) of temporary permits, complications in obtaining rights to social
security, restriction of rights, discrimination, unemployment, threats. The principle of
immigration means abandoning the idea of forced assimilation (e.g. France) or com¬
pulsory return (e.g. Germany). Other factors to fall into this context include the reuni¬
ting of immigrant families, the bilingual education of immigrant children, the permit¬
ting of certain political activities to immigrants, the development of immigrant ethnic
communities (Klinar
can be more effective than forced assimilation (Klinar
^"Xenophobia does not only appear because of economic crises and unemployment, but
also stems from the fear of 'foreigners' and is inherent in different ways in collective
(clan) consciousnesses. Structural discrimination
ves
which foreigners are 'guilty for everything', in which it is their turn to be scapegoats
(Mesić
227
The source of American neo-conservatism was the liberal tradition. At a given moment
neo-conservatism can be very close to neo-liberalism, above all on economic issues. In
other respects, however, neo-conservatism is a sort of revived traditionalism, i.e. prima¬
rily in ethnic, cultural and political questions where the basis is represented by moral
authority, public support, myth, religion and nationalism, localism
262).
228
the least favorably disposed towards immigrants and their assimilation. Rose analyzed
this research and arrived at the following conclusions: the French are prejudiced against
immigrants, and want to make them French. The Germans oppose the integration of
immigrants. The status of
but in no way believe that they could become as the Germans are. the Swiss are fairly ill-
disposed towards immigrants (Klinar
scandalous treatment of foreign workers, calling them the 'blacks' of Europe. It details
their exploitation, the difficult work that they do, the impossible living conditions, the
lack of provision of social and economic rights, and so on. A similar report comes from
the journalist Ronald Payne writing in The Sunday Telegraph. He reports on the pheno¬
mena of racism, discrimination, and exploitation at work which mainly affect immi¬
grants who have entered the country illegally (Klinar
330
Mass Emigration from
conditions' was introduced. The neo-liberal immigration policy of the
1970s
rous forced
strong.
The situation of Slovene immigrants in Sweden was only linked indirectly to
these conditions, since Sweden was not a member of the EEC; at the same time the
position of Slovene (or rather Yugoslav) workers was regulated by a convention
which the two countries had agreed in
(Hribar
ges and improvements were prepared but the convention was not ratified before
Slovenia began its movement for independence and in the end all the new agree¬
ments collapsed.'^1 Slovenia's achievement of independence has left Slovenes in
Sweden in a somewhat uncertain position. The situation has also changed since
Sweden became a member of the European Union. People are afraid that Sweden
will join the countries that have introduced normative differentiation between
immigrants from
'In the future three types of immigrants will exist in Slovenia: immigrants with Swedish
citizenship, immigrants without Swedish citizenship from the
Swedish citizenship from outside the
concluding part of our look at the European situation has brought us already to
the Swedish issue. In order to better understand the situation, however, let us first
look at the processes of settlement and the life of Slovenes in Sweden and return
later to the problems indicated
2211
porary permits, complications in obtaining rights to social security, restriction of rights,
discrimination, unemployment, threats, etc. (Klinar
2:111
The first is quoted in the text and the second
231
provisions of the former Yugoslavia. Information suggests that Slovenia will take on and
sign the convention on social security of the former Yugoslavia but all the proposals for
changes to the convention which were agreed in
Yugoslav authorities in
existing convention is as regards health insurance during periods of residence in the
home country.
lations must while staying in Slovenia themselves pay for medical services, but if they go
to Italy or Austria medical services are paid for by the social bodies of these countries,
since there is no appropriate convention with Sweden.' (Hribar
331
Mass Emigralion from the Slovene Ethnic Area with Emphasis on
SLOVENES IN SWEDEN232
Slovenes began emigrating to Sweden after the Second World War, more precisely
from the beginning of the
emigrated during this period, although certain individuals also emigrated later.
Sweden, as a country, was neutral during the War and was not directly affected by
the maelstrom of war. Its economy developed a great deal during this time, and
even more so after the war ended, when most countries of Europe were in ruins (I
do not propose to go into an analysis of this). Thus by the
cial sectors urgently needed workers.233
'Do you still remember how it was when we came to Sweden in the
was raising its standard of living and all that was missing here was a work force, they
welcomed us with open arms. Who wouldn't be pleased with the skilled craftsmen and educa¬
ted young people who arrived with knowledge paid for in their own homeland! There was
room everywhere: in the factories, in trade, in offices and at the universities.
their first courses in Swedish as dishwashers in the restaurants whose owners they are today.
(.)
wings carry us. Because immigrants were valued everywhere because of their industriousness,
because we had the support of the press and the whole of society, and because we quickly began
to feel at home.
started accepting less and less economic immigrants, while the number of political immi¬
grants, or refugees, grew: Greeks, Chileans, Cambodians, Assyrians, Syrians, Eritreans, Ira¬
nians. Economic immigrants were soon integrated into society, but the refugees were forced to
live for several years in special settlements. Ordinary immigrants earn money and pay taxes,
but the refugees do not have work permits and receive welfare from the state. Economic immi-
232
stants. When the powerful Counter-Reformation swept Austria, including the Slovene
ethnic area (at the end of the 1570s), it forced many Protestants to flee. They dispersed
around northern Europe and even reached the Scandinavian countries. Some people
believe that the ancestor of the Swedish poet Carl Snoilsky was one of these Protestants.
In this regard Snoilsky even corresponded with Anton
concrete evidence about his roots.
This is only mentioned as a curiosity, since the present section on Sweden will focus
mainly on conditions among Slovene immigrants after the Second World War.
2:13
Scandinavians, mostly Finns but then also Norwegians and Danes, and Germans, Czechs,
Poles, Italians, Spanish, Portuguese, Greeks and Turks. A large number of people also
came from Asian, African and Latin American countries
interesting to note that at the turn of the century Sweden was a country of emigration,
with emigrants mainly crossing the ocean. This can still be sensed today in the Swedish
attitude to the USA, in the same way that Slovenes today still have a stereotypical picture
of America, the 'land of milk and honey'.
332
Mass Emigration from
grants never have enough time, while the refugees are destroyed by inactivity and waiting for
residence permits.
In January
we took the total number of people from Yugoslavia including wives, children and
parents this number would go up to
1967
venes. By proceeding from this figure one author states that there were
venes in Sweden (Jermol
the fact that emigration from Slovenia reached its peak at the end of the
This wave gradually came to a halt during the
that the conclusion presented is a somewhat risky one in that it takes the situation
before
years later
work in Sweden
nek
1990s
This figure, however, does not take into account the fact that in the period from
the first immigrations to the
thus were not included in the census; some also have dual nationality. We might
then say that the estimates from the
thousand, are more realistic. Among the immigrants themselves the opinion pre¬
vailed that six or seven thousand came to Sweden (in the first generation). Many
later returned home. Those who stayed started families in Sweden and today already
have grandchildren (the third generation). Slovenes in Sweden estimate that the
number of Slovenes of all generations, including those who have switched natio¬
nality, is from nine to twelve thousand.
Slovenes dispersed fairly widely around Sweden, but it could be said that the
majority settled in the south, mainly in the
strial centers and coastal towns (shipyards) where there was the greatest demand for
workers. In contrast to the other Yugoslav workers they were very dispersed in tlaeir
settlement and tried to integrate themselves as quickly as possible into the Swedish
way of life, although at the same time maintaining contacts with each other in their
private life (mainly social life and meetings at weekends). F. Stare
that in comparison with other European countries one characteristic of Sweden was
that though it accepted smaller numbers of Slo\'ene workers they included the most
highly qualified workers and people from the learned professions.234
2:MThis was also characteristic of the United Kingdom (Stare
be stressed here that the figures come from research conducted at the beginning of the
1970s
differently than today. Likewise a lower level of education was required for the learned
professions.
333
Mass Emigralion from the
In the
did not yet have an official immigration policy.
Well, for example, at that time, when I arrived, Sweden did not actually have a policy for
immigrants. I came here just as though I had gone from Ljubljana to
the police station and told them where you lived and where you worked. This was written
down. Only a year or two later did it get to the point where we got work permits. Before that it
wasn 't necessary. At that time an immigrant, whether he was a Swede
ne from the south of Europe or elsewhere, went to the police station, where this was arranged.
There was nothing at that time, no social support for immigrants. When you arrived you took
work, and an apartment, and lived like an ordinary citizen with all the rights the Swedes had.
That was very good. When they began setting up state institutions for immigrants
mistake
arriving in different ways. Even today officials haven't mastered the problem
when they don't know all the people? The Swedes don't know people because they don't have the
experience. Even today they don't know how to assess why the people who come to Sweden
actually come here. This causes a lot of misunderstanding or misunderstandings in the immi¬
grant question
was a mistake to found a state institution. This should still be regulated, controlled by the
police, because they know people better than psychologists do. An experienced policeman recogni¬
zes the deadbeats and the whores. He knows how to
sense, he doesn't lock someone up straight-away but can
up institutions, papers appear, matters are resolved in offices and nobody knows the people they
are dealing with, they don't meet them and they never even see them. These people work in their
own way, they can lie to the authorities, deceive them, bend the laws, etc. The position of
foreigners in Sweden is now pretty bad (Boris Savs, personal interview).
In
formed. This was a time when immigrants were already organizing themselves and
beginning to set up immigrants' associations based on nationality. This was also
the year the Jugoslovanskazveza, orYugoslav Union, was founded (Leskovec
The Slovenes formed the first independent Slovene cultural society in
na.
policy to the immigrants organizing themselves.
The
mainly with central immigrants' organizations. Later, the financing of the activi¬
ties of associations and societies was done by an established network, which meant
that immigrants not involved in organizations were left out.235 'The funds alloca-
'¿x'
and minorities who themselves work for their ethnic and cultural existence. Thus immi¬
grants such as the Germans, Danes and Norwegians, who are not organized and do
nothing to ensure their survival as a language and cultural group, cannot count on
social help' (Hribar
334
Mass Emigration from
ted by the
that the Union received a specific part of the grants for administration, and a part
of the remaining funds was specified for central activities. The
that the Union should have certain services
secretar)',
(Leskovec
In
gration policy. These could be condensed into the following concepts: equality,
free choice and cooperation. After this more financial assistance was made avai¬
lable to immigrants' societies operating as cultural societies, and for radio, televi¬
sion, and the publishing of informative newspapers. Assistance was given to all
organizations which tried to present their culture in the Swedish medium and
supported closer integration of immigrants with the Swedes. At the beginning of
the
the function of analyzing the results of Swedish immigration policy and on the
basis of the results propose improvements. In
Municipalities gave municipalities a recommendation and guidelines for distribu¬
ting help to immigrants' organizations.237 These had to fulfill prescribed condi¬
tions™ if they wanted to receive financial assistance. In a way this assistance was
designed for specific purposes, mainly assistance with setting-up, assistance with a
particular activity and assistance with individual projects. The level of funds given
21il'In
den. The committee also included representatives from immigrants' organizations. Af¬
ter four years the committee came up with the following weighty proposals:
-
greater emphasis on the transfer of cultural riches from immigrants' former countries;
-
to relinquish their old citizenship;
-
with the rights of Swedes.
-
former home and then return again to Sweden.
The Swedish authorities, however, did not accept a single one of these proposals.' (Le¬
skovec
2:17
their basic organizations or other cultural-social organizations which did not combine
to form district organizations or associations. The latter were additionally financed at
the regional or national level. Among Slovenes applications were made at his level for
financial assistance for a society but also for individual organizations or sections which
could be set up within a society (folklore, choirs, drama sections, etc.)
be purely independent organizations.
8:18
and cultural, and not party political. At least half of the members had to be immigrants.
Each organization had to have its own statute. Their work had to be dedicated to immi¬
grants and based on democratic principles (Hribar
335
Mass Emigration from the
to organizations in this way varied from municipality to municipality and depen¬
ded on the policy and economic strength of the individual municipality. In addi¬
tion to municipal grants there were also regional grants. These related to regional
organizations
and the Finns
ties at the regional level were to financed to a large extent. As well as municipal
and regional financing there was also state financing. The
stance to associations of immigrants' organizations specifically for their basic acti¬
vities (for the work of the secretariat, the necessary meetings, assemblies and con¬
ferences). The National Youth Office financed youth activities. There was also an
assistance council for informative newspapers (immigrants' informative newspa¬
pers) and the National Institute for Culture, which, at the national level, cofinan-
ced cultural festivals, manifestations, and the printing of books and cultural news¬
papers240 (Hribar
In
no longer for a specific purpose but were tied to membership. The minimum
number of members necessary for a grant was a thousand members paying a mem¬
bership fee (individual not family). In this way immigrants' societies received a
specific amount, tied to the number of members, but they could use it as they
chose (Leskovec
As well as cofinancing the social and cultural activities of immigrants' associa¬
tions at various levels the Swedish state also supported the introduction of radio
and television programs for immigrants in their own languages. Swedish language
courses were organized for immigrants who had arrived in the
1970s
gram of Swedish schools. The language was taught by teachers accredited and
employed by the Swedish state.
In
municipal and regional assemblies. The right to vote was given to those who ap¬
peared on population register by
23U On the basis of the recommendations and guidelines of the Association of Swedish Mu¬
nicipalities district organizations were financed if they had at least
from
ties in the district (Hribar
24(1
Naš glas,
research in Sweden, that
was mainly the fact that
Sweden (and therefore must be financed as such) and not an independent cultural
newspaper.
241
immigrants, frequently during paid working hours. The teachers were mainly Swedes
and we Slovenes learnt the language alongside Spaniards, Italians, Greeks, Turks and
others. It was not easy but it worked.'
336
Mass
in Sweden for the last three years and had turned
municipalities held informative meetings where the immigrants were explained
the Swedish system, the competencies of the municipalities and regions242 and the
electoral system itself (Volitve so
1977,281).
A comparison of the Swedish immigrant policy described above with the posi¬
tion of immigrants in other Western European countries can help to show why the
term 'multiculturalism' began to be publicly used. The term itself is very contenti¬
ous. The first problem is in trying to define more precisely what it actually means.
Analysis shows us how complicated the problem is, especially when we look at it in
its broader, world dimensions. Nevertheless, whatever the answer, Swedish immi¬
grant policy is a 'soft' one.
critical of the conditions under which they live, but we should be aware that they
are taking for granted the existing conditions and building from there, rather
than speaking from a position where there is an aggravated assimilation policy
and intolerance. There are numerous objections that the Swedish policy is se¬
cretly assimilatory and that under its influences the cultures of immigrants are
drowning in the dominant culture. Anthropological research into the processes
of adaptation to new cultural environments has shown that every cultural contact
necessarily leads to a change in both cultures, especially if the contact extends
across generations. The only question is as to the relationship between the mino¬
rity and majority (dominant) culture when the changes came about. The fact is
that processes of adaptation to a new culture are inevitable. The fact that they
occur is not proof of the violence of one culture towards an other
even say that the isolation of a culture (ghettoization) is more proof of such a
relationship. Many people made the point in interviews that the immigrant cultu¬
res have through time had a fundamental influence on the Swedish way of life and
changed many Swedish elements.
As we have already said, many Slovenes arrived at a time before Sweden had
an official immigrant policy. There was no national immigrant institute. Learning
Swedish was a problem for individuals and there were no organized courses for
immigrants. Likewise there was notyet a Convention on Social Security or a Bilate¬
ral Agreement on Employment between Yugoslavia and Sweden. In
242
277
sing support, family guidance centers, health protection in schools, anti-alcoholism cam¬
paigns, traffic and recreation. The assembly elects an executive board which supervises
the work of various councils. Likewise, in the regional assembly (Sweden had
gions), which is directly elected, an executive board is appointed under whose control
the following councils fall: the council for the treatment and care of patients, the em¬
ployees council, the education and culture council, the social council, the dental care
council, the construction/procurement council and the traffic council (Volitve so
nami
337
Mass Emigration from
vention on Social security was signed. The Convention was a specific one, with
regard to the conventions Yugoslavia had signed with most European countries.
There are similarities in the agreements signed with Sweden, Switzerland and Nor¬
way.243 With these countries the principle of independent contributions assessment
was agreed. 'Because of the special nature of the Swiss and Swedish systems of
social security, these two countries do not count the Yugoslav pension period but
at the same time the condition is met for claiming extended Yugoslav invalidity
and retirement insurance if the insured person decides to do so.' (Svetek
81).
remained. The greatest deficiency relates to health insurance during a period of
residence back in Slovenia. In the case of illness people employed in Sweden must
themselves pay the costs of medical services. They can only reduce these costs if
they have travel insurance taken out in Sweden244 (Hribar
1990,38).
The Bilateral Agreement on Employment and the Convention on Social secu¬
rity thus partially settled the position of Slovene workers in Sweden. As we have
seen, a number of open questions and unresolved situations remained. Slovenes
also gradually began integrating into the Swedish way of life in other ways than
just through employment.245 We have already mentioned that Slovenes dispersed
to different areas and did not settle closely together in one place.240 Perhaps this
243
for example, the right to permanent (long-term) contributions is determined by Swe¬
dish insurance according to its own regulations independent of Yugoslav insurance pe¬
riods. These rights
to a specified period of residence in Sweden, and again to a specific shorter period
directly before making the pension claim (Svetek
in health insurance, contributions covering accidents at work or vocational illnesses,
and child benefits.
244This is the consequence of various views which the two countries advocated. 'Sweden
took the position that the position that it paid the costs of health insurance for all re¬
gardless of whether they were in employment. Yugoslavia on the other hand advocated
the employment principle, i.e. that it pays the costs of health insurance for employees
and their families.' (Hribar
24r'The information that follows about the organization of Slovenes in Sweden, was taken,
unless marked otherwise, from archive material which is the property of Slovene immi¬
grant societies in Stockholm, Gothenburg and
a partial archive of the Coordination Committee of Slovene Societies which was part of
the burg and
tion Committee Slovene Societies which was part of the Yugoslav Union and the new
umbrella organization of the Slovene Association after Slovene societies left the Yugo¬
slav Association. The photocopies of the documents used are part of the archive of the
Slovene Emigration Institute at the Scientific Research Center of the Slovene Academy
of Arts and Sciences. A further source of information was the newspaper of the Slovene
societies in Sweden,
the archive mentioned.
ш'їп
338
Mass Emigration from the
was the reason that the first society was organized in
tively small town which meant that people were not so dispersed. This was follo¬
wed at the beginning of the
where a greater number of Slovenes lived. In
was founded in Gothenburg, with a 'Slo\'ene section' that in fact only existed on
paper. In March
year the
lishment of the general founding committee of the 'France
Cultural Society in Gothenburg. In December
in
two societies were active in
the
venija'
ciety in
to a halt owing to a shortage of members). The most recent Slovene society in
Sweden is the Slovene-Swedish Society in
All the societies were defined as cultural societies. Their main goal24'1 was to
cultivate Slovene culture and Slovene language and transfer them to subsequent
generations. The founding general committee had to obtain a communal (muni¬
cipal) licence, make identification cards for members and draw up the standing
orders or statute of the society. All material also had to be translated into Swedish.
After
palities a recommendation and guidelines for providing help to immigrants' orga¬
nizations, one of the most important criteria was that the activity should be of
general importance. The work of the societies was supposed to be social and cultu¬
ral and not party political. At least half the members had to be immigrants. Every
organization had to have its own statute. Their work had to be dedicated to immi¬
grants and be based on democratic principles (Hribar,
employment, an apartment, and ensure one's minimal living conditions. On the other
hand we can see from archive material that the apartments were small and uncomfor¬
table. but at least they were apartments. In Slovenia at this time there were a great
many problems both with housing and with employment.
'im In October
was the
time the choir was the society's main activity (Budja
шІп
there were nine Slovene immigrants' societies operating in Sweden. They combine to
form the Slovene Union.
249
Gothenburg denned its basic purposes when it was founded: it was supposed to concen¬
trate on the area of culture, education, entertainment and assistance to members. It was
politically neutral. Its operation was supposed to be free from all political influence and
it was not supposed to cooperate with political parties in political campaigns or manife¬
stations
339
Mass
material also provides us with the information that there was a specified minimum
membership of
1983,5).
in which their members could meet regularly. In many places they premises were
rented from the municipality and converted by volunteers into premises suitable
for the various sections of the society.250
Parallel with the appearance of individual societies was the appearance of a
tendency for them to forge mutual connections. In
Slovene societies in Sweden took place, resulting in the foundation of the Com¬
munity of Slovene Societies. The following year this was renamed (at the Slovene
Festival in Stockholm) the Coordination Committee of Slovene Societies-'1 (Kra-
gelj
mittee joined the Yugoslav Union252 and thus all Slovene societies became part of
the Yugoslav Union. Joining the Union was to a large degree the consequence of
practical interest connected with the financing of immigrant organizations by the
Swedish state. More detailed analysis would probably also reveal ideological rea¬
sons (this is purely the opinion of the author) linked to the ideology of brother¬
hood and unity which permeated Yugoslavia at that time. The organizational struc¬
ture of the Yugoslav Union was such that its members could put themselves for¬
ward for funds at all the legally established levels of the Swedish state (municipa¬
lity, region, state)
municipal level by societies and other cultural organizations, and at the regional
level by regional organizations. The Yugoslav Union was financed at the state level
(SIV).
no longer purpose-oriented but linked to membership, the leadership of the Yu¬
goslav Union allotted funds according to its own criteria, which did not take into
account the membership of individual societies. The division of funds among in-
w At the end of the
individual societies began organizing themselves into active youth organizations.
251
The first was in
Societies in Sweden
the name Coordination in the available material. The second renaming happened in
1984
Societies in Sweden. This was supposed to give more independent status to those socie¬
ties which operated within the framework of the Yugoslav Union
however the proposal was not accepted. The title 'Coordination Committee of Slovene
Societies in Sweden' remained in use until the societies left the Yugoslav Union, at which
point the Committee was abolished and replaced by the 'Union of Slovene Societies in
Sweden.
252
different Yugoslav nationalities in Sweden,
professional communities. The total number of members of all these organizations was
20,000
340
Mass Emigration from the Slovene Ethnic
dividual coordination committees within the Yugoslav Union caused serious quar¬
rels and was one of the main reasons the Macedonians and Slovenes left the Union
altogether. The first disagreements began in the middle of the
sed year by year. Thus in
L· behaving like a tyrannical stepmother sitting with her plump behind on the funds she has
got from the Swedes and which are intended for specific purposes. She roosts on them as
though she has sweated for them herself or as though she has denied herself, and wags her
finger at her naughty stepdaughter Slovenia who would like to have —just think
festival just for herself where she can sing and dance in her own way.
1988,9).
The Slovenes were not the only ones to find themselves in this position. It was
a similar story with the Macedonian coordination committee and its societies. As a
reaction to the situation, from which there was no way out, the Macedonian coor¬
dination committee left the Yugoslav Union when its society representatives once
again supported the resolution at the general assembly at the end of
'The coordination committee of Macedonian societies (MKO) passed a resolution at its own
general assembly last year in which it demanded fairer division of the funds the Yugoslav
Union gets for its operations. The Yugoslav Union gets
According to Article
MKO should receive
way of comparison: the Slovene coordination committee
has approximately
Just over a year later the Slovenes also left the Yugoslav Union and founded
the Union of Slovene Societies in Sweden.253 Although financial disputes were not
г5ЅАѕ
he states:
the regional organizations of the Yugoslav Union which are behaving like some kind of
authority, threatening to denounce them, trying to prevent Slovenes for going on pilgri¬
mage to
events, etc. Stressing total equality at the expense of Slovenes, undervaluing Slovene
language and culture, egotistically appropriating funds for our cultural development
here. From the joint budget of the Yugoslav Union, which in the past year amounted
to
organizational work ourselves without payment while the unnecessary bureaucracy of
the Yugoslav Union is gobbling up the rest of the money. This money is ours too, given
by the Swedish state, but the Yugoslav Union has it 'at its disposal'
Further on he proposed that the Slovenes should leave the Yugoslav Union as soon as
possible and found an independent Association of Slovene Societies in Sweden. The
first steps in this direction were only taken in March
resolutions of the meeting of the Coordination Committee was the demand that the
Yugoslav Union gave the Coordination Committee a proportionally appropriate share
of the funds for various projects and for administration
341
Mass Emigration from
the only reason for leaving
they were among the most important.
The Slovene societies in Sweden, as I have already said, united together in the
Coordination Committee. Because Slovenes were very dispersed and the distances
between individual societies were great, this was the best way to maintain contacts
and help for individual societies. The operation of all the societies was tied to
cultural life. As well as annual society events which took place within individual
societies or were held jointly by two neighboring societies, the Slovenes, or rather
all Slovene societies in Sweden, had the annual Slovene Cultural Festival. The first
meeting of all Slovene societies was in
the following year the second cultural festival took place in Stockholm. The next
festival was in
tural festival was taken over by a different society, but all took part in the event,
with their own programs. During the time of the festival there was also usually a
meeting of the Coordination Committee. At the meeting which coincided with
the 7"1 Slovene Cultural Festival
future festivals every two years
beginning of the
Festival the Slovene Meeting
Every year the Slovenes also took an active part in the cultural meetings of the
Yugoslav Union. However, dissatisfaction grew from year to year with the attitude
of the majority towards the cultural items prepared by the Slovenes, with the result
that in the end they decided not to participate in these events any more.
'
and unity. We would advise it to educate its 'lively' audience a little, who hissed our Slovene
spots at the Yugoslav events, who ill-humoredly stamped their feet when Slovene was spoken,
or at best ignored it.
This attitude, which was also mirrored in the attitude of the Yugoslav Union
towards the Slovene language in everyday life, on radio, television and in the Yu¬
goslav newspaper, further incensed the Slovenes.
The Slovene language was always at the forefront of society activities. It played
an even more important role in the efforts of the Coordination Committee, in
conjunction with teachers of Slovene and the editors of
ved in radio and television programs. In the
take off, parallel efforts began to start Slovene language instruction. The first Slo¬
vene lessons were held on society premises. Later the teaching of the mother ton¬
gue was transferred to Swedish schools.254
2!И
count by the Swedish authorities except in the teaching of the mother tongue. The
Yugoslav Union did very little in the way of addressing this issue.'
342
Mass Emigration from
So through the Slovene Society I soon got the opportunity to teach Slovene in Stockholm. I
came into contact with the Slovene Society, that was in
school at the Society and I aho began work there. Slowly, because this was the beginning of
teaching mother tongues in Sweden in general, and together with this, when it developed, I
started teaching mother tongues full time. First in Uppsala, as a teacher of Serbo-Croat, and
then Slovene, and then several years as a teacher of Slovene in Stockholm.
A full-time teacher. Does that mean that you were
Only Swedish institutions. Our institutions
very strict where it came to this, and they did not allow us to import Slovene teachers. They
controlled teacher training and who could teach Slovene. So.
societies anymore but moved to Swedish schooh. What we had before in the societies was on a
completely volunteer basis. Later, in the schools, it was different. Until a student enrolled for
the subject it was possible on a volunteer basis, but as soon as he enrolled it became a compul¬
sory subject and attendance was compulsory.
Do you remember when, what year, the teaching of the mother tongue moved from societies to
Swedish schools?
Roughly
At the end of the
The way teaching was done, the place and time, changed over the years as diffe¬
rent laws were passed, but the mother tongue was always taught by teachers selec¬
ted by Swedish institutions and paid for their work by the Swedish state
1981:7).
tions for obtaining a permit as a mother tongue teacher were:
a) the candidate must have appropriate pedagogical training from their home
country, e.g. at a teacher training center, pedagogical high school, pedagogi¬
cal college or university and at least six terms of practical work in a Swedish
school, teaching at least fifteen hours a week;
b) the candidate must have graduated from a Teacher Training College in Swe¬
den, with a specialization in the mother tongue.' Some teachers 'acquired this
permit on the basis of attestations and certificates of doubtful worth and very
poor knowledge of Slovene and the history and geography of the Socialist Fe¬
deral Republic of Yugoslavia and its republics'
In
taught without them, which is to say that one third of Slovene language teachers
in Sweden had permits
In November
ne Teachers
had
Slovene language teaching was organized in all three major regions (Stockholm,
343
Mass Emigralion from
Gothenburg and
singborg, Ängleholm, Alvesta, Växjö, Nybro and Norrköping.
worked
with children and their parents. After this year they had
teaching
This was extremely demanding for teachers of Slovene, since the Slovenes were
dispersed over a wide area, sometimes in a radius of several tens of kilometers from
a center. Just visiting all the students took a lot of time. 'The teacher thus has quite
a lot of work to visit all the students who fall into his area. Because Slovene families,
unlike certain other immigrant families, tend not to isolate themselves in ghettos,
teachers usually have one student per school or in exceptional cases two or more.
They are obliged to teach
at Swedish schools, but these just do their work while one teacher of Slovene fre¬
quently has up to
I combined working in the bank with working as a mother language teacher, because my
health was no longer good enough got me to be able to drive around all the schools as in
previous years. At that time I would drive for example from Uppsala to the southern suburbs
of Stockholm, which is approximately
wanted to combine. To give up part of my teaching and take part-time work in a bank.
Unfortunately the bank slowly went under and I lost that job. Soon I also realized that I
could no longer do either job and they put me on a temporary invalidity pension. I retired two
years ago
The number of students taking Slovene lessons has fallen over the years. In
1989
1989,38).
of the Coordination Committee because it only had six members left and had not
met for several years
By the
ze' the teaching of mother tongues. The pressures increased in the
certain changes were made. For Slovene lessons, which were very poorly attended,
but in conditions where there were a lot of numerically strong immigrant groups
in Sweden (the more there are, the more the funds have to be divided up), every
pressure or change represented the danger of abolishment. Thus in
that there was a proposal to hold mother tongue lessons on Saturdays and a pro¬
posed minimum of five students in the group.
failed to get together a group of at least five students then the municipality was not
obliged to provide mother tongue lessons
proposal fell through, but the second part, relating to the number of students,
soon came into force. In
of students to seven.
344
Mass Emigration from the Slovene ElhnkArea with Emphasis on
You also attend Slovene lessons. When did you start learning Slovene?
As soon as I started going to Swedish school. Then I had one hour a week
How did the Slovene lessons happen?
When I started going, for six years or so, they had Slovene in the Society as well. There were
fifteen of us. Mihaela and
started teaching at the schools.
First off you had Slovene in the Society's premises
Swedish schools in the Stockholm area
Yes, that's right.
And what happened after six years
Then they stopped it altogether in the Societies and the teachers went round the different
schools.
Do you know why it changed
Because Sweden started saving money. This was cheaper for them. Because right now we are
having a lot of problems financing Slovene. The Swedes want to abolish these lessons. There
is still Serbo-Croat, the Greeks have Greek. We have one hour of Slovene a week, otherwise we
have the same timetable as the other students.
So the Slovene school at the Society finished and now this happens at various schools? Before
we were saying that there is one condition that must be met for language programs and that
is that a certain number of students must enroll for the subject to be allowed?
Now, for the last two or three years, the rule has been that you have to have at least five
students in a group. At the high school I go to there are five of us and elsewhere where they
have Slovene lessons there are the same number. If there aren't enough then they can't have
Slovene. From this year onwards there is supposed to be a new condition, seven students in a
group.
What if you go to a school where not enough students enroll for Slovene
you can't have Slovene lessons?
Yes, unless you go to the other side of the city.
But you can go to another school?
Yes.
How is Slovene teaching organized
one more hour of school than your classmates, or can you give up some other subject?
It's up to you. You can choose it instead of German or as an extra lesson. I have it as an extra
lesson.
345
Mass Emigration from the
Is this the same for all immigrants
Yes, for everyone. If they want. Usually students choose an hour of their language instead of
German or French, but they can
interview).
Parallel to support for mother language learning Sweden also introduced fi¬
nancing for the immigrant press and radio and television programs. When the
Slovene Society was founded in Stockholm it began publishing
at the founding meeting of the Coordination Committee,
the newspaper of all Slovene societies in Sweden. It was defined as a cultural news¬
paper. As such it received financial support from the National Cultural Institute.
Since than it has appeared without interruption. In the mid-eighties there were
serious divisions on the editorial board (especially in attitudes towards the Yugo¬
slav Union) and the outcome was a new newspaper
ted by the long-serving editor of
before it folded. As well as
where they worked for several years on the Slovene page. Because of the events
already mentioned, and a worsening in relations between the Slovene societies
and the Yugoslav Union, interest in cooperation waned on both sides towards the
end of the
In
gan to take shape. This was intended for Yugoslav immigrants.2"5 Part of these
programs were in the beginning intended for Slovenes living in Sweden. From
time to time Slovene culture was presented on TV, or a report on the activities of
Slovene immigrants. But by
were getting fewer and fewer
had disappeared completely from television screens.
In
Radio Law, and broadcasts are controlled by the Radio Council. The main princi¬
ple is freedom of speech and information. The other important provisions are:
1.
' 2.
also immigrants); how much and in what form depends on the business policy
of the radio directors and financial capabilities
The Slovene editorial board has been a constituent part of the Yugoslav edito¬
rial board right from the start, with one part-time post on the board
255
devoted
four immigrant languages. The Yugoslavs got
program in Slovene was tied to the allocation of time among the various Yugoslav lan¬
guages. However as one writer states
Yugoslav television program from the managers of Swedish television.'
346
Mass Emigration from the Slovene Ethnic Area with Emphasis on
1991,45 ).
ged over the years but were, as with the television program, tied to relations within
the Yugoslav editorial board and only via that to Swedish radio policy. The Yugo¬
slav immigrants had a daily half-hour procedure on
regional stations, where Slovene items were only rarely heard (Hribar
For a long time Slovene programs
(15
also a fifteen-minute children's program
jor changes took place in
change in the time of broadcast. From now on there would be one 20-mmute
broadcast a week on Saturday afternoons
unfavorable time since Saturdays in Sweden are 'family days'.
Personally I listen to very few Slovene broadcasts because the time set aside for Slovene pro¬
grams does not fit in with the tempo of Swedish life. They are on Saturdays when family life
in Sweden is most intensive and nobody is going to make that apriority unless all the mem¬
bers of the family are Slovenes. So I listen very little to Slovene radio. I should also say that
you have to watch the time very carefully because the Slovene program only lasts a quarter of
an hour. On the other hand I read all I can in Slovene. All the newspapers. I subscribe to
Delo
Do you listen to Slovene
No.
Why
Mainly because I don't have time. I'm usually not at home when they're on. I don't know,
also the program's only ten to fifteen minutes long and on Saturday
personal interview).
Great changes have also taken place in Swedish media policy as regards televi¬
sion. The immigrants' television program
responsible for it have reduced the program time to just one hour and adapted it
for immigrants from all continents.
covers the expectations and wishes of one seventh of the Swedish population.'
(Moramo biti glasnejši
We can see from the information presented that at the end of the
tions worsened within the Yugoslav Union, of which the Slovene societies in Swe¬
den were part. Likewise there has been a worsening of the relations of official
policy towards immigrants. Because of the ever increasing number of immigrants
or immigrants' organizations, the approved funds have to go further and further,
and at the same time there has been a reduction in the actual initial subsidy which
Sweden sets aside for immigrants. The position of Slovenes in Sweden has been
made even more difficult by events in Yugoslavia and Slovenia's achievement of
347
Mass Emigration from the
independence. Even before this, the Coordination Council of Slovene Societies
left the Yugoslav Union and the same day founded the Association of Slovene
Societies in Sweden, but for several years this was not formally recognized. At this
period individual grants could only be competed for by individual societies at the
municipal level (although the municipalities also cut subsidies for immigrant acti¬
vities), while the state funding level
Association had to carry out formal recognition procedures, meet all the prescri¬
bed criteria and thus only in autumn
first grant from
cing
cultural newspaper. It presents itself as the newspaper of all Slovene societies in
Sweden, and as a society newspaper should therefore also finance itself. The Asso¬
ciation has temporarily resolved the complication surrounding financing by pro¬
viding funds for
made preparations to try and get back the status of cultural newspaper.
A further point is that the
especially after it was recognized by Sweden, was an uncertain time for immigrants.
In a way they were left waiting for the 'old' Yugoslav treaties to be ratified or new
ones signed. Many opted, during this uncertain time, to switch citizenship.
348 |
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| genre | (DE-588)4027503-6 Interview gnd-content (DE-588)4135952-5 Quelle gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Interview Quelle |
| geographic | Schweden Schweden (DE-588)4077258-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Schweden |
| id | DE-604.BV022242264 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T16:36:23Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T20:53:10Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9616358286 |
| language | Slovenian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015453171 |
| oclc_num | 48855949 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 369 S. Ill., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2001 |
| publishDateSearch | 2001 |
| publishDateSort | 2001 |
| publisher | Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Lukšič-Hacin, Marina Verfasser aut Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem Marina Lukšič-Hacin Ljubljana Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU 2001 369 S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache. - Literaturverz. S. 365 - 369 Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Slovenes Sweden Kulturelle Identität (DE-588)4033542-2 gnd rswk-swf Slowenischer Einwanderer (DE-588)4575224-2 gnd rswk-swf Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 gnd rswk-swf Schweden Schweden (DE-588)4077258-5 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4027503-6 Interview gnd-content (DE-588)4135952-5 Quelle gnd-content Schweden (DE-588)4077258-5 g Slowenischer Einwanderer (DE-588)4575224-2 s Geschichte z DE-604 Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 s Kulturelle Identität (DE-588)4033542-2 s Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015453171&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015453171&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Lukšič-Hacin, Marina Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem Slovenes Sweden Kulturelle Identität (DE-588)4033542-2 gnd Slowenischer Einwanderer (DE-588)4575224-2 gnd Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4033542-2 (DE-588)4575224-2 (DE-588)4122782-7 (DE-588)4077258-5 (DE-588)4027503-6 (DE-588)4135952-5 |
| title | Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem |
| title_auth | Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem |
| title_exact_search | Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem |
| title_full | Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem Marina Lukšič-Hacin |
| title_fullStr | Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem Marina Lukšič-Hacin |
| title_full_unstemmed | Zgodbe in pričevanja Slovenci na Švedskem Marina Lukšič-Hacin |
| title_short | Zgodbe in pričevanja |
| title_sort | zgodbe in pricevanja slovenci na svedskem |
| title_sub | Slovenci na Švedskem |
| topic | Slovenes Sweden Kulturelle Identität (DE-588)4033542-2 gnd Slowenischer Einwanderer (DE-588)4575224-2 gnd Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Slovenes Sweden Kulturelle Identität Slowenischer Einwanderer Alltagskultur Schweden Interview Quelle |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015453171&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015453171&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT luksichacinmarina zgodbeinpricevanjaslovencinasvedskem |