Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii: monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia
Gespeichert in:
| Format: | Buch |
|---|---|
| Sprache: | Russian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Irkutsk
Izdat. Irkutskogo Gosudarstvennogo Techničeskogo Univ.
2005
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Mežregionalʹnye issledovanija v obščestvennych naukach
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 311 S. |
| ISBN: | 5803803340 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804135737815203840 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | СОДЕРЖАНИЕ
Введение. Я.Я. Крадин,
Introduction by
Глава
в археологии. С.А. Васютин,
Chapter I. Reconstruction of Social Structure
of Early Nomads in Archeology by N.N.Kradin, A.A.Tishkin, S.A.Vasjutin
Глава
в археологии. -С.А. Васютин,
Chapter
Structures in Archeology by A.V.Korotaev, N.N.Kradin, A.A.Tishkin, S.A.Vasjutin
Глава
методики и реконструкции. С.С. Тихонов
Chapter
in XII-IX Centuries AD: Methods and Reconstruction by
Глава
Chapter
Глава
Chapter
Глава
Chapter
Глава
C.C.
Chapter
in the Mountain Altai by
Глава
H.H.
Chapter
byN.N. Kradin,
Глава
Chapter
Глава
С.А. Васютин,
Chapter
in Pre-Turkic Time by
Глава
структуры ранних кочевников.
Chapter
of Early Nomads Structure by
Авторский коллектив.......................................................................................................
Список литературы
Summary
5
SUMMARY
Tl
:
this book is devoted to reconstructing the social structure of
archaic society using funeral rites. The authors consider this
question using the example of the early nomads of Eurasia.
Why these peoples? First, a large volume of data concerning the early nomads has been
accumulated. Second, the nomads social organization has been well studied and we can
carry out cross-cultural investigations of early and later nomads. Third, there is already
a substantial experience in the reconstruction of early nomadic social structure. All of
this has lent a certain optimism and hopes for the realization of a project whose results
would be anticipated by the archaeological community and would ultimately be reflected
in subsequent studies at different levels.
It is necessary to say a few words about the term early nomad, which has appeared
within the framework of the Soviet historical school. It was often used as an original
analogue in the scheme of five modes of production. Now it is clear that such a division
was artificial, because in reality, the similarities between ancient and medieval nomads is
greater than the differences between them. However, we still use the term early nomads.
It is handy for designating the nomadic societies of specified historical periods
case, a period from the formation of nomadism to the mid- First millennium
be used as a synonym of the term ancient nomads. At the same time, we do not perceive
the nomadic world as a something that was, in principle, frozen and not subject to any
technological, social-economic, or cultural change. Indeed, the early nomads were not
acquainted, for example, with stirrups, rigid saddles, saber cavalry with heavy armament,
world-wide religions, etc. As early as end of the epoch of Antiquity, qualitatively important
advances appear, the steppe empires are established, and essential changes occur. The
Middle Ages demonstrate simply a different period in the history of nomadism.
In Chapter
concerning the interpretation of the social structure of early Eurasia nomads. For the most
part, they consider the works of Soviet and post-Soviet researchers, as these scholars have
made the greatest contribution to discussion of this subject. The authors identify three
stages in the development of social reconstructions in early Eurasian nomad archaeology.
In the
of excavation were basically used as lifelike pictures to illustrate the ancient chronicles,
or abstract, Marxist sociological patterns of the slave-holding mode of production in
antiquity and nomadic feudalism in the Middle Ages.
304
Beginning in the mid-
archaeological sites were made from the Black-Sea Scythia to Transbaikalia. A concep¬
tion of early nomadism developed. The most significant works in the field of social
reconstructions were written by M.P. Gryaznov,
and Yu.N. Grakov. Particular emphasis was placed on the criteria of social stratification,
including
inputs for erection of a burial mound. Researchers became aware o£the importance of
planigraphical analysis. During these years, a conception of
ordinary, and poor nomads
From the
the Soviet archaeology. One of them was social archaeology. The archaeologist from
Leningrad/St-Petersburg
social archaeology was made by the American New Archaeology of L. Binford. Masson
more actively introduced the use of such criterion as volume of labor inputs. The con¬
sensus was gradually formed that feudalism was not an obligatory stage in the evolution
of nomadism. The social archaeologists arrived at the conclusion that in the empires of
early nomads, the number of social ranks was more than three. With the development
of computers, the social archaeologists began to use statistical methods. Several schools
of statistical studies of nomads
(G.A. Fedorov-Davydov, G.E. Afanasyev, M.G. Moshkova)
study included a number of successive operations
ranks based on volume of labor inputs per burial and accompanying grave goods, spatial
investigation of cemeteries, comparison of poor and rich cemeteries, and reconstruction
of the social organization of the nomadic society.
After the USSR collapse and rejection of the Marxist paradigm in archaeology, new
ideas came from Western anthropology
lizational, and world-system approaches. As the Scythian subjects proved to be mainly in
the sphere of attention of Ukrainian archaeologists, the cultures of Altai and Siberia became
the basic range for modern Russian social archaeology. The practical experience of modern
Russian social archaeology allows us to create complex techniques for studying the social
structure of nomads using archaeological data. Among new problems which are actively
discussed now are peculiarities in gender inequality, age ranks in the context of the Indo-
Aryan and Eurasian models of nomadic social structure, spatial analysis of cemeteries,
family-clan structure, ranking of elite, criteria of professional groups (soldiers, cattle-bre¬
eders, priests etc.), reflection of ideology in funeral rites, the number of social groups, and
issue of the equation of groups of similar burials with nomadic social ranks.
In Chapter
the general archaeological problem of reconstructing social structure using burial data.
First they discuss common approaches to the study of social structure. The functional
approach interprets society as a totality of roles important for a group. The conflict ap¬
proach assumes differential access to resources and stratification. The authors discuss other
conceptualizations, especially,
ogy. As a methodology for studying of social stratification using archaeological sources,
one can begin with an assumption according to which the degree of power is defined
by control over energy sources (productive resources, spoils, commodity turnover, etc.),
energy accumulators (warehouses, for nomads
and control over the redistribution of energetic flows (Adams
305
higher an
to the grave. However, very many of the so-called royal burials of ancient civilizations and
cultures were pillaged. Nevertheless, one can agree with those researchers who believe that
such criteria as the amount of labor inputs in the building of burial structures correlates,
as a rule, with the rank of the deceased and his power during life, and thus can be used
to reconstruct archaic social structure.
The study procedure assumes that one must perform a number of consecutive
operations:
1.
tors, entering information into the computer data base (for this purpose, a specialized
program).
2.
3.
4.
burials.
5.
6.
uncertain burials.
7.
categories of grave goods.
8.
To identify the indicators significant for age-sex and social groups, factor analysis
was used. For isolation of social groups within homogeneous sex-age sets, cluster analysis
was applied.
In Chapter
River during the Bronze Age, the 12th to 9th centuries B.C. Using osteological collections
and ethnographic parallels, he has reconstructed the economy of the ancient population,
which was occupied with cattle-breeding and, to a lesser degree, hunting and fishing This
was a group of
35
and women achieved an age of more than
was noted at the ages below
not pronounced. As for things, a division into richer, intermediate, and poorer burials of
men, women and children can be traced, but differences are not great.
In Chapter
period in the Altai mountains. This period consists of two cultural traditions
(end of the IX century
third of the VI-II centuries B.C. The Pazyryksky culture is well known in archaeology from
excavations of elite burial mounds. Because of the permafrost, not only a great many things
such as fabrics and wood, but also mummies of ancient people, have remained intact.
The basis for population ranking was age-sex structure. Vertical hierarchy was based
on property, social, occupational, and other differentiations. In this case if, during the Early
Scythian period, a weak differentiation of the above structures is observed, then during
Pazyryksky times, the hierarchy was already more pronounced, which was also reflected in
the nomads funeral rites. The authors prepared the computer data base of the Pazyryksky
culture on the basis of
study of differences between sexes and ages as well as differences within these general
306
aggregates. The main criteria for a division into groups were size of the funeral construc¬
tion, peculiarities of burials, grave goods, and burial of a horse. As a result, Dashkovsky
and Tishkin have identified
believe that this means a complex stratification in the Altai society. The rich burial mounds
of elite confirm it.
A strong militarization is characteristic of the Pazyryksky culture. Most burials have a
weapon. It is suggested that in this society there was a tendency to form a group of profes¬
sional soldiers making up an armed force. The share of burials of men-at-arms is about
30%
through a level of complex chiefdoms and was on the path to the early state.
In Chapter
based on the conclusions of her book published several years ago
is the most detailed study of Scythians since the well-known book by A.M. Khazanov
(Хазанов
that about
century B.C., population of this area had reached
ists
century B.C., the Scythians began to be occupied with semi-nomadic cattle-breeding and
farming, and the settled way of life appeared. Agriculture products were only used within
the society. Among the Scythians, a handicraft developed that was inferior in technology
to the handicrafts of agricultural peoples of eastern Europe. Trade communications were
established with Greek settlements. The nomads supplied slaves to the Greeks, receiving
gold in exchange. Gavrilyuk attempts to determine the value in Greek money of the con¬
struction of one Scythian tsar s burial mound. It was about
or
two or three raids. These costs are equivalent to those for the construction of one average
house or one not especially rich temple in Athens.
In Chapter
of the Bulan-Kobinsky culture in the Altai mountains. This period has been referred to
in Eurasia as the Hun and Sarmatian epoch, from the
A.D.
in this cultural tradition have only in part reflected the age differentiation of the dead
but have not reflected the sexual dimension. The sizes of these structures have also not
allowed us to determine the social and property statuses of the deceased. Such indicators
as the accompanying burials of horses and food (meat) have also reflected mainly sex
and age differentiations.
The main indication of the sex-age, occupational, and rank differentiation of popu¬
lation was the accompanying grave goods. A bow and arrows accompanies most burials
of men of all ages. However, armor and swords are not found in the burials of youths, in
which fighting knives and daggers are also encountered more rarely. These differences
demonstrate the personal military services of the deceased. In the burials of elderly, some
reduction in the quantity of arms is seen, and armor is absent. In the women s burials,
variation in the quantity of ornaments is observed. One can identify five groups char¬
acterized by different quantities of ornaments. However, a belt is also a status factor. A
significant association between household artifacts, implements, and ceramics and social
rank has been not possible to trace. These artifacts reflected a division of labor between
307
the sexes. Examining the correlations among burial indicators, Matrenin and Tishkin have
identified three social groups in the burials of men, women, and children.
In Chapter
century B.C.
paper of
At first, she divided all burials into four stages. Then she studied burials that had not been
robbed and found the indicators characteristic of groups of men, women, and children,
and also different ages. It turns out that elders had higher status. This makes itself evident
in the richness of grave goods and layout of burials. There was an inequality between men
and women. In the early period, women were more rarely buried at the centre of burial
mounds than men. Burials of the elder men were much more often found at the centers
of mounds. However, older women had an important status roles in society.
Matveyeva has revealed several groups in each age-sex aggregate. Deviations from
the average statistical sizes of burials and things in a burial were used as criteria. She
identified
the number of groups was
of
moner class or ordinary people and poor categories (in all, about
categories (about
the population. Beginning from the middle-Sargat period, arms are found predominantly
in the burials of young men
Matveyeva believes that this population had created a complex political hierarchy
that was close to the nomadic Hsiung-nu empire in its level of complexity. However, these
nomads used mainly remote methods of exploitation of their neighbors
and trade. They had no towns, written language, or bureaucracy. Therefore, this society
was only a pre-state one.
In Chapter
the Hsiung-nu culture from the territory of Buryatia (for details, see the summary
Данилов, Коновалов
one. It was tribal confederation in terms of internal relations, and also was a conqueror
xenocratic nomadic state formation to the other nations and peoples. The social structure
of Hsiung-nu had many hierarchical levels. The highest level of the social pyramid was
occupied by the Shan-yu and his relatives (Luan-ti clan). The representatives of other
noble clans, tribal chiefs, and service nobility ranked next. This was followed by the most
massive social group
tom of the social pyramid were different categories not possessing rights: impoverished
nomads, semi-vassal settled people, captives-tributaries engaged in agriculture and craft
production, and possibly, slaves (for details see: Kradin
For analysis, the authors have selected materials from the four most extensively
studied cemeteries in the Baikal area: Ilmovaya pad , Cheremukhovaya pad , Dyrestuisky
Kultuk, and Ivolginsky cemetery (in all,
Transbaikal
ranks can be traced in different age-sex and national groups of the society. The richest
burials were concentrated in the Ilmovaya pad cemetery. Here, three ranks are identified
in the burials of both men and women. The men s burials of Cheremukhovaya pad are
combined into several different groups that possibly reflect the nature of their activities
during life. In the female (women s) burials of Cheremukhovaya pad , two groups are
308
revealed. In Dyrestuisky Kultuk cemetery three ranks are identified in the burials of
both men and women. Four hierarchical ranks for men and five for women were identi¬
fied in the Ivolginsky cemetery. A certain differentiation of children s burials into «rich»
and «poor» can be traced (the most pronounced differences were found for Ivolginsky
cemetery, where
a portion of the child burials, including not the poorest ones, was related to sacrifices.
In Chapter
cemetery, 2nd-3rd centuries AD, in Tuva. He believes that multi-rank social differentia¬
tion is not found here. So-called «poor» burials (or burials without goods) are entirely
absent. Groups of soldiers are also identified. The study of burials planigraphy suggests
burials of related groups. Savinov constructs a taxonomy of the hierarchical levels of these
related groups: large mounds-cemeteries
5-10
cemeteries
the time being, one cannot understand the place in the social system of single burial
mounds representing, most likely, the burials of persons occupying, for one reason or
another, special places in the social hierarchy (or not being members of this group).
In Chapter
pre-Turkic times in eastern Altai. Here,
Chapter, data from
and
the sizes of funeral structures, depths of graves, and artifacts. Most graves of women
were richer than those of men. The authors explain this by the fact that local men were
vassals and performed military service in foreign countries. The functions concerning
housekeeping and protection of territory and herds were given to the female population.
Study of the cemetery demography shows that the number of people living at one time
in Kok-Pash did not exceed
which women had the main roles.
In Chapter
studying the structure of nine societies of early nomads. The social structure of any so¬
ciety can be described from the viewpoint of both functional and conflict theory. Social
space can be considered both in the horizontal (family, clan, tribal relations) plane and
in the vertical (ranks, statuses) one. Second, when studying statuses, it is important to
distinguish criteria of rank and power. Third, the reflection of social structure in material
artifacts is determined through middle-range theory building
Tainter
In this, it is necessary to consider an effort-expenditure principle, authority symbols, and
planigraphy of burials. Of great importance are the nature of the sample, examination
of palaeodemography, and mortality. Our interest is also with the matter of how the
number of ranks can suggest what type of society have we
other alternative formation.
309
|
| adam_txt |
СОДЕРЖАНИЕ
Введение. Я.Я. Крадин,
Introduction by
Глава
в археологии. С.А. Васютин,
Chapter I. Reconstruction of Social Structure
of Early Nomads in Archeology by N.N.Kradin, A.A.Tishkin, S.A.Vasjutin
Глава
в археологии. -С.А. Васютин,
Chapter
Structures in Archeology by A.V.Korotaev, N.N.Kradin, A.A.Tishkin, S.A.Vasjutin
Глава
методики и реконструкции. С.С. Тихонов
Chapter
in XII-IX Centuries AD: Methods and Reconstruction by
Глава
Chapter
Глава
Chapter
Глава
Chapter
Глава
C.C.
Chapter
in the Mountain Altai by
Глава
H.H.
Chapter
byN.N. Kradin,
Глава
Chapter
Глава
С.А. Васютин,
Chapter
in Pre-Turkic Time by
Глава
структуры ранних кочевников.
Chapter
of Early Nomads Structure by
Авторский коллектив.
Список литературы
Summary
5
SUMMARY
Tl
:
this book is devoted to reconstructing the social structure of
archaic society using funeral rites. The authors consider this
question using the example of the early nomads of Eurasia.
Why these peoples? First, a large volume of data concerning the early nomads has been
accumulated. Second, the nomads' social organization has been well studied and we can
carry out cross-cultural investigations of early and later nomads. Third, there is already
a substantial experience in the reconstruction of early nomadic social structure. All of
this has lent a certain optimism and hopes for the realization of a project whose results
would be anticipated by the archaeological community and would ultimately be reflected
in subsequent studies at different levels.
It is necessary to say a few words about the term early nomad, which has appeared
within the framework of the Soviet historical school. It was often used as an original
analogue in the scheme of five modes of production. Now it is clear that such a division
was artificial, because in reality, the similarities between ancient and medieval nomads is
greater than the differences between them. However, we still use the term early nomads.
It is handy for designating the nomadic societies of specified historical periods
case, a period from the formation of nomadism to the mid- First millennium
be used as a synonym of the term ancient nomads. At the same time, we do not perceive
the nomadic world as a something that was, in principle, frozen and not subject to any
technological, social-economic, or cultural change. Indeed, the early nomads were not
acquainted, for example, with stirrups, rigid saddles, saber cavalry with heavy armament,
world-wide religions, etc. As early as end of the epoch of Antiquity, qualitatively important
advances appear, the steppe empires are established, and essential changes occur. The
Middle Ages demonstrate simply a different period in the history of nomadism.
In Chapter
concerning the interpretation of the social structure of early Eurasia nomads. For the most
part, they consider the works of Soviet and post-Soviet researchers, as these scholars have
made the greatest contribution to discussion of this subject. The authors identify three
stages in the development of social reconstructions in early Eurasian nomad archaeology.
In the
of excavation were basically used as lifelike pictures to illustrate the ancient chronicles,
or abstract, Marxist sociological patterns of the slave-holding mode of production in
antiquity and nomadic feudalism in the Middle Ages.
304
Beginning in the mid-
archaeological sites were made from the Black-Sea Scythia to Transbaikalia. A concep¬
tion of early nomadism developed. The most significant works in the field of social
reconstructions were written by M.P. Gryaznov,
and Yu.N. Grakov. Particular emphasis was placed on the criteria of social stratification,
including
inputs for erection of a burial mound. Researchers became aware o£the importance of
planigraphical analysis. During these years, a conception of
ordinary, and poor nomads
From the
the Soviet archaeology. One of them was social archaeology. The archaeologist from
Leningrad/St-Petersburg
social archaeology was made by the American New Archaeology of L. Binford. Masson
more actively introduced the use of such criterion as volume of labor inputs. The con¬
sensus was gradually formed that feudalism was not an obligatory stage in the evolution
of nomadism. The social archaeologists arrived at the conclusion that in the empires of
early nomads, the number of social ranks was more than three. With the development
of computers, the social archaeologists began to use statistical methods. Several schools
of statistical studies of nomads'
(G.A. Fedorov-Davydov, G.E. Afanasyev, M.G. Moshkova)
study included a number of successive operations
ranks based on volume of labor inputs per burial and accompanying grave goods, spatial
investigation of cemeteries, comparison of poor and rich cemeteries, and reconstruction
of the social organization of the nomadic society.
After the USSR collapse and rejection of the Marxist paradigm in archaeology, new
ideas came from Western anthropology
lizational, and world-system approaches. As the Scythian subjects proved to be mainly in
the sphere of attention of Ukrainian archaeologists, the cultures of Altai and Siberia became
the basic range for modern Russian social archaeology. The practical experience of modern
Russian social archaeology allows us to create complex techniques for studying the social
structure of nomads using archaeological data. Among new problems which are actively
discussed now are peculiarities in gender inequality, age ranks in the context of the Indo-
Aryan and Eurasian models of nomadic social structure, spatial analysis of cemeteries,
family-clan structure, ranking of elite, criteria of professional groups (soldiers, cattle-bre¬
eders, priests etc.), reflection of ideology in funeral rites, the number of social groups, and
issue of the equation of groups of similar burials with nomadic social ranks.
In Chapter
the general archaeological problem of reconstructing social structure using burial data.
First they discuss common approaches to the study of social structure. The functional
approach interprets society as a totality of roles important for a group. The conflict ap¬
proach assumes differential access to resources and stratification. The authors discuss other
conceptualizations, especially,
ogy. As a methodology for studying of social stratification using archaeological sources,
one can begin with an assumption according to which the degree of power is defined
by control over energy sources (productive resources, spoils, commodity turnover, etc.),
energy accumulators (warehouses, for nomads
and control over the redistribution of energetic flows (Adams
305
higher an
to the grave. However, very many of the so-called royal burials of ancient civilizations and
cultures were pillaged. Nevertheless, one can agree with those researchers who believe that
such criteria as the amount of labor inputs in the building of burial structures correlates,
as a rule, with the rank of the deceased and his power during life, and thus can be used
to reconstruct archaic social structure.
The study procedure assumes that one must perform a number of consecutive
operations:
1.
tors, entering information into the computer data base (for this purpose, a specialized
program).
2.
3.
4.
burials.
5.
6.
uncertain burials.
7.
categories of grave goods.
8.
To identify the indicators significant for age-sex and social groups, factor analysis
was used. For isolation of social groups within homogeneous sex-age sets, cluster analysis
was applied.
In Chapter
River during the Bronze Age, the 12th to 9th centuries B.C. Using osteological collections
and ethnographic parallels, he has reconstructed the economy of the ancient population,
which was occupied with cattle-breeding and, to a lesser degree, hunting and fishing This
was a group of
35
and women achieved an age of more than
was noted at the ages below
not pronounced. As for things, a division into richer, intermediate, and poorer burials of
men, women and children can be traced, but differences are not great.
In Chapter
period in the Altai mountains. This period consists of two cultural traditions
(end of the IX century
third of the VI-II centuries B.C. The Pazyryksky culture is well known in archaeology from
excavations of elite burial mounds. Because of the permafrost, not only a great many things
such as fabrics and wood, but also mummies of ancient people, have remained intact.
The basis for population ranking was age-sex structure. Vertical hierarchy was based
on property, social, occupational, and other differentiations. In this case if, during the Early
Scythian period, a weak differentiation of the above structures is observed, then during
Pazyryksky times, the hierarchy was already more pronounced, which was also reflected in
the nomads' funeral rites. The authors prepared the computer data base of the Pazyryksky
culture on the basis of
study of differences between sexes and ages as well as differences within these general
306
aggregates. The main criteria for a division into groups were size of the funeral construc¬
tion, peculiarities of burials, grave goods, and burial of a horse. As a result, Dashkovsky
and Tishkin have identified
believe that this means a complex stratification in the Altai society. The rich burial mounds
of elite confirm it.
A strong militarization is characteristic of the Pazyryksky culture. Most burials have a
weapon. It is suggested that in this society there was a tendency to form a group of profes¬
sional soldiers making up an armed force. The share of burials of men-at-arms is about
30%
through a level of complex chiefdoms and was on the path to the early state.
In Chapter
based on the conclusions of her book published several years ago
is the most detailed study of Scythians since the well-known book by A.M. Khazanov
(Хазанов
that about
century B.C., population of this area had reached
ists
century B.C., the Scythians began to be occupied with semi-nomadic cattle-breeding and
farming, and the settled way of life appeared. Agriculture products were only used within
the society. Among the Scythians, a handicraft developed that was inferior in technology
to the handicrafts of agricultural peoples of eastern Europe. Trade communications were
established with Greek settlements. The nomads supplied slaves to the Greeks, receiving
gold in exchange. Gavrilyuk attempts to determine the value in Greek money of the con¬
struction of one Scythian tsar's burial mound. It was about
or
two or three raids. These costs are equivalent to those for the construction of one average
house or one not especially rich temple in Athens.
In Chapter
of the Bulan-Kobinsky culture in the Altai mountains. This period has been referred to
in Eurasia as the Hun and Sarmatian epoch, from the
A.D.
in this cultural tradition have only in part reflected the age differentiation of the dead
but have not reflected the sexual dimension. The sizes of these structures have also not
allowed us to determine the social and property statuses of the deceased. Such indicators
as the accompanying burials of horses and food (meat) have also reflected mainly sex
and age differentiations.
The main indication of the sex-age, occupational, and rank differentiation of popu¬
lation was the accompanying grave goods. A bow and arrows accompanies most burials
of men of all ages. However, armor and swords are not found in the burials of youths, in
which fighting knives and daggers are also encountered more rarely. These differences
demonstrate the personal military services of the deceased. In the burials of elderly, some
reduction in the quantity of arms is seen, and armor is absent. In the women's burials,
variation in the quantity of ornaments is observed. One can identify five groups char¬
acterized by different quantities of ornaments. However, a belt is also a status factor. A
significant association between household artifacts, implements, and ceramics and social
rank has been not possible to trace. These artifacts reflected a division of labor between
307
the sexes. Examining the correlations among burial indicators, Matrenin and Tishkin have
identified three social groups in the burials of men, women, and children.
In Chapter
century B.C.
paper of
At first, she divided all burials into four stages. Then she studied burials that had not been
robbed and found the indicators characteristic of groups of men, women, and children,
and also different ages. It turns out that elders had higher status. This makes itself evident
in the richness of grave goods and layout of burials. There was an inequality between men
and women. In the early period, women were more rarely buried at the centre of burial
mounds than men. Burials of the elder men were much more often found at the centers
of mounds. However, older women had an important status roles in society.
Matveyeva has revealed several groups in each age-sex aggregate. Deviations from
the average statistical sizes of burials and things in a burial were used as criteria. She
identified
the number of groups was
of
moner class or ordinary people and poor categories (in all, about
categories (about
the population. Beginning from the middle-Sargat period, arms are found predominantly
in the burials of young men
Matveyeva believes that this population had created a complex political hierarchy
that was close to the nomadic Hsiung-nu empire in its level of complexity. However, these
nomads used mainly remote methods of exploitation of their neighbors
and trade. They had no towns, written language, or bureaucracy. Therefore, this society
was only a pre-state one.
In Chapter
the Hsiung-nu culture from the territory of Buryatia (for details, see the summary
Данилов, Коновалов
one. It was tribal confederation in terms of internal relations, and also was a conqueror
xenocratic nomadic state formation to the other nations and peoples. The social structure
of Hsiung-nu had many hierarchical levels. The highest level of the social pyramid was
occupied by the Shan-yu and his relatives (Luan-ti clan). The representatives of other
noble clans, tribal chiefs, and service nobility ranked next. This was followed by the most
massive social group
tom of the social pyramid were different categories not possessing rights: impoverished
nomads, semi-vassal settled people, captives-tributaries engaged in agriculture and craft
production, and possibly, slaves (for details see: Kradin
For analysis, the authors have selected materials from the four most extensively
studied cemeteries in the Baikal area: Ilmovaya pad', Cheremukhovaya pad', Dyrestuisky
Kultuk, and Ivolginsky cemetery (in all,
Transbaikal
ranks can be traced in different age-sex and national groups of the society. The richest
burials were concentrated in the Ilmovaya pad' cemetery. Here, three ranks are identified
in the burials of both men and women. The men's burials of Cheremukhovaya pad' are
combined into several different groups that possibly reflect the nature of their activities
during life. In the female (women's) burials of Cheremukhovaya pad', two groups are
308
revealed. In Dyrestuisky Kultuk cemetery three ranks are identified in the burials of
both men and women. Four hierarchical ranks for men and five for women were identi¬
fied in the Ivolginsky cemetery. A certain differentiation of children's burials into «rich»
and «poor» can be traced (the most pronounced differences were found for Ivolginsky
cemetery, where
a portion of the child burials, including not the poorest ones, was related to sacrifices.
In Chapter
cemetery, 2nd-3rd centuries AD, in Tuva. He believes that multi-rank social differentia¬
tion is not found here. So-called «poor» burials (or burials without goods) are entirely
absent. Groups of soldiers are also identified. The study of burials planigraphy suggests
burials of related groups. Savinov constructs a taxonomy of the hierarchical levels of these
related groups: large mounds-cemeteries
5-10
cemeteries
the time being, one cannot understand the place in the social system of single burial
mounds representing, most likely, the burials of persons occupying, for one reason or
another, special places in the social hierarchy (or not being members of this group).
In Chapter
pre-Turkic times in eastern Altai. Here,
Chapter, data from
and
the sizes of funeral structures, depths of graves, and artifacts. Most graves of women
were richer than those of men. The authors explain this by the fact that local men were
vassals and performed military service in foreign countries. The functions concerning
housekeeping and protection of territory and herds were given to the female population.
Study of the cemetery demography shows that the number of people living at one time
in Kok-Pash did not exceed
which women had the main roles.
In Chapter
studying the structure of nine societies of early nomads. The social structure of any so¬
ciety can be described from the viewpoint of both functional and conflict theory. Social
space can be considered both in the horizontal (family, clan, tribal relations) plane and
in the vertical (ranks, statuses) one. Second, when studying statuses, it is important to
distinguish criteria of rank and power. Third, the reflection of social structure in material
artifacts is determined through middle-range theory building
Tainter
In this, it is necessary to consider an effort-expenditure principle, authority symbols, and
planigraphy of burials. Of great importance are the nature of the sample, examination
of palaeodemography, and mortality. Our interest is also with the matter of how the
number of ranks can suggest what type of society have we
other alternative formation.
309 |
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| era | Geschichte 1200 v. Chr.-200 v. Chr. gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1200 v. Chr.-200 v. Chr. |
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| geographic | Sibirien (DE-588)4054780-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Sibirien |
| id | DE-604.BV021815103 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-02T15:52:12Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-09T20:45:16Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 5803803340 |
| language | Russian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-015027326 |
| oclc_num | 162215596 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 311 S. |
| publishDate | 2005 |
| publishDateSearch | 2005 |
| publishDateSort | 2005 |
| publisher | Izdat. Irkutskogo Gosudarstvennogo Techničeskogo Univ. |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Mežregionalʹnye issledovanija v obščestvennych naukach |
| spelling | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia [pod red. N. N. Kradina ...] Social structure of early normads in Eurasia Irkutsk Izdat. Irkutskogo Gosudarstvennogo Techničeskogo Univ. 2005 311 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Mežregionalʹnye issledovanija v obščestvennych naukach In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1200 v. Chr.-200 v. Chr. gnd rswk-swf Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 gnd rswk-swf Sozialstruktur (DE-588)4055898-8 gnd rswk-swf Sibirien (DE-588)4054780-2 gnd rswk-swf Sibirien (DE-588)4054780-2 g Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 s Sozialstruktur (DE-588)4055898-8 s Geschichte 1200 v. Chr.-200 v. Chr. z DE-604 Kradin, Nikolaj Nikolaevič 1962- Sonstige (DE-588)1071241303 oth Digitalisierung BSBMuenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015027326&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015027326&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 gnd Sozialstruktur (DE-588)4055898-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4042452-2 (DE-588)4055898-8 (DE-588)4054780-2 |
| title | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia |
| title_alt | Social structure of early normads in Eurasia |
| title_auth | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia |
| title_exact_search | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia |
| title_full | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia [pod red. N. N. Kradina ...] |
| title_fullStr | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia [pod red. N. N. Kradina ...] |
| title_full_unstemmed | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia [pod red. N. N. Kradina ...] |
| title_short | Socialʹnaja struktura rannich kočevnikov Evrazii |
| title_sort | socialʹnaja struktura rannich kocevnikov evrazii monografija social structure of early normads in eurasia |
| title_sub | monografija = Social structure of early normads in Eurasia |
| topic | Nomade (DE-588)4042452-2 gnd Sozialstruktur (DE-588)4055898-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Nomade Sozialstruktur Sibirien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015027326&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=015027326&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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